^^^ .^'

r< inple of Oh-mpmn Jove.

HISTORY OF GREECE,

FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE ROMAN CONQUEST.

WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTERS ON THE HISTORY OF
LITERATURE AND ART.

BY WILLIAM S^IITH, LL.D.,

Editor of the Dictionaries of " Greek and Roman Antiquities," " Biography tuai Mythology,''
and " Geography."

REVISED, WITH AN APPENDIX,

BY GEORGE W. GREENE, A.M.

fiUustrateU fig ®ne JSguntireti Hnflrabmjjs on ffl?^ootr.

NEW YORK:

HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHER
185 5.

^^'^

^^■'

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by

HARPER & BROTHERS,
In tlie Clerk's Office for the Southern District of ISTew York.

By E?7cbangre

Army a„c) K, ,^ ^^

May 27, 1SI9

PREFACE

BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR

No history is so full of instruction as that of Greece, and
there is none whose lessons have been more uniformly perverted.
Gillies treated it as an exposition of the " mcurable evils inhe-
rent in every form of republican policy," and dedicated his
w^ork to the King. Mitford wrote from a point of view so
purely English, that, with all his learning and industry, he was
never able to imderstand the distinction between a republican
and a demagogue. We have all been taught that the condem-
nation of Miltiades was a flagrant instance of republican in.
gratitude ; that the Athenian democracy was fickle, and cow-
ardly, and mean ; and that the happy days of Greece were those
transient pauses which followed the concentration of power in
the hands of an oligarchy or a tyrant.

Now, if there be any value in history, it must consist in the
truthful record of man's tendency to grow wiser and better, or
more ignorant and more wicked, under particular forms of gov-
ernment, and in certain modes of existence. If " every form of
repubHcan poUcy" be tainted by incurable evils, it is very im-
portant that we should know it, and prepare ourselves in time
for the inevitable development of them. If the experience of
other nations has brought any thing to light which can be ap-

vi PREF>^ , ;^ BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR.

plied to our own case, it is our duty to study it carefully, and
do our best to turn it to account. The past has a claim upon
us for just and conscientious appreciation. It is as wicked as
it is vain to attempt to sever the ties which bind us to the old
world and make the civilization of elder days an important
element in our ovm. And as every vice sooner or later brings
its own chastisement, the people which shuts its eyes wilfully
to the teachings of history, will sooner or later find that, even
in its hardest struggles, it has been treading a path in which
almost all the dangers had been revealed long before.

If we would read these lessons aright, we must come to the
study of the past with candid and fearless minds ; ready to accept
whatever it really tells tis ; and earnest only in searching out the
true meaning of its revelations. This alone can make the study
of history fruitful, and bring out that earnestness, sincerity, can-
dour, and toleration, which are as essential to the healthy develop-
ment of nations as of individuals.

It is aU the more to be regretted that Grecian, history has
been so sadly distorted, as it necessarily lies at the basis of our
historical studies. Greek civihzation is the first of the civiliza-
tions of the old world with which we still have an active and
enduring sympathy. The elder empires of Asia are subjects of
deep interest to the professed scholar ; Egypt is full of strange
revelations of character and power ; but Greece is the only
country which still continues to exercise a direct and healthy
influence upon the development of the mind in every depart-
ment of thought and taste. Every now and then, it is true,
we are startled by the apparition of some new Homer, or De-
mosthenes, or Phidias : but long before their generation has
passed away, the world is glad to fall back again upon the old
ones. When Canova began his reform in sculpture, he went
back to the antique with the simplicity and devotion of a child ;
and the result was the modern school, the most brilliant since

PREFACE BY THE AJMERICAN EDITOR. vii

the brilliant days of G-reece. And yet I have often heard its
greatest master say, that he never could look at an ancient
statue v^^ithout feeling that there was something in it which
neither he, nor Canova, nor any modern of them all, had ever
reached.

It has often been said that half the disputes between philoso-
phers arise from the want of accurate definitions : and the word
progress is a striking illustration of the truth of this saying.
For the greater part of mankind it means nothing but move-
ment ; a change of position, without any definite starting-point
or goal : any thing, in short, to gratify the feverish love of
novelty and that impatience of delay, which are the real incen-
tives of more than half we do. But progress implies move-
ment from a fixed point to one still higher ; a movement wliich
shall be in itself the preparation for something higher and bet-
ter still. There is but one way of finding that starting-point,
and that is by a thorough and conscientious study of the
past.

The reform in the study of Grecian history began in Germany,
and Mr. Bancroft rendered a real service to his countrymen when
he published his translation of Heeren's " Politics of Ancient
Greece." Thirlwall's work was a great improvement upon every
thing that had preceded it, both in the conception of the subject
and in the exposition of it. But Grote, with his vast learning,
his sound philosophy, his grasp of mind, and his republican con-
victions, was eminently fitted to be the historian of Greece.
The present volume, though not without pretensions to original
investigation, is mainly based upon Grote, whose enlarged views
will generally be found to be happily reflected in its pages.
Its author is well known by previous publications, which had
won him the reputation of an accurate, diligent, and profound
scholar. He may now justly lay claim to the additional one
of a pleasing, graceful, and classic writer.

viii PREFACE BY THE A^IERICAN EDITOR.

In preparing an edition for American schools and readers, I
have not felt at hberty to make any changes in the text ; which,
with the exception of a few of those slips of the pen from which
no work is altogether free, will be found to correspond word for
word with the original publication. What I felt to be neces-
sary for the American student I have thrown into an Ap-
pendix ; and the suggestions on the following page contain an
outline of the manner in which, I believe, it can be studied
with most pleasure and profit both to the teacher and his
pupil.

GEO. W. GREENE.

Ni:w York. Mni/ 5, 1854,

SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHERS.

I HAVE already remarked that this work is equally adapted to the private
student and the school or college class-room. To those who use it as a text-
book, the following suggestions may not be unwelcome.

The historical course in our public institutions is thus far so imperfect,
that it is safer to take it for granted that the student on opening this volume
gets his first glance at Grecian history. Now it is very important that this
glance should be accompanied by a definite conception of the space which
that history fills both in territory and in time ; and it is for this purpose that
I have added Heeren's clear and comprehensive geographical summary, and
drawn up the synchronitic tables in the Appendix. The first should be studied
with the map ; the second by itself; and both repeated, even after the nar-
rative has been begun, until the geography and general chronology of Greece
have become as familiar as the boundaries of the States and the names of the
Presidents. During the whole of this stage of the study the black-board
may be used with great advantage.

The student now begins with a firm basis. The first course may be made
rapidly, and in the form of narration. It will give him a clear and compre-
hensive view of the subject ; and, in connection with the geography and
chronology, make a distinct and definite impression upon his mind.

The second course should be one of thorough detail ; combining narration
and questions. The summaries at the head of each chapter will be found to
answer the purpose of regular examination questions ; and the substance of
each section should be narrated, leaving the teacher to ask additional ques-
tions whenever the subject, or any omission in the narrative, requires it.
Half the advantage of the study is lost where every thing is put down in the
form of question, instead of requiring the scholar to select the circumstances
for himself, and express them in his own language.

Take, for example, the first chapter cf the first book. A scholar is called
upon to recite :

Q. What is the general subject of this chapter?

A. The earliest inhabitants of Greece.

Q. To what age of Grecian history does this question belong ?

A. To the Mythical.

Q. What are the subjects of the first three sections ?

A. 1. The legendary character of early Grecian history.

2. Legends of the Greeks respecting their origin.

3. The Hellenes and their diffusion in Greece.

Now call upon him to give in his own language, but in a proper order, the
substance of these three sections. And if you are not satisfied with his nar-
ration, question him minutely upon the parts where he has failed.

The third course should be guided by the general questions (pp. 633, 634),
which may be answered orally, on the black-board, and in the form of regular
written exercises.

X SUGGESTIONS TO TEACHEES.

During the second and third courses, written weekly exercises should be
required upon given subjects : the characters of individuals ; the nature of
particular events ; parallels between eminent men ; particular systems of pol-
icy, and an infinity of other questions, which will readily suggest themselves
to every competent instructor. In preparing these, the student should be re-
quired to consult other writers : Grote, Thirlwall, Heeren, Wachsmuth, etc.,
and justify every assertion by exact references.

Take an example. The condemnation of Miltiades has been a standiiig
reproach upon the Athenian democracy, and through that upon democracy it-
self Is this just?

Let the student give first a brief statement of the facts. Let him compare
various authorities, beginning with Cornelius Nepos, and weighing carefully
Gillies, Mitford, Thirlwall, and Grote. Let him see, too, whether the ques-
tion has not been reduced to its true form by Machiavelli in the passage cited
by Grote in his notes. A single exercise like this will do more for him as a
thinker and a writer, than three months of ordinary composition.

But this is very slow work. It may seem so. It may keep you longer i.t
school ; but it will send you into the world with knowledge and habits th»u
will stick by you through life.

PREFACE.

The following work is intended principally for schools. It was
commenced several years ago, at a time when the Grecian his-
tories used in schools were either the superficial and inaccurate
compilations of Goldsmith and older writers, or the meagre
abridgments of more recent scholars, in which the facts were
presented in so brief a manner as to leave hardly any recollec-
tion of them in the minds of the readers. Since that time one
or two school histories of Greece of a superior kind have ap-
peared, but they have not been vinritten from the same point of
view which I had proposed to myself; and in the best of them
the history of literature and art, as well as several other sub-
jects wliich seemed to me of importance, have been almost
entirely omitted. I have therefore seen no reason to abandon
my original design, which now requires a few words of expla-
nation.

My object has been to give the youthful reader as vivid a
picture of the main facts of Grecian history, and of the leading
characteristics of the political institutions, Uterature, and art of
the people, as could be comprised within the limits of a volume
of moderate size. With this view I have omitted entirely, or
dismissed in a few paragraphs, many circumstances recorded
in similar works, and have thus gained space for narrating at
length the more important events, and for bringing out promi-
nently the characters and lives of the great men of the nation.
It is only in this way that a school history can be made in-
structive and interesting, since a brief and tedious enumeration

A

3jii PREFACE.

of every event, wkether great or small, important or unimpor-
tant, confuses the reader and leaves no permanent impression
upon his memory. Considerable space has been given to the
history of literature and art, since they form the most durable evi-
dences of a nation's growth in civilization and in social progress.
A knowledge of these subjects is of far more importance to a
pupil at the commencement of his classical studies than an ac-
quaintance with every insignificant battle in the Peloponnesian
war, or with the theories of modem scholars respecting the
early population of Greece ; and as it cannot be expected that a
schoolboy should read special treatises upon Grecian literature
and art, these subjects find their appropriate place in a work
like the present.

It is perhaps hardly necessary to observe that I have availed
myself of the researches of the eminent scholars, both in this
country and in Germany, whose writings have thrown so much
light upon the historj^ of Greece ; but the obligations I am under
to Mr. Grote require a more particular acknowledgment. It is
not too much to say that his work forms as great an epoch in
the study of the liistory of Greece as Niebuhr's has done in the
study of the history of Rome, and that Mr. Grote's contributions
to historical science are some of the most valuable that have
been made within the present generation. As my own studies
have led me over the same ground as Mr. Grote, I have care-
fully weighed liis opinions and tested his statements by a refer-
ence to his authorities ; and in almost all cases I have been
compelled to adopt his conclusions, even where they were m
opposition to generally received opinions and prejudices, as, for
instance, in his views respecting the \egenda.Ty history of Greece,
the legislation of Lycurgus, the object of ostracism, the general
working of the Athenian constitution, and the character of the
Sophists. Indeed it will be admitted by the most competent
judges, that any school history of Greece, which aspires to re-
present the present state of knowledge upon the subject, must
necessarily be founded to a great extent upon Mr. Grote's his-

PREFACE. xiii

tory ; but I have derived such valuable assistance from his re-
searches, that I am anxious to express, in the fullest manner,
the great obligations this work is under to that masterpiece
of historical hterature. In a brief outhne of Grecian history,
original research is of course out of place ; all that can be ex-
pected from the writer is a clear and accurate account of the
most recent results at which the best modern scholars have
arrived ; and in this respect it is hoped that the intelligent
reader will not be disappointed. Of the many other modern
works which I have consulted, it is only necessary to refer to
Colonel Mure's " Critical History of Greek Literature," from
which I have derived valuable assistance in the chapters of the
work devoted to that subject.

As a general rule, references to ancient and modern works
are not given, since they are useless to the pupil and occupy
valuable space, while the scholar will look for the authorities
elsewhere. The illustrations, of which the majority have been
drawn by my friend Mr. George Scharf, consist of maps of
different districts, plans of battles and places, views of public
buildings, works of art and other objects, the representation of
which renders the descriptions in the history more intelligible
and interesting to the reader

"WILLIAM SMITH.

London, Nm-ember, 1853.

Greek and Persian Combatants. From the Frieze of the Temple of Nike Apteros.
(See pp. 216. 391, 392.)

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION. — OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY.

^ 1. The three peninsulas of Southern Europe. ^ 2. Position and boundaries
of Greece. ^3. Size of the country. (J 4. Name. ^5. Northern Greece :
Thessaly and Epirus. ^ 6. Central Greece : its principal divisions and
mountains. () 7. Eastern half of Central Greece : Doris, Phocis, Locris,
Boeotia, Attica, Megaris. ^ 8. Western half of Central Greece: Ozolian
Locris, -^tolia, Acarnania. § 9. Peloponnesus : Arcadia. ^ 10. Achaia,
Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Elis. (} 11. The Grecian Islands. <$> 12. In-
fluence of the physical geography of Greece upon the political destinies of
the people. ^ 13. Likewise upon their intellectual character. ^ 14. Rivers
and chief productions. ^ 15. Climate Page 1

BOOK I.
THE MYTHICAL AGE.

CHAPTER I.

THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS OF GREECE.

^ 1. Legendary character of early Grecian history. ^ 2. Legends of the
Greeks respecting their origin. ($> 3. The Hellenes and their diffusion in
Greece. ^ 4. Connexion of the Hellenes with the Indo-European stem.
§ 5. The Pelasgians. ^ 6. Foreign settlers in Greece. () 7. Egyptian col-
onies of Cecrops and Danaus. ^ 8. Phrygian colony of Pelops. ^ 9. Phoe-
nician colony of Cadmus 11

xvi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER 11.

THE GRECIAN HEROES.

^ 1, Mythical character of the Heroic Age. ^ 2. Hercules. ^ 3. Theseus.
^ 4. Minos. ^ 5. Voyage of the Argonauts. ^ 6. The Seven against
Thebes and the Epigoni. ^ 7. The Trojan War as related in the Iliad.
^8. Later additions. ^9. Return of the Grecian heroes from Troy. ^10.
Date of the fall of Troy. ^ 11. Whether the Heroic legends contain any
historical facts. () 12. The Honaeric poems present a picture of a real
state of society 17

CHAPTER HI.

STATE OP SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE.

^ 1. Political condition of Greece — the Kings. ^ 2. The Boule, or Council
of Chiefs. (J 3. The Agora, or general assembly of freemen, ij 4. The
condition of common freemen and slaves. <$» 5. State of social and moral
feeling. § 6. Simplicity of maimers, ij 7. Advances made in civilization.
^ 8. Commerce and the arts. ^ 9. The physical sciences, i) 10. The art
of w^ar 25

CHAPTER IV.

RETURN OF THE HERACLID^ INTO PELOPONNESUS, AND FOUNDATION OF
THE EARLIEST GREEK COLONIES.

(j 1. The mythical character of the narrative of these events. <^ 2, Migra-
tion of the BcEotians from Thessaly into Boeotia. <J 3. Conquest of Pelo-
ponnesus by the Dorians. (^ 4. The legendary account of this event.
The invasion. ^ 5. The legendary account continued. The division of
Peloponnesus among the conquerors, ij 6. Remarks upon the legendary
account. ^7. Foundation of the Greek colonies in Asia Minor. ^ 8. The
.^olic colonies, i) 9. The Ionic colonies. ^ 10. The Doric colonies.
§ 11. Colonization of Crete by the Dorians. ^ 12. Conclusion of the
Mythical age 31

CHAPTER V.

THE POEMS OF HOMER.

fj 1. Importance of the subject, ij 2. Rise of poetry in Greece. Epic bal-
lads preparatory to the Epopee. ^ 3. The poems of the Epic Cycle, in
which the Iliad and the Odyssey were included. ^ 4. Diversity of opin-
ions respecting the life and date of Homer. ^ 5. Iliad and Odyssey re-
cited to public copipanies by the Rhapsodists. , ^ 6. A standard text of the
poems first formed by Pisistratus. i) 7. Modern controversy respecting
the origin of the Homeric poems. Prolegomena of Wolf ij 8. The Iliad
and the Odyssey were originally not committed to writing, i) 9. They
were preserved by the Rhapsodists. i) 10. They did not consist originally
of separate lays, but were composed by one poet, as is shown by their
poetical unity 39

CONTEXTS. xvii

BOOK II.

GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES.
B.C. 776—500,

CHAPTER VI.

GENERAL SURVEY OP THE GREEK PEOPLE.

^ 1. Nature of the subject. ^ 2. The chief ties which bound the Greeks
together Community of blood and of language. ^ 3. Community of
religipas rites and festivals. ^ 4. The Amphictyonic Council. ^ 5. The
Olympic games. ^ 6. The Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games.
^ 7. The influence of these festivals. ^ 8. Influence of the oracle of
Apollo at Delphi. ^ 9. Community of manners and character. ^ 10.
The independent sovereignty of each city a settled maxim in the Greek
mind 47

CHAPTER VII.

EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS AND LEGISLATION OP LYCURGUS.

§ 1. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. Division of the Peloponne-
sus into the Doric states, Elis, Achaia, and Arcadia. ^ 2. Division of the
Doric states in Peloponnesus. Argos originally the first Doric state,
Sparta second, Messene third. ^ 3. Phidion of Argos. ^ 4. Legislation
of Lycurgus. ^ 5. Life of Lycurgus. ^ 6. The chief object of Lycurgus
in his legislation. ^ 7, Population of Laconia divided into three classes.
Spartans. ^ 8. Perioeci. § 9. Helots. (J 10. Political government of
Sparta. The kings. The senate. The popular assembly. The ephors.
^ 11. Training and education of the Spartan youths and men. ^ 12. Train-
ing of the Spartan women. <J 13. Division of landed property. ^ 14.
Other regulations ascribed to Lycurgus. Iron money. ^ 15. Defensible
position of Sparta. (} 16. Growth of the Spartan power, a consequence
of the discipline of Lycurgus. Conquest of Laconia 56

CHAPTER VIII.

HISTORY OP SPARTA. THE MESSENIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE WARS.

§ 1. Authorities for the history of the Messenian wars, i} 2. The first Mes-
senian war, B.C. 743 — 724. ^ 3. The second Messenian war, B.C. 685 — 668.
Aristomenes, the Messenian hero, and Tyrtaeus, the Spartan hero, of this
war. § 4. Wars between the Spartans and Arcadians. Conquest of the
southern part of Arcadia by Sparta. War between Sparta and Tegea.
^ 5. Wars between the Spartans and Argives. Battle of the three hundred
champions to decide the possession of Cynuria 72

XTiii CONTENTS.

CHAPTER iX.

THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS.

^ 1. Abolition of royalty throughout Greece, except xn Sparta. § 2. Estab-
lishment of the oligarchical governments. ^ 3 Overthrow of the oligar-
chies by the despots. Character of the despots, and causes of their fall.
^ 4. Contest between oligarchy and democracy on the reraoval of the
despots. ^ 5. Despots of Sicyon. History of Clisihenes. () 6. Despots
of Corinth. Historj' of Cypselus and Periander. ^ 7. Confiicts of the
oligarchical and democratical parties at Megara. Despotism of T\ieagenes.
The poet Theognis , . . .79

CHAPTER X.

EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS DOWN TO THE USURPATION OF PISISTRATrrs.

^ 1. Early division of Attica into twelve independent states, said to have
been united by Theseus. ^2. Abolition of royalty. Life archons. De-
cennial archons. Annual archons. <J 3. Twofold division of the Athe-
nians. (1.) Eupatridae, Geomori, Demiurgi. (2.) Four tribes . Geleon-
tes, Hopletes, jEgicores, Argades. ^ 4. Division of the four tribes into
Trittyes and Naucrariae, and into Phratriae and Gentes. <J 5. The gov-
ernment exclusively m the hands of the Eupatridae. The nine archons
and their functions. The Senate of Areopagus. ^ 6. The legislation of
Draco. ^ 7. The conspiracy of Cylon. His failure, and massacre of his
partisans by Megacles, the Alcmaeonid. Expulsion of the Alcmaeonidce.
§ 8. Visit of Epimenides to Athens. His purification of the city. § 9.
Life of Solon. ^ 10. State of Attica at the time of Solon's legislation.
^ 11. Solon elected archon, B.C. 594, with legislative powers. ^ 12. His
Seisachtheia or disburdening ordinance. <^ 13. His constitutional changes.
Division of the people into four classes, according to their property.
^ 14. Institution of the Senate of Four Hundred. Enlargement of the
powers of the Areopagus. The Athenian government continues an oligar-
chy after the time of Solon. <§ 15. the special laws of Solon. <^ 16. The
travels of Solon. ^ 17. Usurpation of Pisistratus. Return and death of
Solon 87

CHAPTER XL

HISTORY OF ATHENS FROM THE USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS TO THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES.

^ 1. Despotism of Pisistratus. His first expulsion and restoration. ^ 2.
His second expulsion and restoration. ^ 3. Government of Pisistratus
after his final restoration to his death, B.C. 527. (J 4. Government of
Hippias and Hipparchus. Conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogiton, and
assassination of Hipparchus, B.C. 514. <^ 5. Sole government of Hippias.
His expulsion by the Alcmaeonidae and the Lacedaemonians, B.C. 510. ^ 6.
Honors paid to Harmodius and Aristogiton. ^ 7. Party struggles at
Athens between Clisthenes and Isagoras. Establishment of the Athenian

CONTENTS. xix

democracy. ^ 8. Reforms of Clisthenes. Institutionof ten new tribes and
of the demes. ^ 9. Increase of the number of the Senate to Five Hundred.
^ 10. Enlargement of the functions and authority of the Senate and the
Ecclesia. i^ 11. Introduction of the judicial functions of the people. In-
stitution of the Ten Strategi or Generals. ^ 12. Ostracism. (J 13. First
attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy.
Invasion of Attica by Cleomenes, followed by his expulsion with that of
Isagoras. § 14. Second attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrovv- the
Athenian democracy. The Lacedaemonians, Thebans, and Chalcidians
attack Attica. The Lacedaemonians deserted by their allies and compelled
to retire. Victories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians,
followed by the planting of 4000 Athenian colonists on the lands of the
Chalcidians. ^ 15. Third attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow
the Athenian democracy, again frustrated by the refusal of the allies to
take part m the enterprise. ^ 16. Growth of Athenian patriotism, a conse-
quence of the reforms of Clisthenes 102

CHAPTER XIL

HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES.

1. Connection of the subject with the general history of Greece. ^ 2. Ori-
gin of the Greek colonies and their relation to the mother-country. ^ 3.
Characteristics common to most of the Greek colonies. ^ 4. The .^olic,
Ionic, and Doric colonies in Asia. Miletus the most important, and the
parent of numerous colonies. Ephesus. Phocasa. ^ 5. Colonies in the
south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cumae. ^ 6. Colonies in Sicily.
Syracuse and Agrigentum the most important. Phalaris despot of Agri-
gentum. ^ 7. Colonies in Magna Grascia (the south of Italy). Sybaris
and Croton. War between these cities, and destruction of Sybaris. ^ 8.
Epizephynan Locri: its lawgiver, Zaleucus. Rhegium. ^9. Tarentum.
Decline of the cities in Magna Graecia. ^ 10. Colonies in Gaul and Spain.
Massalia. ^11. Colonies in Africa. Cyrene. ^12. Colonies in Epirus,
Macedonia, and Thrace. ^ 13. Importance of a knowledge of the history
of the Greek colonies 114

CHAPTER Xm.

HISTORY OF LITERATURE.

^ 1. Perfection of the Greeks in literature. <^ 2. Greek epic poetry divided
into two classes, Homeric and Hesiodic. ^ 3. Poems of Hesiod. ^ 4. \
Origin of Greek lyric poetry. § 5. Archilochus. ^ 6. Simonides of
Amorgos. <J 7. Tyrtaeus and Alcman. ^ 8. Arion and Stesichorus. ^ 9,
Alcaeus and Sappho. ^ 10. Anacreon. ^ 11. The Seven Sages of
Greece. § 12. The Ionic school of philosophy. Thales, Anaximander,
and Anaximenes. ^ 13. The Eleatic school of philosophy. Xenopha-
nes. <§ 14. The Pythagorean school of philosophy. Life of Pythago-
ras. Foundation and suppression of his society in the cities of Magna
Graecia . , , 126

XX CX)NTENTS.

CHAPTER XIV.

HISTORY OF ART.

^ 1. Perfection of Grecian art. $ 2. Origin of Architecture. ^ 3. Cyclopean
■walls. Treasury of Atreus. ^ 4. Architecture of temples. ^ 5. Three
orders of architecture, the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian. «^ 6. Temples of
Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, of Hera (Juno) at Samos, of Apollo at Delphi,
and of Jove at Athens. Remains of temples at Posidonia (Paestum),
Selinus, and JEgma. § 7. Origin of sculpture. Wooden images of the
gods. Sculptured figures on architectural monuments. Lions over the
gate at Mycenae. § 8. Improvements in sculpture in the sixth and fifth
centuries B.C. ^9. Extant specimens of Grecian sculpture. The Selinun-
tine, jEgmetan, and Lycian marbles. <^ 10. History of painting 140

BOOK III.
THE PERSIAN WARS.

B.C. 500—478.

CHAPTER XT.

THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE,

^ 1. Introduction. <!) 2. The Assyrian Empire. ^ 3. The Median Empire.
^ 4. The Babylonian Empire. ^ 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its influ-
ence upon the Asiatic Greeks. <J 6. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by
CrcEsus, king of Lydia. ^7. Foundation of the Persian Empire by Cyrus,
and overthrow of the Median Empire by the latter. § 8. Conquest of the
Lydian Monarchy by Cyrus, i} 9. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks by
Harpagus, the general of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus. ^ 10. Reigns of Cam-
byses and of the false Smerdis. <$» 11. History of Polycrates, despot of
Samos. ^ 12. Accession of Darius, son of Hystaspes. His organization
of the Persian Empire. ^ 13. Invasion of Scythia by Darius. ^ 14. Sub-
jection of Thrace and Macedonia to the Persian Empire 151

CHAPTER XVI.

THE IONIC REVOLT.

§ 1. Introduction. ^ 2. Naxian exiles apply for aid to Aristagoras. ^ 3.
Expedition of Aristagoras and the Persians against Naxos. Its failure.
^ 4. Revolt of Miletus and the other Greek cities of Asia. ^ 5. Aristago-
ras solicits assistance from Sparta and Athens, which is granted by the
latter. ^6. Burning of Sardis by the Athenians and lonians. (J 7. Death
of Aristagoras and Histiasus. ^ 8. Defeat of the Ionian fleet at Lade. ^ 9.
Capture of Miletus and termination of the revolt 163

COjNTEjS-TS. joa

CHAPTER XYII.

THE BATTLiS OF MAKATHON.

() 1. Expedition of Mardonius into Greece. ^ 2. Preparations of Darius for
a second invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leading Grecian states to
demand earth and water. () 3. Invasion of Greece by the Persians under
Datis and Artaphernes. Conquct^tof the Cyclades and Eretria. ^ 4. Pre-
parations at Athens to resist the Persians. History of Miltiades. ^ 5. De-
bate among the ten Athenian Generals. Resolution to give battle to the
Persians. (J 6. Battle of MaratJion. ^ 7. Movements of the Persians after
the battle. ^ 8. EfFecc of the battle of Marathon upon the Athenians.
^ 9. Glory of Mil^ades. ^ 10. His unsuccessful expedition to Paros.
§ 11. His tri?^ condemnation, and death. ^ 12. History of ^gina.
^13. War l-dtween Athens and ^gina. ^ 14. Athens becomes a mari-
time pov'<5r. ^ 15. Rivalry of Themistocles and Aristides. Ostracism of
the la«er 171

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE BATTLES OF THERMOPYL^ AND ARTEMISIUM.

<> I. Death of Darius and accession of Xerxes. ^ 2. Preparations for the
invasion of Greece. ^ 3. A bridge thrown across the Hellespont, and a
canal cut through the isthmus of Mount Athos. ^ 4. Xerxes sets out from
Sardis. Order of the march. ^5. Passage of the Hellespont. ^6. Num-
bering of the army on the plain of Doriscus. ^ 7. Continuation of the
march from Doriscus to Mount Olympus. <§ 8. Preparations of the Greeks
to resist Xerxes. Congress of the Grecian states at the isthmus of Corinth.
§ 9. Patriotism of the Athenians. Resolution of the Greeks to defend the
pass of Tempe, which is afterwards abandoned. ^ 10. Description of the
pass of Thermopylae. ^ 11. Leonidas sent with 300 Spartans and a small
body of Peloponnesians to defend the pass of Thermopylae. ^ 12. Attack
and repulse of the Persians at Thermopylae. § 13. A Persian detachment
cross the mountains by a secret path in order to fall upon the Greeks in
the rear. ^14. Heroic death of Leonidas and his comrades. ^15. Monu-
ments erected to their honour. ^ 16. Proceedings of the Persian and
Grecian fleets. ^ 17. The Persian fleet overtaken by a terrible storm.
() 18. First battle of Artemisium. § 19. Second storm. ^ 20. Second
battle of Artemisium. Retreat of the Grecian fleet to Salamis 185

CHAPTER XIX.

THE BATTLE OP SALAMIS.

1. Results of the battle of Thermopylae. ^ 2. Alarm and flight of the
Athenians. ^ 3. March of the Persians and attempt upon Delphi. ^ 4.
Taking of Athens and arrival of the Persian fleet. ^ 5. Dissensions and
debates of the Greeks. ^6. Stratagem of Themistocles. Arrival of Aris-
tides. ^ 7. Position of the hostile fleets. Preparations for the combat.
^ 8. Battle of Salamis. <J 9. Defeat and flight of Xerxes, ^ 10. Pursuit

xxii CONTENTS.

of the Greeks. § 11. Homeward march of Xerxes. ^ 12. The Greeks
celebrate their victory. ^ 13. Carthaginian expedition to Sicily. Defeat
and death of Hamilcar 201

CHAPTER XX.

BATTLES OF PLat^a AND MYCALE.

^ 1. Position of the Persian and Greek fleets. ^ 2. Preparations of Mar-
donius for the campaign. <J 3. He soUcits the Athenians to join him.
Faithlessness of the Spartans. §4. Mardonius occupies Athens. Athenian
embassy to Sparta. March of the Spartan army. ^ 5. Mardonius retires
into Bceotia : followed by the Grecian army. Skirmishes. ^ 6. The
Greeks descend into the plain. Manoeuvres of the tvvo armies. 6 7. Alex-
ander, king of Macedon, visits the Grecian camp. The Qreeks resolve to
change their ground: their disorderly retreat. <^ 8. Bai^le of Platsea.
Defeat of the Persians. () 9. Division of the spoil. ^ 10. Ksduction of
Thebes, and execution of the Theban leaders. ^ 11. Death of Arisndemus.
() 12. League of Platsea. Religious ceremonies. ^ 13. Battle of Mjcale.
Defeat of the Persians. ^ 14. Liberation of the Greek islands. (} 15.
Siege and capture of Sestos 21*

CHAPTER XXI.

HISTOKY OF LITERATURE.

^ 1. General characteristics. () 2. Simonides. ^ 3. Pindar. <^ 4. Ibycus
and Bacchylides. ^ 5. Rise of history and of composition in prose. ^ 6.
Hecataeus, Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus. § 7. Herodotus. <J 8.
Character of his work. Analysis. <J 9. Predilection of Herodotus for
Athens. (} 10. Style of his work 229

BOOK IV.

THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE

PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

B.C. 407—404.

CHAPTER XXn.

FROM THE EXPULSION OF THE PERSIANS TO THE DEATH OF
THEMISTOCLES.

1. Further proceedings against the Persians. ^2. Misconduct and treason
of Pausanias. § 3. The maritime supremacy transferred to the Athenians.
$4. Confederacy of Delos. ^ 5. The combined fleet under Cimon. ^ 6.
Growth of the Athenian power. Plans of Themistocles. ^ 7. Rebuilding
of Athens. The Lacedaemonians attempt to prevent its being fortified.
§ 8. Fortification of Piraeus. () 9. Strife of parties at Athens. Miscon-
duct of Themistocles. ^10. He is ostracised. <)U. Pausanias convicted

CONTENTS. xxiii

of Medism. ^ 12. Themistocles implicated in his guilt. He escapes into
Asia. ^ 13. He is magnificently received by Artaxerxes. His death and
character, <J 14. Death of Aristides 239

CHAPTER XXIII.

RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. FROM THE BATTLE

OF EURYMEDON TO THE THIRTY YEARs' TRUCE WITH SPARTA.

i) 1. Cimon leader of the aristocratical party at Athens. ^ 2. Revolt of
Naxos. <^3. Battle of Eurymedon. ^4. The Athenians blockade Thasos,
and attempt to found colonies in Thrace. <§ 5. Earthquake at Sparta and
revolt of the Helots <J 6. Decline of Spartan power. ^ 7. Cimon assists
the Spartans to suppress the revolt, but without success. The Spartans
offend the Athenians by dismissing their troops. ^ 8. Parties at Athens.
Character of Pericles. ^ 9. Attack upon the Areopagus. ^ 10. Ostra-
cism of Cimon. ^ 11. Administration and foreign policy of Pericles.
^ 12. Expedition of the Athenians into Egypt against the Persians.
^ 13. Hostilities with Corinth and ^gina. Defeat of the Corinthians at
Megara. i^ 14. The long walls of Athens commenced. ^ 15. The Lace-
daemonians march into Bceotia. Battle of Tanagra. § 16. Recall of
Cimon. ^ 17. Battle of GEnophyta, and conquest of Boeotia. Conquest
of ^gina. ^ 18. The five years' truce. Expedition of Cimon to Cyprus.

• His death. ^19. Conclusion of the war with Persia. ^ 20. The Athe-
nian power at its height. ^ 21. Decline of Athenian power. Revolution
in Bceotia. Other Athenian reverses. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedae-
monians under Pleistoanax. ^ 22. Pericles recovers Eubosa. Thirty
years' truce with Sparta 251

CHAPTER XXIV.

FROM THE THIRTY YEARs' TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORINTH
AND CORCYRA.

^ 1. State of parties at Athens. Thucydides. ^2. Opposite political views.
^ 3. Ostracism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles. He adorns
Athens. His foreign policy, ^ 4. Athenian colonization. Cleruchiae.
Thurii and Amphipolis. ^ 5. Nature of the Athenian maritime empire.
Amount of tribute. Oppressions. ^ 6. Revolt of Samos. Reduction of
the island by Pericles 265

CHAPTER XXV.

CAUSES OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. ^ 2. Corcyrsan embassy to
Athens. Decision of the Athenians. ^ 3. They send a fleet to Corcyra.
Naval engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. ^4. Revolt of Potidsa.
^ 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian allies at Sparta. The Spartans decide
for war. ^ 6. Second congress. The allies resolve upon war. ^ 7. The
Lacedaemonians require the Athenians to expel Pericles. ^ 8. Attacks
upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras. Imprisonment and death of

xir dONTENTS.

Phidias. ^ 9. Further requisitions of the Lacedaemonians. Rejected by
the Athenians. <$» 10. The Thebans surprise PlataBa. ^ 11. The Athe-
nians prepare for war. Portents. ^ 12. Forces of the Lacedaemonians
and Athenians. ^ 13. The Peloponnesian army assembles at the isthmus
of Corinth 273

CHAPTER XXVI.

PELOPONNESIAN WAR. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR TO

THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF VLKIJEk.

)\. The Peloponnesians invade Attica. ^2. Athenian naval expeditions to
Peloponnesus and Locris. ^ 3. The Athenians invade the Megarid. ^ 4.
Second invasion of Attica. Plague at Athens. ^ 5. Unpopularity of
Pericles. He is accused of malversation. ^ 6. His domestic misfortunes.
Death. Character. (^ 7. The Lacedaemonians ravage Attica. Their naval
operations. <J 8. Surrender of Potid«a. ^ 9. The Lacedaemonians besiege
Plataea. ^ 10. Part of the garrison escape, ij 11. Surrender of the town.
Trial and execution of the garrison , 285

CHAPTER XXVIL

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SIEGE OF PLAT^A TO

«
THE SEDITION OF CORCYRA.

^ 1. General character of the war. ^ 2. Military and naval operations of the
third year. Attempt of the Peloponnesians to surprise Piraeus. <$i 3. Fourth
year. Revolt of Mytilene. ^ 4. Fifth year. Surrender of Mytilene. ^ 5.
Debates of the Athenian assembly respecting the Mytileneans. Cleon and
the Athenian demagogues. ^ 6. Bloody decree against the Mytileneans.
^ 7. Second debate. Reversal of the decree. Lesbos colonized by Athe-
nians. (J 8. Civil dissensions at Corcyra. ij 9. Picture of the times by
Thucydides 296

CHAPTER XXVni.

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA

TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS.

^ 1. Sixth year of the war. Return of the Plague. Purification of Delos.
^2. Seventh year. Fortification of Pylus. $3. Attempts of the Lacedae-
monians to recover Pylus. (J 4. Arrival and victory of the Athenian fleet.
Blockade of Sphacteria. ^5. The Lacedaemonians sue for peace at Athens.
Extravagant demands of Cleon. (^ 6. Renewal of hostilities. <J 7. Debates
in the Assembly. Cleon elected general. ^ 8. Capture of Sphacteria.
^ 9. Advantages of the victory. ^ 10. Proceedings at Corcyra. Slaughter
of the oligarchs. <^ 11. Eighth year of the war. Capture of Cythera.
^ 12. Invasion of the Megarid and Boeotia by the Athenians. Capture of
Nisaea, the port of Megara. Defeat of the Athenians at the battle of
Delium. ^ 13. Brasidas in Thrace. Takes Amphipolis. Banishment of
Thucydides. (j 14. Ninth year of the war. A truce between Sparta and
Athens. The war continued in Thrace. (J 15. Tenth year of the war

CONTENTS. XXV

Cleon proceeds to Amphipolis. His defeat and death. Death of Brasi-
das. <^ 16. Eleventh year of the war. Fifty years' peace between Athens
and Sparta 306

CHAPTER XXIX.

PELOPONNESIA.N WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS TO THE

EXPEDITION OF THE ATHENIANS TO SICILY.

^ 1. League of Argos, Corinth, Elea, Mantinea, and Chalcidice. ^ 2. Trans-
actions between Sparta and Athens. ^ 3. Policy and character of Alcibi-
ades. § 4. He advocates a league with Argos. Resorts to a strategem to
procure it. <§ 5. Alcibiades victor at Olympia. His magnificence. () 6.
He proceeds to Peloponnesus. () 7. Proceedings of the Lacedaemonians.
Battle of Mantinea. () 8. Revolutions at Argos. A democracy estab-
lished. ^ 9. Conquest of Melos by the Athenians. ^ 10. Intervention of
the Athenians in Sicily. ^ 11. Embassy of the Egestaeans. They deceive
the Athenians respecting their wealth. () 12. The Athenians resolve on
an exnedition to Sicily. ^ 13. Preparations at Athens. Popular delusion.
§ 14. Mutilation of the Hermae. Accusation of Alcibiades. <J 15. Depart-
ure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily , , . . 321

CHAPTER XXX.

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED.— THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION.

^ 1. Armament mustered at Corcyra. § 2. Its reception in Italy. Proceed-
ings at Syracuse. ^ 3. Plans of the Athenian generals. ^ 4. The advice
of Alcibiades adopted. He gains over Naxos and Catana. f) 5. Proceed-
ings at Athens respecting the mutilation of the Hermae, and the profanation
of the mysteries, f) 6. Alcibiades accused, and ordered to return to Athens.
() 7. Proceedings of Nicias in Sicily. () 8. Preparations of the Sicilians
for defence. () 9. Nicias lays siege to Syracuse. (^ 10. He seizes Epipolae
and constructs a fort at Syke. Attempt of the Syracusans against it. «J 11.
Arrival of the Spartan general Gylippus. Change in the Athenian pros-
pects. () 12. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians. They fortify De-
celia. ^ 13. The Syracusans defeat the Athenians at sea. (} 14. Demos-
thenes and Eurymedon arrive in Sicily with reinforcements. Reverses.
The Athenians resolve to retreat. ^ 15. Naval engagement in the Great
Harbor. Victory of the Syracusans. (J 16. Its effects. Disastrous retreat
of the Athenians. Surrender of Demosthenes. ^ 17. Surrender of Nicias.
Treatment of the prisoners. Death of Nicias and Demosthenes, i) 18.
Their characters ^^^

CHAPTER XXXI.

FROM THE END OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE OVERTHROW OF
THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS.

6 1. Consternation and hardships at Athens. ^ 2. Measures for defence.
^ 3. Revolt of Chios, Erythrse, and Clazomenae. ^ 4. Spread of the re-

xrvf CONTEirrS.

volt. Defection of Teos, Lesbos, and Miletus. Revolution at Samos,
which becomes the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet. ^ 5. Recovery of
Lesbos by the Athenians. Dissatisfaction of the Lacedaemonians with
Tissaphemes. <J 6. Schemes of Alcibiades. ^ 7. He proposes a league
between the Athenians and Persians, and the establishment of an oligarchy
at Athens. ^ 8. Agitation for an oligarchy at Athens. ^ 9. Conference of
Pisander with Alcibiades. Artifices of the latter. Fresh treaty between
Tissaphemes and the Lacedaemonians. <^ 10. Progress of the oligarchical
conspiracy at Athens and Samos. i) 11. Establishment of the Four Hund-
red. ^ 12. Their proceedings. ^ 13. Proceedings at Samos. Alcibiades
joins the democracy there. <^ 14. The Athenian envoys at Samos. § 15.
Dissensions among the Four Hundred. They negotiate with Sparta. () 16.
Counter revolution at Atheas. Defeat of the Athenian fleet and capture of
Euboea by the Lacedaemonians. ^ 17. The Four Hundred deposed and
democracy re-established at Athens 346

CHAPTEE. XXXII.

FROM THE FALL OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE BATTLE

OF ^GOSPOTAMI.

^ 1. State of the belligerents. ^ 2. Defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cynos-
sema. 9 3. Capture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and second defeat of
the Peloponnesians at Abydus. <^ 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissaphemes,
and his subsequent escape. Signal defeat of the Peloponnesians at Cyzi-
cus. () 5. The Athenians masters of the Bosporus. The Lacedaemonians
propose a peace, which is rejected. () 6. Pharnabazus assists the Lacedae-
monians. <J 7. Capture of Chalcedon and Byzantium by the Athenians.
^ 8. Return of Alcibiades to Athens. <^ 9. He escorts the sacred proces-
sion to Eleusis. ^ 10. Cyrus comes down to the coast of Asia. Lysan-
der appointed commander of the Peloponnesian fleet. ^11. Interview
between Cyms and Lysander. ^ 12. Alcibiades at Samos. Defeat of
Antiochus at Notium. ^ 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. ^ 14. Lysander
superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic measures of the latter. ^15. De-
feat of Conon at Mytilene, and investment of that town by Callicratidas.
^ 16. Excitement at Athens, and equipment of a large fleet. <^ 17. Battle
of Arginusae. Defeat and death of Callicratidas. ^ 18. Arraignment
and condemnation of the Athenian generals. <5 19. Re-appointment of
Lysander as Navarchus. ^ 20. Siege of Lampsacus, and battle of ^gos-
potami 357

CHAPTER XXXIII.

FROM THE BATTLE OF ^GOSPOTAMI TO THE OVERTHROW OP THE
THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY AT
ATHENS.

4 1. Alarm at Athens. () 2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the
Athenian dependencies, i) 3. Measures of the Athenians. Athens in-
vested. (^4. Embassy of Theramenes. Conditions of capitulation. ^5.
Lysander takes possession of Athens. Destruction of the long walls, &c.
^ 6. Return of the oligarchical exiles. Establishment of the Thirty. ^ 7.

CONTENTS, xxvii

Surrender of Samos and triumph of Lysander. ^ 8. Proceedings of the
Thirty at Athens. <5t 9. Opposition of Theramenes. ^ 10. Proscriptions.
Death of Theramenes. ^ 11. Suppression of intellectual culture. So-
crates. ^ 12. Death of Alcibiades. ^ 13. Jealousy of the Grecian states
towards Sparta and Lysander. (^ 14. Thrasybulus at Phyle. ($• 15. Seiz-
ure and massacre of the Eleusinians. ^ 16. Thrasybulus occupies Piraeus.
Death of Critias. <$» 17. Deposition of the Thirty and establishment of the
Ten. Return of Lysander to Athens, and arrival of Pausanias. ^ 18.
Peace with Thrasybulus, and evacuation of Attica by the Peloponnesians.
^ 19. Restoration of the democracy. ^ 20. Archbishop of Euclides. Re-
duction of Eleusis 369

CHAPTER XXXIV.

ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD OF
HER EMPIRE.

^ 1. Situation of Athens. ^ 2. Origin and progress of the ancient city.
^ 3. Extent of the new city. Piraeus and the ports. § 4. General ap-
pearance of Athens. Population. ^ 5. Periods and general character of
Attic art. ^ 6. Sculptors of the first period. Ageladas, Onatas, and
others. ^7. Second period. Phidias. ^8. Polycletus and Myron. ^9.
Painting. Polygnotus. <5> 10- -A-pollodorus, Zeuxis, and Parrhasius. ^11.
Architecture. Monuments of the age of Cimon. The temple of Nike
Apteros, the Theseum, and the Poecile Stoa. ^ 12. The Acropolis and its
monuments. The Propylaea. ^ 13. The Parthenon. ^ 14. Statues of
Athena. ^ 15. The Erechtheum. ^ 16. Monuments in the Asty. The
Dionysiac theatre. The Odeum of Pericles. The Areopagus. The
Pnyx. The Agora and Ceramicus. ^ 17. Monuments out of Attica.
The Temple of Jove at Olympia. <J 18. The Temple of Apollo near
Phigalia 381

CHAPTER XXXV.

HISTORY OF ATHENIAN LITERATURE DOWN TO THE END OF THE PELO-
PONNESIAN WAR.

^ 1. Characteiistics of the early literature of Athens. «J 2. Origin of the
drama. (^ 3. introduction of the drama at Athens. Susarion, Thespis,
Phrynichus, Prafmas. ^ 4. ^schylus. § 5. Sophocles. ^ 6. Euripides.
(J 7. Athenian comedy. Cratinus, Eupolis, Aristophanes. ^ 8. Prose
writers of the period. Thucydides. ^ 9. Xenophon. ^ 10. Athenian ed-
ucation. ^11. Rhetors ai>d sophists. (^ 12. Life of Socrates. (J 13. How
he differed from the sophists. ^ 14. Enmity against him. ^ 15. His im-
peachment, trial, and death 400

BOOK y.

THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES,

B.C. 403—371.

CHAPTER XXXVL

THE EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRUS, AND RETREAT OP THK
TEN THOUSAND.

<J 1. Causes of the expedition. ^ 2. Cyrus engages an army of Greek
mercenaries. Their character. ^ 3. March to Tarsus. ^ 4. Discontent
of the Greeks. March to Myriandrus. ^ 5. Passage of the Euphrates,
and march through the desert. ^ 6. Battle of Cunaxa, and death of Cy-
rus. ^7. Dismay of the Greeks. Preparations for retreat. ^8. Retreat
of the army to the Greater Zab. Seizure of the generals. <^ 9. Election
of Xenophon and others as generals. ^ 10. March from the Zab to the
confines of the Carduchi. March across the mountains of the Carduchi.
^ 11. Progress through Armenia. ^ 12. March through the country of
the Taochi, Chalybes, Scythini, Macrones, and Colchi to Trapezus on
the Euxine. (} 13. March along the coast of the Euxine to Chryso-
polis. Passage to Byzantium. ^ 14. Proceedings at Byzantium. ^ 15.
The Greeks enter the service of Seuthes. ^ 16. Are engaged by
the Lacedaemonians. Last exploits of the army, and retirement of
Xenophon 419

CHAPTER XXXVn.

FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE TO THE BATTLE

OF CNIDUS.

^ 1. Invasion and reduction of Elis by King Agis. <^ 2. Ambitious projects
of Lysander. ^ 3. He procures the throne for Agesilaus. () 4. Character
of Agesilaus. <^ 5. Nature of the Spartan empire. <^ 6. Affairs of Asia
Minor. ^ 7. Agesilaus proceeds thither. ^ 8. Mortifies Lysander. ^ 9.
Campaigns of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. ^ 10.
Execution of Tissaphernes. ^ 11. Proceedings of Conon. Rhodes re-
volts from Sparta. () 12. Agesilaus ravages the satrapy of PAarnabazus.
Interview between them. ^ 13. Recall of Agesilaus. ^ i4. Battle of
Cnidus 434

CHAPTER XXXVni.

THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDUS TO THE PEACE
OF ANTALCIDAS.

^ 1. Mission of Timocrates to the Grecian cities. <^ 2. Hostilities between
Sparta and Thebes. ^ 3. The Athenians join the Thebans. Defeat and
death of Lysander. Retreat of Pausanias. ^ 4. League against Sparta.
Battle of Corinth. ^ 5. Homeward march of Agesilaus. ^ 6. Battle of
Coronea. ^ 7. Loss of the Spartan maritime empire. <^ 8. Conon rebuilds
the walls of Athens. ^ 9. Civil dissensions at Corinth. (J 10. Campaign

CONTENTS. XXIX

of Agesilaus in the Corinthian territory. ^ 11. New system of tactics
introduced by Iphicrates. Destruction of a Spartan mora by his light-
armed troops. ^ 12. Negotiations of Antalcidas with the Persians. Death
of Conon. Defeat and death of Thimbron. ^ 13. Maritime war on the
coast of Asia. Revolt of Rhodes. Thrasybulus appointed Athenian com-
mander. His death at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by Iphicrates at the
Hellespont. ^ 14. War between Athens and ^gina. Teleutias surprises
the Piraeus. ^ 15. Peace of Antalcidas. ^ 16. Its character ,. 443

CHAPTER XXXIX.

FROM THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OP CALLIAS.

1. Aggressions of Sparta in Boeotia. Rebuilding of Plataea. ^ 2. Reduc-
tion of Mantinea. () 3. Olynthian confederation. Sparta interferes. ^ 4,
Seizure of the Cadmea at Thebes by the Lacedaemonians. ^ 5. Reduction
of Olynthus. (J 6. Unpopularity of Sparta. (^ 7. Revolution at Thebes.
(} 8. The Lacedaemonians expelled from the Cadmea. ^ 9. Their expedi-
tions against Thebes. Alarm of the Athenians, who ally themselves with
Thebes. ^10. Reorganization of the Athenian confederation. ^11. Pre-
parations for war. The Theban " Sacred Band." ^ 12. Character of
Epaminondas. ^ 13. Spartan invasions of Boeotia. ^ 14. Maritime
affairs. Battle of Naxos. Success of Timotheus. ^ 15. Progress of the
Theban arms. ^ 16. The Athenians form a peace with Sparta, which is
immediately broken. Proceedings at Corcyra. <^ 17. The Lacedaemonians
solicit Persian aid. ^ 18. Congress at Sparta to treat of peace. The
Thebans are excluded from it 456

CHAPTER XL.

THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES.

^ 1. Invasion of Boeotia by Cleombrotus. ^ 2. Battle of Leuctra. ^ 3. Its
effect throughout Greece. § 4. Jason of Pherae joins the Thebans. ^ 5.
Progress of Thebes. ^Q. Assassination of Jason. ^7. Establishment of
the Arcadian league. <^ 8. First invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas.
Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous measures of Agesilaus. ^ 9. Epaminondas
founds Megalopolis, and restores the Messenians. <J 10. Alliance between
Athens and Sparta. Second invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas.
^ 11. Invasion of Laconia by the Arcadians. (} 12. Expedition of Pelo-
pidas into Thessaly. The " Tearless Battle" between the Arcadians and
Lacedaemonians. (} 13. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas.
§ 14. Mission of Pelopidas to the court of Susa. ^ 15. Seizure of
Pelopidas by Alexander. His release. ^ 16. The Athenians acquire
Oropus. Alliance between Athens and Arcadia. ^ 17. Attempt of the
Athenians to seize Corinth follow-ed by an alliance between the Corinthians
and Thebans. <^ 18. Success of the Athenians at sea. A Theban fleet
commanded by Epaminondas. ^ 19. Death of Pelopidas. ^ 20. Wars
between Elis and Arcadia. Battle of Olympia during the festival. ^ 21.
Dissensions among the Arcadians. (J 22. Fourth invasion of Peloponnesus
by Epaminondas. Attempts upon Sparta and Mantinea. ^ 23. Battle of
Mantinea, and death of Epaminondas. ^ 24. Death of Agesilaus .... 469

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XLI.

HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE
ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON.

§ 1. Revolution at Syracuse. Dionysius the Elder seizes the despotism.
^2. His successes. ^3. His poetical compositions. Plato visits Syracuse.
^ 4. Death of Dionysius. His character. Story of Damocles. <J 5,
Accession of the younger Dionysius. Second visit of Plato. Banishment
of Dion. Third visit of Plato. <J 6. Dion expels Dionysius, and becomes
master of Syracuse. ^ 7. Assassination of Dion. <J 8. Revolutions at
Syracuse. The Syracusans invoke the aid of Corinth. ^ 9. Character of
Timoleon. ^ 10. His successes. Surrenderof Dionysius and conquest of
Syracuse. ^11. Moderation of Timoleon. He remodels the constitution.
§ 12. Defeats the Carthaginians at. the Crimesus. <^ 13. Deposes the
Sicilian despots. () 14. Retires into a private station. His great popu-
larity and death 487

BOOK VL

THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY.

B.C. 359^146.

CHAPTER XLII.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR.

^1. State of Greece. §2. Description of Macedonia. <$» 3. Kings of Macedon.
^ 4. Character of Philip. ^ 5. He subdues the Pseonians and Illyrians.
^ 6. His military discipline. ^ 7. Capture of Amphipolis, and foundation
of Philippi. () 8. The Social War. i) 9. Commencement of the Sacred
War. The Phocians seize Delphi. § 10. Successes of the Phocians. ^11.
Philip interferes in the vv^ar. Conquers Thessaly. (J 12. Philip in Thrace.
Demosthenes. ^ 13. The Olynthian War. ^ 14. Character of Phocion.
Fall of Olynthus. ^ 15. Progress of the Sacred War. Embassy to Philip.
^ 16. Conquest of Phocis by Philip. Sentence of the Amphictyonic
Council on the Phocians 499

CHAPTER XLHI.

FROM THE END OF THE SACRED V^TAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP.

^1. Resultsofthe Sacred War. ^ 2. Macedonian embassy to Athens. Second
Philippic. {) 3. Philip's expedition into Thrace. ^ 4. Third Philippic.
Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. ^ 5. Phocion's successes in
Euboea. <^ 6. Declaration of war between Athens and Macedon. Phocion
compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. § 7. Charge of sacrilege
against the Amphissians. <^ 8. Philip appointed general by the Amphictyons
to conduct the war against Amphissa. (} 9. He seizes Elatea. League
between Athens and Thebes. ^ 10. Battle of Chaeronea. <^ 11. Philip's
extravagant joy for his victory. ^ 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's

CONTENTS. xxxi

progress through the Peloponnesus. ^ 13. Philip's domestic quarrels.
^ 14. Preparations for the Persian expedition. ^ 15. Assassination of
Philip 514

CHAPTER XLIV.

ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

^ 1. Education of Alexander. (J 2. Rejoicings at Athens for Philip's death.
Movements in Greece. §. 3. Alexander overawes the malcontents, and is
appointed generalissimo for the Persian war. ^ 4. Alexander subdues the
Triballians, Getae, Illyrians, and Taulantians. ^ 5. Revolt and destruc-
tion of Thebes. ^ 6. Alexander prepares to invade Persia. Nature of
that empire. § 7. Alexander crosses the Hellespont. ^ 8. Battle of the
Granicus. § 9. Alexander overruns Asia Minor. The Gordian knot.
§10. March through Cilicia. Battle of Issus. Victory. §11. Conquest
of Phoenicia. Siege of Tyre. § 12. Alexander marches into Egypt.
Foundation of Alexandria. Oracle of Ammon. § 13. Battle of Arbela.
§ 14. Alexander takes possession of Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. § 15.
March to Ecbatana, and pursuit of Darius. Death of Darius. § 16.
March through Hyrcania, Asia, and Drangiana. Conspiracy of Philotas.
§ 17. Alexander crosses the Oxus. Death of Bessus. Reduction of Sog-
diana. Alexander marries Roxana. §18. Murder of Clitus. §19. Plot
of the pages. Alexander invades the Penjab, and defeats Porus. Marches
as far as the Hyphasis. § 20. Descent of the Hydaspes and Indus. § 21.
March through Gedrosia. Voyage of Nearchus. § 22. Arrival at Susa.
Intermarriages of the Greeks and Persians. Mutiny of the army. § 23.
Death of Hephaestion. Alexander takes up his residence at Babylon.
His death, § 24. Character 525

CHAPTER XLV.

FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF

IPSUS.

§ 1. Division of the provinces after Alexander's death. § 2. Retrospective
view of Grecian affairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes de Corona. § 3.
ArrivalofHarpalus at Athens. Accusation and exile of Demosthenes. §4.
The Lamian war. Defeat of Antipater, and siege of Lamia. §5. Defeat
and death of Leonnatus. Battle of Crannon. End of the Lamian war.
§ 6. Death of Demosthenes. Ambitious projects of Perdiccas. His inva-
sion of Egypt, and death. § 7. Fresh division of the provinces at Tripa-
radisus. Death of Antipater. Polysphercon becomes regent, and concili-
ates the Grecian states. Death of Phocion. § 8. War between Polysper-
chon and Cassander. Ill success of Polysperchon. Cassander becomes
master of Macedonia, and puts Olympias to death. § 9. Coalition against
Antigonus. Peace concluded in B.C. 311. Murder of Roxana and her son.
§ 10. Renewal of the war against Antigonus. Demetrius Poliorcetes ex-
pels the Macedonians from Athens. § 11. Demetrius Poliorcetes at Cy-
prus. Battle of Salamis. Attempt on Egypt. Siege of Rhodes. § 12.
Battle of Ipsus, and death of Antigonus 552

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XLVI.

FROM THE BATTLE OF IPSUS TO THE CONQUEST OF GREECE BY THE
ROMANS.

§ 1. Proceedings of Demetrius Poliorcetes. He captures Athens. ^ 2,
Obtains the Macedonian crown. His flight and death. ^ 3. Lysimachus
reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain by Seleucus. ^ 4. Se-
leucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Invasion of the Celts, and
death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. § 5. Antigonus Gonatas ascends the Mace-
donian throne. Death of Pyrrhus of Epirus. Chremonidean war. (} 6.
The Achaean League. ^ 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Agis and Cleo-
menes. The Cleomenic war. () 8. The .iEtolian League. () 9. The So-
cial War. (J 10. War between Philip and the Romans. ^ IL Philopoemen.
^ 12. Second war between Philip and the Romans. Battle of Cynoce-
phalae. ^ 13. Defeat of Antiochus, and subjugation of the ^tolians by
the Romans. § 14. Extension of the Achaean League. Conquest of
Sparta. Death of Philopoemen. ^ 15. War between Perseus and the
Romans. Conquest of Macedonia. ($> 16. Proceedings of the Romans in
Greece. ^ 17. Athens and Oropus. War between the Achaeans and Spar-
tans. ^ 18. The Spartans appeal to the Romans, who reduce Greece into
a Roman province 564

CHAPTER XLVn.

HISTORY OF GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN
WAR TO ITS DECLINE.

^ 1. Later school of Athenian sculpture. (J 2. Scopas. ^ 3. Praxiteles.
^4. Sicyonian school of sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. (j 5. Sicyo-
nian school of painting." Eupompus, Pamphilius, Apelles. <§ 6. Architec-
ture. ^ 7. Period after Alexander the Great. School of Rhodes. ^ 8.
Plunder of Greek works of art by the Romans 579

CHAPTER XLVm.

GRECIAN LITERATURE FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR TO
THE LATEST PERIOD.

^ 1. The drama. The Middle comedy. The New comedy: Philemon,
Menander. § 2. Oratory. Circumstances which favoured it at Athens.
^ 3. Its Sicilian origin. <J 4. The ten Attic orators : Antiphon, Ando-
cides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isaeus, JEschines, Lycurgus, Demosthenes, Hy-
perides, and Dinarchus. ^ 5. Athenian philosophy, Plato. ^ 6. Sketch
of his philosophy, i^ 7. The Megarics, Cyrenaics, and Cynics. <^ 8. The
Academicians. <J 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. ^ 10. The Stoics
and Epicureans. ^ 11. The Alexandrian school of literature. ^ 12.
Later Greek writers : Polybius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Diodorus
Sicufus, Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion
Cassius, Lucian, Galen. (} 13. The Greek Scriptures and Fathers. Con-
clusion 587

The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

View of Athens Frontispiece.

Theatre of Dionysius at Athens Title Page.

Page

Greek and Persian combatants.
From the Frieze of the Tem-
ple of Nike Apteros " ix

The Bema of the Pnyx at Athens xxvii

Coin of Acarnania xxviii

Vale of Tempe in Thessaly ... 1
Map of Greece, showing the
general direction of the Moun-
tain Ranges 3

ArchofTiryns 10

Head of Olympian Jove 11

Paris, from the .^Eginetan Sculp-
tures 16

Ajax, from the jEginetan Sculp-
tures 17

Gate of Mycenas 25

Hercules and Bull 31

Map of the chief Greek Colonies

in Asia Minor 37

Homer enthroned 39

Bust of Homer 46

Primitive Vessels from Athens

and Argos 47

View of Mount Taygetus from

the site of Sparta 56

Early Greek Armour, from Vase-
paintings 72

Leaden Sling bullets and Arrow-
heads, found at Athens, Mara-
thon, and Leontini 79

Coin of Corinth 86

Pag«

CrcBsus on the Funeral Pile .... 87
Ruins of the Temple of the Olym-
pian Jove at Athens 102

Coin of Athens 113

Ancient Sculptures from Selinus 114
Map of the »hief Greek Colonies

in Sicily 119

Map of the chief Greek Colonies

in Southern Italy 122

Coin of Cyrene, representing on

the reverse the Silphium 125

Alcaeus and Sappho. From a

Painting on a vase 126

Temple at .^gina, restored 140

Wall at Tiryns 141

Wall of the Citadel of Argos 142

Wooden Hut in Asia Minor .... 143
Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Co-
lumns 144

Doric Architecture 145

Ionic Architecture ib.

Corinthian Architecture 146

Cyrus 151

Behistun rock on which are in-
scribed the exploits of Darius 163
Ruins of an Ionic Temple in

Lycia 170

The Plain and Tumulus of Ma-
rathon 171

Battle of Marathon 176

Bust of Miltiades 184

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page

View of Thermopylae 185

Plan of Thermopylae 193

A Greek Warrior 201

Battle of Salamis 210

Temple of Nike Apteros, on the

Acropolis at Athens 216

Battle of Plataga 221

Bust of Pindar 229

Bust of Herodotus 238

The Theseum at Athens 239

Pericles and Aspasia 251

The Acropolis restored 265

Bust of the poet Sophocles 272

The Propylaea of the Acropolis. 273
Bust of the historian Thucydi-

des 284

The Parthenon 285

Statue of Theseus, from the Pe-
diment of the Parthenon 296

From the Frieze ofthe Parthenon.

Panathenaic Procession 306

Bay of Pylus 309

Plan of the neighbourhood of

Amphipolis 317

Coin of Amphipolis 320

Centaur from the Metopes ofthe

Parthenon 321

Bust of Alcibiades 332

Plan of Syracuse 337

Street of the Tripods at Athens,

from a bas relief 346

One of the Caryatides support-
ing the southern portico ofthe

Erechtheum 257

Bust of the Poet Euripides 368

View of Phyle 369

Clio, the Muse of Histofy 380

The Erechtheum restored, view-
ed from the S.W. angle 381

Plan of Athens 383

Athens and its Port-towns 385

Plan of the Acropolis 393

Coin showing the Parthenon,
Athena Promachus, and the

Cave of Pan 396

Theatre of Dionysus, from coin 397
Melpomene, the Muse of Tra-
gedy 400

Thalia, the Muse of Comedy ... ib.

Bust of Socrates 418

The Pactolus at Sardis 419

Route ofthe Ten Thousand 421

Choragic Monument of Lysi-

crates 434

View of Corinth and the Acro-

corinthus 443

Plan of Corinth 448

Adventures of Dionysus, from
the Choragic Monument of

Lysicrates 455

Ditto, Ditto 456

The Wind Boreas, from the
Horologium of Andronicus

Cyrrhestes 468

Ithome, from the Stadium of

Messene 469

Bust of Plato 487

View of Delphi and Mount Par-
nassus 499

The Plain of Chaeronea 514

Bust of Demosthenes 524

Battle of Issus 525

Apollo Citharcedus 551

The Group of Niobe 552

Group of Dirce 564

Group of the Laocoon 579

Bust of Aristotle 587

Bust of Menander 603

Colonial Coin of Corinth 614

Herologium of Andronicus Cyr-
rhestes at Athens 642

Calliope, the Muse of Epic Poetry 655

Coin of Acaruania.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Vale of Tempe in Thessaly.

INTRODUCTION. OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY.

§ 1. The three peninsulas of Southern Europe. § 2. Position and boun-
daries of Greece. § 3. Size of the country. § 4. Name. § 5. Nor-
thern Greece : Thessaly and Epirus. § 6. Central Greece : its prin-
cipal divisions and mountains. § 7. Eastern half of Central Greece:
Doris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, Attica, Megaris. § 8. Western half of
Central Greece: Ozolian Locris, JEtolia, Acarnauia. § 9. Peloponne-
sus: Arcadia. § 10. Achaia, Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, Elis. § 11. The
Grecian Islands. § 12. Influence of the physical geography of Greece
upon the political destinies of the people. § 1 3. Likewise upon their in-
tellectual character. § 14. Rivers and chief productions. § 15. Climate.

§ 1. Three peninsulas, very different in form, project from the
south of Europe into the Mediterranean sea. The most westerly,
that of Spain and Portugal, is a quadrangular figure united to
the mainland by an isthmus. The. central one, that of Italy, is
a long tongue of land, down which runs from north to south the
back-bone of the Apennines. The most easterly, of which Greece

B

2 HISTORY OF GREECE. Introd.

forms the southern part, is in the shape of a triangle with its
base extending from the top of the Adriatic to the mouths of
the river Danube, and having its two sides washed by the sea.

§ 2. At the fortieth degree of latitude a chain of mountains
called the Cambunian, and continued under the name of Lingon,
runs across the peninsula from east to west, and forms the
northern boundary of Greece. At a time when the Mediterra-
nean was the great highway of commerce and civiUzation, no
position could be more favorable than that of Greece. The
jEgean sea, which bathes its eastern shores, is studded with
numerous islands, inviting the timid mariner from one to the
other, and thus establishing an easy communication between
Asia and Greece. Towards the south it faces one of the most
fertile portions of Africa ; and on the west it is divided from
Italy by a narrow channel, which in one part is not more than
thirty miles in breadth.

§ 3. Greece, which commences at the fortieth degree of lati-
tude, does not extend farther than the thirty-sixth. Its greatest
length from Mount Olympus to Cape Tsenarum is not more than
250 English miles ; its greatest breadth from the western coast
of Acarnania to Marathon in Attica is only 180 miles. Its sur-
face is considerably less than that of Portugal. This small area
was divided among a number of independent states, many of
them containing a territory of only a few square miles, and none
of them larger than an English county. But it is not the mag-
nitude of their territory which constitutes the greatness of a
people ; and the heroism and genius of the Greeks have given an
interest to the insignificant spot of earth bearing their name,
which the vast empires of Russia and China have never equalled.

§ 4. The name of Greece was never used by the inhabitants of
the country. They called their land Hellas, and themselves Hel-
lenes. It is from the Romans that we have derived the name of
Greece ; though why the Romans gave it a different appellation
from that used by the natives cannot be determined. It is however
a well known fact that foreigners frequently call a people by a name
different from the one in use among themselves. Thus the nation
called Germans by us, bear the appellation of Deutschen among
themselves ; and the people whom the Romans named Etruscans
or Tuscans, were known in their own language by that oiKasena,

The word Hellas signified at first only a small district in Thes-
saly, the original abode of the Hellenes. From this district the
people, and along with them their name, gradually spread over
the whole country south of the Cambunian mountains. The
rude tribes of Epirus, however, were not reckoned among the
Hellenes, and the northern boundary of Hellas proper was a line

Inteod.

OUTLINES OF GKECIAN GEOGRAPHY.

drawn from the Ambracian gulf to the mouth of the river
Peneus. The term Hellas was also employed in a more ex-
tended sense to signify the abode of the Hellenes, wherever
they might be settled ; and accordingly the Grecian cities of
Gyrene in Africa, of Syracuse in Sicily, and of Tarentum in
Italy, were as much parts of Hellas as Athens, Sparta, and
Corinth.

Map of Greece, showing the general direction of the Mountain Ranges.

1. Thessaly.

2. Epirus.

3. Doris.

4. Phocis.

5. Locri Epicnemidii.

6. Locri Opuntii.

7. Boeotia.
8 Attica.
9. MegariF.

10. Locri Ozolae.

11. ^tolia.

12. Acamania.

13. Arcadia.

14. Achaia.

15. Argolis.

16. Laconia.
17.

18. Elis.

19. Euboea.

20. Salamis.

21. .ffigina.

22. Cythera.

4 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ixtrod.

§ 5. Midway between the Ionian and .^gean seas the chain of
mountains forming the northern boundary of Greece is mtersected
at right angles by the long and lofty range of Pindus, running
from north to south, like the Apennines of the Italian penin-
sula. From Mount Pindus two lateral branches stretch towards
the eastern sea, running parallel to one another at the distance
of sixty miles, and enclosing the plain of Tliessaly, the richest
and largest in Greece. The southern of these two branches bore
the name of Otlirys ; the northern, which has been already men-
tioned under the name of the Cambunian mountains, terminates
upon the coast in the lofty summit of Oljinpus, the highest in
all Greece, being 9700 feet above the level of the sea, and scarcely
ever free from snow. South of Olympus another range, known
under the successive names of Ossa and Pehon, stretches along
the coast parallel to that of Pindus. Thus Thessaly is enclosed
between four natural ramparts, which are only broken at the
north-eastern extremity by the celebrated vale of Tempo, between
Olympus and Ossa, through which the river Peneus finds its way
into the sea.

Pindus forms the boundary between Thessaly and Epirus.
The latter country contains no enclosed plain like that of Thes-
saly, but is covered by rugged ranges of mountains running from
north to south, through which the Achelous, the largest river
of Greece, flows towards the Corinthian gulf.

§ 6. At about the thirty-ninth degree of latitude Greece is
contracted into a kind of isthmus by two opposite gulfs, the Am-
bracian on the west and the Malian on the east. This isthmus
separates the peninsula of central Greece from the mainland of
Thessaly and Epirus.

Central Greece again may be divided into two unequal halves,
the eastern half containing the countries of Doris, Phocis, Locris,
BoBotia, Attica, and Megaris, the western comprising Ozolian
Locris, iEtolia, and Acamania.

A little above the thirty-ninth degree of latitude there is a
summit in the range of Pindus, called Mount Tymphrestus, from
which ranges of mountains radiate, as from a centre, in all direc-
tions. On the east two gigantic arras branch off towards the
sea : the one which runs nearly due east under the name of
Othrys has been already mentioned ; the other which bears the
name of (Eta, has a south-easterly direction, and forms the
northern barrier of central Greece. The only entrance into cen-
tral Greece from the north is through the narrow opening left
between Mount (Eta and the sea, immortalized in history imder
the name of Thermopylae.

South of Tymphrestus the chain of Pindus divides into two great

Introd. outlines OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 5

branches, and no longer bears the same name : one strikes to
the south-east under the names of Parnassus, HeUcon, Cithseron,
and Hymettus, and finally reaches the sea at Sunium, the south-
ernmost point of Attica ; the other diverges to the south-west
under the names of Corax and the Ozolian mountains, and joins
the sea near the entrance of the Corinthian gulf.

§ 7. In the highlands between (Eta and Parnassus is a narrow
plain called Doris, from which the Dorians are said to have
issued to the conquest of Peloponnesus. Here rises the river
Cephissus, which flows into Phocis. The greater part of Phods
is occupied by Parnassus, which rises to the height of 8000 feet,
but between this mountain and those of eastern Locris is a fertile
plain drained by the Cephissus.

From the eastern extremity of Mount (Eta a range of moun-
tains runs southward along the coast. It passes through the
country of the Locrimis, called respectively Epicnemidian, from
Mount Cnemis, and Opuntian, from the town of Opus. Bceotia
extends from sea to sea, but it is separated from the Eubcean
channel by a continuation of the Locrian mountains and from
the Corinthian gulf by the lofty range of Helicon, celebrated in
poetry as the abode of the Muses. On its northern frontier
the offshoots of Parnassus and the Locrian mountains leave only
a narrow opening through which the Cephissus flows ; and on
the south the country is shut in by the lofty barrier of Cithaeron
and Parnes, which separate it from Attica. Bceotia is thus a large
hollow basin, enclosed on every side by mountains, and contain-
ing a considerable quantity of very fertile land. The Ce-
phissus, and the streams which descend from the surroimding
hills, form in the centre of the country the lake Copais, which
finds an outlet for its waters through subterraneous channels in
the hmestone mountains.

Attica is in the form of a triangle, having two of its sides
washed by the sea and its base united to the land. The range
of Cithseron and Parnes, which forms its northern boundary,
shuts off this peninsula from the rest of Greece. Cithaeron is
prolonged towards the south-west, skirting the shores of the Cor-
inthian gulf and forming the mountainous country of Megaris.
Here it rises into a new chain under the name of the Geranean
mountains, which stretch across Megaris from west to east,
parallel to Cithseron, These mountains sink down southward
towards the Isthmus, which separates central Greece from Pelo-
ponnesus. Here the Corinthian gulf on the west and the Saronic
gulf on the east penetrate so far inland as to leave only a narrow
neck of land between them, not more than four miles across at
its narrowest part. The Isthmus is comparatively level, but im?

6 HISTORY OF GREECK Ixtkod,

mediately to the south rise the Onean hills, protecting Pelopon-
nesus from invasion by land.

§ 8. The western half of central Greece consists, as already
said, of Locris, iEtolia, and Acarnania. Locris, called Ozolian
to distinguish it from the eastern district of this name, lies upon
the Corinthian gulf, and is a wild and mountainous country,
nearly covered by the offshoots of the Phocian Parnassus and the
^Etolian Gorax. jEtolia and Acarnania, separated by the river
Achelous, are also mountainous, the greater part of their surface
being occupied by a continuation of the hills of Epirus, but at
the same time containing a few fertile plains upon the banks
of the Achelous. All three countries were the haunts of rude
robber tribes even as late as the Peloponnesian war.

§ 9. The Isthmus which connects central G-reece with the
southern peninsula is so small in comparison with the outspread
form of the latter, that the ancients regarded the peninsula as an
island, and gave to it the name oi Peloponnesus, or the island of
Pelops, from the mythical hero of this name. Its form was
compared in antiquity to the leaf of the plane tree or the vine,
and its modern name, the Morea, was bestowed upon it from its
resemblance to the leaf of the mulberry.

The mountains of Peloponnesus have their roots in the centre
of the country, from which they branch out towards the sea.
This central region, called Arcadia, is the Switzerland of the
peninsula. It is surrounded by a ring of mountains, forming
a kind of natural wall, which separates it from the other
Peloponnesian states. These mountains are unbroken on the
northern, eastern, and southern frontiers, and it is only on the
western side, that the waters of the Alpheus, the chief river in
the peninsula, find their way through a narrow opening towards
the Ionian sea. It is on the northern frontier that the Arcadian
mountains are the loftiest and most massive ; and at the north-
eastern extremity of the country Mount Cyllene rises to the
height of 7788 feet above the level of the sea, a grand and
majestic object as seen from the istlunus and the Corinthian
gulf

§ 10. The other chief divisions of Peloponnesus were Achaia,
Argolis, Laconia, Messenia, and Elis. Acliaia was a narrow shp
of cyuntry lying between the northern barrier of Arcadia and
the Corinthian gulf It is intersected by numerous ranges of
hills, which descend from the Arcadian mountains, and either
run out into the sea in the form of bold promontories, or subside
before reaching the shore. The plains thus left on the coast,
and the valleys between the mountains, are for the most part
very fertile

Introd. outlines OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY. 7

Argolis was used as a collective term to signify the territories
of several independent states. Of these the most important
were Corinth and Sicyon, near the eastern extremity of the
Corinthian gulf, and Argos, situated at the head of the Argolic
gulf, in a plain ten or twelve miles in length and from four to
five in breadth. The remainder of Argohs consisted of a rocky
peninsula between the Saronic and Argolic gulfs, containing at
its eastern extremity the territories of Epidaurus, Troezen, and
Hermione.

Laconia and Messenia occupied the whole of the south of Pelo-
pomiesus from sea to sea. They were separated by the lofty
range of Taygetus, running from north to south and terminating
in the promontory of Tsenarum (now Cape Matapan), the south-
ernmost point of Greece and Europe. Along the eastern side of
Laconia the range of Mount Parnon extends from north to south
parallel to that of Taygetus, and terminates in the promontory
of Malea. Between these two ranges is the valley of the Eurotas,
in which Sparta stood, and which south of this city opens out
into a plain of considerable extent toward the Laconian gulf.
Messenia in hke manner was drained by the Pamisus, whose
plain is still more extensive and fertile than that of the Eurotas.
Elis was the region between the western barrier of Arcadia and
the Ionian sea. It is covered to a great extent with the offshoots
of the Arcadian mountains, but contains several plains. In the
centre of the country is the memorable plain of Olympia, through
which the Alpheus flows, and in which the city of Pisa stood.

§ 11. The numerous islands which line the Grecian shores
were occupied in historical times by the Grecian race. Of these
the most important was EubcBa, ninety miles in length, stretch-
ing along the coasts of Boeotia and Attica. Through it ran from
north to south a long chain of m.ountains which may be regarded
as a continuation of the range of Ossa and Pehon. South of
Eubcea was the group of islands called the Cyclades, lying round
Delos as a centre ; and east of these were the Sporades, near the
Asiatic coast. South of these groups lay the two large islands
of Crete and Rlwdes. In the Saronic gulf between Attica and
Argolis were the celebrated islands of Salatnis and ^gi7m, the
former reckoned as part of Attica, and the latter long the rival
and eye-sore of Athens. Off the western coast of Greece, in the
Ionian sea, we find Corey ra opposite Epirus, Cepludlenia and
Ithaea opposite Acarnania, and Zacynthus near the coast of Elis
in Peloponnesus. Cytliera was separated by a narrow channel
from the southern extremity of Laconia.

§ 12. The physical features of the country exercised an im-
portant influence upon the poHtical destinies of the people.

8 HISTORY OF GREECR Lntrod.

Greece is one of the most mountainous countries of Europe.
Its surface is occupied by a number of small plains either entirely-
surrounded by limestone mountains or open only to the sea.
Mountains, not rivers, have in all ages proved the greatest bar-
riers to intercourse between neighbouring tribes. This was the
case in G-reece, and thus the very nature of the land tended to
produce that large number of independent states which is one of
the most striking phsenomena in Grecian history. Each of the
principal Grecian cities was founded in one of the small plains
already described ; and as the mountains which separated it from
its neighbours were lofty and rugged, it grew up in solitary inde-
pendence, and formed its own character before it could be affected
by any external influence.

The mountainous nature of the country also protected it from
foreign invasion, as well as rendered it difficult for one section of
the Grecian race to subdue the rest. The vale of Tempe between
Mounts Ossa and Olympus, the pass of Thermopylse between
northern and central Greece, the passes over Mount Cithseron
between BoBotia and Attica, and those over the Geranean and
Onean mountains on either side of the Isthmus, could easily be
defended by a handful of resolute men agamst vastly superior
numbers.

But, while the G-recian states were separated from their near-
est neighbours by their mountams, the sea afforded them easy
intercourse with one another and with the rest of the world.
One of the most striking peculiarities of the geography of Greece
is the wonderful extent of its sea coast. In this respect it has
the advantage over every other country of Europe. Although
its surface is not so great as that of Portugal, its line of coast
exceeds that of the whole peninsula of Portugal and Spain.
Not only is it surrounded by the sea on every side except on its
northern frontier, but its coast is also broken by a number of
bays and gulfs running far into the land. Thus almost every
Grecian state had ready and easy access to the sea, and Arcadia
was almost the only pohtical division that did not possess some
territory upon the coast.

§ 13. Of all natural objects the mountains and the sea have
ever been the most powerful instruments in moulding the intel-
lectual character of a people. The Greeks were both mountaineers
and mariners, and as such they possessed the susceptibility
to external impressions, the love of freedom, and the spirit
of adventure, which have always characterized, more or less,
the inhabitants of mountainous and maritime districts. The
poetical beauty of the Grecian mountains has often called
forth the admiration of modem travelers. Their craggy, broken

^^^m

OUTLINES OF GRECIAN GEOGRAPHY.

forms and rich silvery colour give to the Grecian landscape a
pecuHar charm, and justify the description of the poet Gray,
when he speaks of Greece as a land,

"Where each old poetic vnountain,
Inspiration breathes around."

The beauty of the scenery is still further enhanced by the gorge-
ous atmosphere in which every object is bathed. To a native
of the northern latitudes of Europe nothing is more striking in
the Grecian climate than the transparent clearness of the air and
the brilliant colouring of the sky. "When Euripides represents
the Athenians as

" Ever delicately marching

Through most pellucid air"^

he is guilty of no poetical exaggeration, and the violet colour
which the Roman poet assigns to the hills of Hymettusf is
literally true.

\ 14. Greece is deficient in a regular supply of water. During
the autumnal and winter months the rain, which falls in large
quantities, fills the crevices in the limestone of the hills and is
carried off by torrents. In summer rain is almost unknown and
the beds of the torrents full of water in the winter then become
ravines, perfectly dry and overgrown with shrubs. Even the
rivers, which are partly supplied by springs, dwindle in the sum-
mer into very insignificant streams. None of the Grecian rivers
are navigable, and the Achelous, which is the most considerable
of all, has a course of only 130 miles.

The chief productions of Greece in ancient times were wheat,
barley, flax, wine, and oil. The hills afforded excellent pasture
for cattle, and in antiquity were covered with forests, though
they are at present nearly destitute of wood.

In almost every part of Greece there were rich veins of marble,
affording materials for the architect and the sculptor, such as
hardly any other country in the world possesses. The limestone,
of which most of its mountains is composed, is well adapted for
military architecture ; and it is to this hard and intractable stone
that we owe those massive polygonal walls, of which the remains
still crown the summits of so many Grecian hills. Laurium near
the southern extremity of Attica yielded a considerable quantity
of silver, but otherwise Greece was poor in the precious metals.

* aEi 6La Tia/LiTrpoTaTOV

^atvovreg djSpiog aWepog. — Eurip- Med. 829.
f " Est prope purpureas coUes fiorentis Hymetti
Fons sacer." — Ovid, Art. Amat. 3, 687.

10 HISTORY OF GREECE. Inteod.

Iron was found in the range of Taygetus in Loconia, and copper
as well as iron near Chalcis in Euboea.

§ 1 0. The chmate of Greece appears to have been more healthy
in ancient times than it is at present. The malaria which now
poisons the atmosphere in the summer months, could not have
existed to the same extent when the land was more thickly peo-
pled and more carefully cultivated. Owing to the inequalities of
its surface, to its loft}^ mountains and depressed valleys, the cli-
mate varies greatly in different districts. In the highlands in
the interior the winter is often long and rigorous, the snow l}ing
upon the ground till late in the spring, while in the lowlands open
to the sea, severe weather is almost unknown. The rigour of
winter is frequently experienced in the highlands of Mantinea
and Tegea in the month of March, while at the same time the
genial warmth of spring is felt in the plains of Argos and Laco-
nia, and almost the heat of summer in the low grounds at the
head of the Messenian gulf To this difference in climate the
ancients attributed t^ie difference in the intellectual character of
the natives of various districts. Thus the dulness of the Bceo-
tians was ascribed to the dampness and thickness of their atmos-
phere, while the dry and clear air of Attica was supposed to
sharpen the faculties of its inhabitants.

Arch of Tiryns.

Head of Olympian Jove.

BOOK I.

THE MYTHICAL AGE.

CHAPTER I.

THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS OF GREECE.

§ 1. Legendary character of early Grecian history. § 2. Legends of the
Greeks respecting their origin. § 3. The Hellenes and their diffusion in
Greece. § 4. Connexion of the Hellenes with the Indo-European stem.
§ 5. The Pelasgians. § 6. Foreign settlers in Greece. § *?. Egyptian
colonies of Cecrops and Danaus. § 8. Phrygian colony of Pelops.
§ 9. Phoenician colony of Cadmus.

§ 1. The clouds which envelope the early history of Greece are
lighted up by the brilliant hues of Grecian fable ; but the reader
must carefully guard against believing in the reahty of the per-
sonages or of the events commemorated by these beautiful
legends. Some of them, it is true, probably sprung out of events
which actually occurred, and may therefore contain a kernel of
historical truth ; but we have no means of distinguishing be-
tween what is true and what is false, between the historical facts
and their subsequent embellishments. Till events are recorded
in written documents, no materials exist for a trustworthy his-
tory ; and it was not till the epoch l|,nown by the name of the

12 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. I.

first Olympiad, corresponding to the year 776 "before Christ, that
the Greeks began to employ writing as a means for perpetuating
the memory of any historical facts. Before that period ever}^-
thing is vague and uncertain ; and for two centuries afterwards
we meet "wdth only a few isolated events, and possess nothing
in the form of a continuous history. But even the mythical
age must not be passed over entirely. In all cases the traditions
of a people are worthy of record ; and this is especially true of
the Greeks, whose legends moulded theii' faith and influenced
their conduct down to the latest times.

§ 2. Few nations have paid more attention to their genealogy'
than the Greeks. In modem times famihes are ambitious of
tracing back their origin to some illustrious ancestor ; but in
Greece this feeluig was not confined to families, but pervaded
alike all associations of men. Every petty tribe or clan claimed
descent from a common ancestor, whose name was borne by
each member of the commmiity. This ancestor was usually
represented as the son or imimediate descendant of a god, or else
as sprung from the earth,* which was in such cases regarded as
a divine being. Thus the Greek people considered themselves
the children of one common father, in whose name they gloried
as the symbol of fraternity'. This ancestor was Hellen, the sen
of Deucalion and P}'rrha, from whom the people derived the
name of Hellenes. Hellen had three sons, Dorus, Xuthus, and
JEolus. Of these Dorus and ^olus gave their names to the
Dorians and JEoHans ; and Xuthus, through his two sons, Ion
and AchsBus, became the forefather of the lonians and Achseans.
In this way the four great divisions of the Greek race, the
Dorians, Cohans, lonians, and Achseans, were supposed to be
the descendants of the patriarch Hellen.

§ 3. The descent of the Hellenes from a common ancestor,
Hellen, was a fundamental article in the popular faith. It was a
general practice in antiquity to invent fictitious persons for the
purpose of explaining names of which the origin was buried in
obscurity. It is in this way that Hellen and his sons came into
being. But though they never had any real existence, their his-
tory may be regarded as the traditional history of the races to
whom they gave their names. Thus when we are told that
Hellen reigned in the south of Thessaly, near the foot of Mount
' Othr^^s, which was the part of Greece first call Hellas, we may
conclude that the Greeks believed this district to be the original
abode of their race. In like manner the migrations of the sons
of Hellen from the south of Thessaly, and their settlements
in the different parts of Greece, represent the cun-ent behef
'^- HeiU'e oi.llcd an Autochthon { ki<~6x6on>).

Chap. I. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS. 13

respecting the early liistory of the four great divisions of the
race.

iEoius succeeded his father Hellen as king of Hellas in Thes-
saly, but his descendants occupied a great part of central Greece,
as far as the isthmus of Corinth, and also took possession of the
western coast of Poloponnesus, The Cohans were the most
widely diffused of all the descendants of Hellen. Many of their
towns, such as Corinth and lolcus in Thessaly, were situated
upon the coast, and the worship of Poseidon (Neptune), the god
of the sea, prevailed extensively among them.

The AchsBans appear in the latter part of the Heroic age as the
most warlike of the Grecian races. At that time they are repre-
sented as inhabiting the original abode of the Hellenes in Thes-
saly, and also the cities of Mycenae, Argos, and Sparta, in the
Pelopoimesus. The most distinguished of the Grecian heroes in
the Trojan war were Achaean s ; and such was the celebrity of
the race at that period that Homer firequently gives their name
to the whole body of the Greeks.

The Dorians and lonians are of far less importance in the
ancient legends, though they afterwards became the two leading
races in Greece, to whom the Spartans and Athenians respec-
tively belonged. The Dorians were almost confined to the small
mountainous district named after them, lying between Thessaly
and Phocis ; the lonians were found chiefly in Attica and along
the narrow slip of coast in the south of Pelopomiesus, which in
historical times was known by the name of Achaia.

§ 4. Such was the general beHef of the Greeks respecting the
early diffusion of their race. But it is natural for us to go far-
ther back, and to endeavor to ascertain the real origin of the
people. Now the only sure and certain m.eans of ascertaining
the origin of any people is a knowledge of its language. Tra-
dition misleads as often as it guides the inquirer ; and the indi-
cations afforded by mythology, manners and customs, are fre-
quently deceptive and always vague. Language, on the other
hand, is an enduring memorial ; and, whatever changes it may
have imdergone in the course of ages, it rarely loses those funda-
mental elements which proclaim its origin and affinities. If then
we conduct our inquuy into the origin of the Greek people by
means of their language, we have no difficulty in coming to a
satisfactory conclusion. The Greek language is a member of
that great family of languages to which modern scholars have
given the name of Indo-European, The various nations speaking
the different varieties of this language were originally one people,
inhabiting the high table-land of central Asia. At some period,
long antecedent to all profane history, they issued from their

14 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. I.

primeval seats, and spread over a considerable portion both of
Asia and of Europe. In Asia the ancient Hindoos, who spoke
Sanscrit, and the Medes and Persians, whose language was the
Zend, were the two principal branches of this people. In Europe
the Germans, Pelasgians, Slavonians, and Celts were the four
chief varieties. It is foreign to our present purpose to give any
account of the other branches of the Indo-European family ; but
a few remarks must be made upon the Pelasgians, fi:om whom
the Greeks derived their origin.

§ 5. The Pelasgians are represented by the Greeks themselves
as the most ancient inhabitants of their land. The primitive
name of Greece is said to have been Pelasgia. In the historical
period, those parts of Greece which had been subject to the
fewest changes of inhabitants were supposed to be peopled by
the descendants of the Pelasgians. This was especially the case
with Arcadia and Attica, which claimed to have been inhabited
by the same tribes from time immemorial. The Pelasgians were
spread over the ItaUan as well as the Grecian peninsula ; and the
Pelasgic language thus formed the basis of the Latin as weU as
of the Greek. It is true that Herodotus speaks of the Pelasgic
as a foreign language, totally distinct from, the Greek ; but his
testimony on such a subject is not entitled to any weight, since
the ancients were lamentably deficient in philological knowledge,
and had no notion of the affinity of languages.

Of the Pelasgians themselves our information is scanty. They
were not mere barbarians. They are represented as tilUng the
ground and dweUing in walled cities.** Their rehgion appears to
have been essentially the same as the religion of the Hellenes.
Their great divinity was Jove, the national Hellenic god, and
the chief seat of his worship was Dodona in Epirus. Hence
Homer gives to the Dodonsean Jove the title of Pelasgic ; and his
oracle at Dodona was always regarded as the most ancient in
Greece.

The Pelasgians were divided into several tribes, such as the
Hellenes, Leleges, Caucones, and others. In what respects the
Hellenes were superior to the other Pelasgic tribes we do not
know ; but they appear at the first dawn of history as the domi-
nant race in Greece. The rest of the Pelasgians disappeared
before them or were incorporated with them ; their dialect of
the Pelasgic tongue became the language of Greece ; and their
worship of the Olympian Jove gradually supplanted the more
ancient worship of the Dodonsean god.

§ 6. The civilization of the Greeks and the development of
their language bear all the marks of home growth, and probably
* A fortified town was called Larissa by the Pelasgians.

Chap. I. THE EARLIEST INHABITA]!fTS. 15

were little affected by foreign influence. The traditions, how-
ever, of the Greeks would point to a contrary conclusion. It
was a general belief among them that the Pelasgians were re-
claimed from barbarism by Oriental strangers, who settled in
the country and introduced among the rude inhabitants the
first elements of civilization. Many of these traditions, however,
are not ancient legends, but owe their origin to the philosophical
speculations of a later age, which loved to represent an imaginary
progress of society from the time when men fed on acorns and
ran wild in woods, to the time when they became united into
political communities and owned the supremacy of law and
reason. The speculative Greeks who visited Egypt in the sixth
and fifth centuries before the Christian era were profoundly im-
pressed with the monuments of the old Egyptian monarchy,
which even in that early age of the world indicated a gray and
hoary antiquity. The Egyptian priests were not slow to avail
themselves of the impression made upon their visitors, and told
the latter many a wondrous tale to prove that the civilization,
the arts, and even the religion of the Greeks, all came from the
land of the Nile. These tales found easy believers ; they were
carried back to Greece, and repeated with various modifications
and embellishments ; and thus no doubt arose the greater num-
ber of the traditions respecting Egyptian colonies in Greece.

§ 7. Although we may therefore reject with safety the tra-
ditions respecting these Egyptian colonies, two are of so much
celebrity that they cannot be passed over entirely in an account
of the early ages of Greece. Attica is said to have been indebted
for the arts of civihzed life to Cecrops, a native of Sais in
Egypt. To him is ascribed the foundation of the city of Athens,
the institution of marriage, and the introduction of rehgious
rites and ceremonies. The Acropolis or citadel of Athens, to
which the original city was confined, continued to bear the name
of Cecropia even in later times. Argos, in like manner, is said
to have been founded by the Egyptian Danaus, who fled to
Greece with his fifty daughters to escape from the persecution
of their suitors, the fifty sons of his brother ^Egyptus. The
Egyptian stranger was elected king by the natives, and from him
the tribe of the Danai derived their name, which Homer fre-
quently uses as a general appellation for the Greeks. The only
fact which lends any countenance to the existence of an Egyptian
colony in Greece is the discovery of the remains of two pyramids
at no great distance from Argos ; but this form of building is
not confined to Egypt. Pyramids are found in India, Babylonia,
and Mexico, and may therefore have been erected by the early
inhabitants of Greece independently of any connexion with Egypt.

16 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. I

§ 8. Another colony, not less celebrated and not more credible
than the two just mentioned, is the one led from Asia by Pelops,
from whom the southern peninsula of Greece derived its name
of Peloponnesus. Pelops is usually represented as a native of
Sipylus in Phrygia, and the son of the wealthy kuig Tantalus.
By means of his riches, which he brought with him into Greece,
he became kuig of Mycenae and the founder of a powerful
dynasty, one of the most renowned in the Heroic age of Greece.
From him was descended Agamenmon, who led the Grecian host
against Troy,

§ 9. The case is different with the Phoenician colony, which is
said to have been founded by Cadmus at Thebes in BcEotia. We
have decisive evidence that the Phcenicians planted colonies at
an early period in the islands of Greece ; and it is only natural
to beUeve that they also settled upon the shores of the mainland.
Whether there was such a person as the Phoenician Cadmus,
and whether he built the town called Cadmea, which afterwards
became the citadel of Thebes, as the ancient legends relate, can
not be determined ; but, setting aside all tradition on the subject,
there is one fact which proves indisputably an early intercourse
between Phoenicia and Greece. It was to the Phoenicians that
the Greeks were indebted for the art of writing ; for both the
names and the forms of the letters in the Greek alphabet are
evidently derived from the PhcEnician. With this exception the
Oriental strangers left no permanent traces of their settlements
in Greece ; and the population of the country continued to be

jntially Grecian, uncontaminated by any foreign elements.

Paris, from the .Sginetan Sculprtres.

Ajax, from the ^ginetan Sculptures.

CHAPTER II.

THE GRECIAN HEROES.

§ 1. Mythical character of the Heroic Age. § 2. Hercules. § 3. Theseus.
§ 4. Minos. § 5. Voyage of the Argonauts. § 6. The Seven against
Thebes and the Epigoni. § 1. The Trojan War as related in the Iliad.
§ 8. Later additions. § 9. Return of the Grecian heroes from Troy.
§ 10. Date of the fall of Troy. § 11. Whether the Heroic legends con-
tain any historical facts. § 12. The Homeric poems present a picture
of a real state of society.

§ 1 . It was universally believed by the Greeks that their native
land was in the earlier ages ruled by a noble race of beings, pos-
sessing a superhuman though not a divine nature, and superior
to ordinary men in strength of body and greatness of soul. These
are the Heroes of Grecian mythology, whose exploits and adven-
tures form the great mine from which the Greeks derived in-
exhaustible materials for their poetry- —

" Presenting Thebes or Pelops' line,
Or the tale of Troy divine."

18 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. IL

According to mj'thiGal chronology the Heroic age constitutes
a period of ahout two hundred years, from the first appearance
of the Hellenes in Thessaly to the return of the Greeks from
Troy. Since the legends of this period belong to m}-tholog}' and
not to histor}', they find their proper place in a work devoted to
the former subject. But some of them are so closely interwoven
with the historical traditions of Greece that it is impossible to
pass them by entirely. Among the heroes three stand con-
spicuously forth : Hercules, the national hero of Greece ; Theseus,
the hero of Attica ; and Minos, kuig of Crete, the principal
fomider of Grecian law and ci^dlization.

§ 2. Of all the Heroic famihes none was more celebrated than
that of Danaus, king of Argos. In the fifth generation we find
it personified in Danae, the daughter of Acrisius. whom Jove
wooed m a shower of gold, and became by her the father of
Perseus, the celebrated conqueror of Medusa. Perseus was the
ancestor of Hercules, being the great-grandfather both of Alc-
mena and of her husband Amphitr}'on. According to the well-
known legend, Jove, enamoured of Alcmena, assmned the form
of Amphitryon in his absence, and became by her the father
of Hercules. To the son thus begotten Jove had destined the
sovereignty of Argos ; but the jealous anger of Hera (Juno)
raised up against him an opponent and a master in the person
of Eurystheus, another descendant of Perseus, at whose bidding
the greatest of aU heroes was to achieve those wonderful labom-s
which filled the whole world -with, his fame. In these are reahzed,
on a magnificent scale, the two great objects of ancient heroism
— ^the destruction of physical and moral evil, and the acquisition
of wealth and power. Such, for instance, are the labours, in
which he destroys the terrible Xemean lion and Lemean hydra,
carries off the ghdle of Ares from Hippolyte, queen of the
Amazons, and seizes the golden apples of the Hesperides, guarded
by a hundred-headed dragon. At the same time, however, we
perceive, as is the case T\ith all the Grecian heroes, that the
extraordinary endowments of Hercules did not preserve him
from human weakness and error, and the consequent expiation
which they demanded. After slayuig in his migovernable rage
his friend and companion Iphitus, the son of Eur}i;us, he is seized
with sickness, becomes the slave of the Lydian queen Omphale,
devotes hinaself to effeminate occupations, and sinks into luxury
and wantonness. At a subsequent period another crmie pro-
duces his death. The rape of lole, the daughter of the same
Eurj-tus whose son he had slain, incites his ysrife Deianira to send
him the fatal shirt, poisoned with the blood of the centaiu'
Nessus. Unable to endure the torments it occasions, he repairs

Chap. IL THE GRECIAN HEROES. 19

to Mount (Eta, which becomes the scene of his apotheosis. As
he lies on the funeral pile there erected for him by Hyllus, his
eldest son by Deianira, a cloud descends and bears him off amidst
thunder and lightning to Olympus, where he is received among
the immortal gods, and, being reconciled to Hera, receives in
marriage her daughter Hebe, the goddess of youth.

§ 3. Theseus was the son of JEgeus, king of Athens, and of
JEthra, daughter of Pittheus, king of TroBzen. On his return to
Athens ^geus left ^Ethra behind him at Trcezen, enjoining her
not to send their son to Athens till he was strong enough to lift
from beneath a stone of prodigious weight his father's sword and
sandals, which would serve as tokens of recognition. Theseus,
when grown to manhood, accomplished the appointed feat with
ease, and took the road to Athens over the isthmus of Corinth, a
journey beset with many dangers from robbers who barbarously
mutilated or killed the unhappy wayfarers who fell into their
hands. But Theseus overcame them all, and arrived in safety
at Athens, where he was recognised by iEgeus, and declared his
successor. Among his many memorable achievements the most
famous was his dehverance of Athens from the frightful tribute
imposed upon it by Minos for the murder of his son. This con-
sisted of seven youths and seven maidens, whom the Athenians
were compelled to send every nine years to Crete, there to be
devoured by the Minotaur, a monster with a human body and
a bull's head, which Minos kept concealed in an inextricable
labyrinth. The third ship was already on the point of sailing
with its cargo of iimocent victims, when Theseus offered to go
with them, hoping to put an end for ever to the horrible tribute.
Ariadne, the daughter of Minos, became enamoured of the hero,
and having supplied him with a clue to trace the windings of
the labyrinth, Theseus succeeded in killing the monster, and
in tracking his way out of the mazy lair. As he returned
towards Athens, the pilot forgot to hoist the white sail, agreed
on as the signal of success, in place of the black sail usually
carried by the vessel which bore that melancholy tribute, where-
upon iEgeus, thhiking that his son had perished, threw himself
into the sea which afterwards bore his name.

Theseus, having now ascended the throne, proceeded to lay the
foimdations of the future greatness of Athens. He united into
one political body the twelve independent states into which
Cecrops had divided Attica, and made Athens the capital of the
new kingdom. In order to accommodate the increased popula-
tion of the city, he covered with buildings the ground lying to
the south of the Cecropian citadel ; and in corajnemoration of
the union, he instituted the festivals of the Panathensea and

20 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. II.

Synoikia in honour of Athena (Minerva), the patron goddess of
the city. He then divided the citizens into three classes, namely,
EupatridcB, or nobles, Geomwi, or husbandmen, and Demiurgi,
or artisans. He is further said to have established a constitution-
al government, retaining in his own hands only certain definite
powers and privileges, so that he was regarded in a later age as
the founder of civil equahty at Athens. He also extended the
Attic territory to the confines of Peloponnesus, and estabhshed
the games in honour of Poseidon (Neptune), which were cele-
brated on the isthmus. He subsequently engaged in a variety of
adventures in conjunction wdth Hercules and Pirithous, king of
the Lapithee. But on his return to Athens after these exploits,
the Athenians refused to obey him any longer, whereupon be
retired to the island of Scyros, and was there murdered through
the treachery of king Lycomedes.

§ 4. Minos, king of Crete, whose story is connected with that
of Theseus, appears, like him, the representative of an historical
and civil state of life. Minos is said to have received the laws of
Crete immediately firom Jove ; and traditions uniformly represent
him as king of the sea. Possessing a numerous fleet, he reduced
the surrounding island, especially the Cyclades, under his domi-
nion, and cleared the sea of pirates. A later legend recognizes
two heroes of the name of Minos ; one, the son of Jove and
Europa, who after his death became a judge in the lower world,
and the other his grandson, who held the dominion of the sea.

§ 5. If, turning from the exploits of individual heroes, we
examine the enterprises undertaken by a collective body of
chiefs, we shall again find three expeditions more celebrated
than the rest. These are the Voyage of the Argonauts, the "War
of the Seven against Thebes, and the Siege of Troy.

In the Voyage of the Argonauts the jEolids play the principal
part. Pehas, a descendant of tEoIus, had deprived his half-
brother ^son of his dominion over the kingdom of lolcus in
Thessaly. When Jason, son of JEson, had grown up to manhood,
he appeared before his uncle and demanded back his throne.
^son consented only on condition that Jason should first fetch
the golden fleece from ^a,* a region in the farthest east, ruled
by iEetes, offspring of the Sun-god. Here it was preserved in
the grove of Ares (Mars), suspended upon a tree, and under the
guardianship of a sleepless dragon.

The Argo, a ship built for the expedition, gave its name to the

adventurers, who, under the conduct of Jason, embarked in the

harbour of lolcus, for the purpose of bringing back the fleece.

They consisted of the most renowned heroes of the time. Her-

* Identified by the Greeks of a later age with Colchie.

Chap. II. THE GRECIAN HEROES. 21

cules and Theseus are mentioned among them, as well as the
principal leaders in the Trojan war. Jason, however, is the
central figure and the real hero of the enterprise. When he and
his companions arrived, after many adventures, at Ma,, king
^etes promised to deliver to him the golden fleece, provided he
yoked two fire-breathing oxen with brazen feet, ploughed with
them a piece of land, sowed in the furrows thus made the remain-
der of the teeth of the dragon slain by Cadmus, and vanquished
the armed men that would start from the seed. Here, also, as in
the legend of Theseus, love played a prominent part. Medea, the
daughter of ^Eetes, who was skilled in magic and supernatural arts,
furnished Jason with the means of accomplishing the labours
imposed upon him ; and as her father still delayed to surrender
the fleece, she cast the dragon asleep during the night, seized the
fleece, and set sail in the Argo with her beloved Jason and his
companions. iEetes pursued them ; but after many long and
strange wanderings, they at length reached lolcus in safety.

§ 6. Li the Heroic age Thebes was already one of the principal
cities of Greece. Towards the close of this period it became the
scene of the last struggles of a fated race, whose legendary his-
tory is so full of human crime, of the obscure warnings of the
gods, and of the inevitable march of fate, as to render it one of
the favourite subjects of the tragic poets of Athens.

Laius, king of Thebes, was warned by an oracle to beget no
children, or he would be murdered by his son. He neglected the
prediction, but to obviate its effects caused his son (Edipus by
Jocasta to be exposed to death. The mfant, however, w^as saved
and carried to Corinth, where king Polybus reared him. as his
own. Grown up to manhood, and stung by the reproaches which
he heard cast upon his birth, (Edipus consulted the Delphic
oracle respecting his parentage, and was warned by it not to re-
turn to his native land, as he was there destmed to slay his father
and commit incest with his mother, CEdipus, believing Polybus
to be his real father, now avoided Corinth and took the road to
Thebes, but by so doing incuiTed the very fate which he sought
to avoid. Meeting Laius in a narrow road he slew him in a
quarrel, and then proceeding to Thebes obtained the hand of his
mother, queen Jocasta, promised as a reward to the man who
should solve a riddle propounded by the sphinx, a monster which
had long infested the land, but which was driven to slay itself by
the solution of its enigma. Two sons and two daughters were
the fruit of the incestuous marriage. These horrors drew down
a pestilence on the land, and in order to avert it, an oracle com-
manded the banishment of the murderer of Laius. The inquiries
instituted to discover the guilty man revealed the fatal truth.

22 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. II.

Jocasta hangs herself; (Edipus, unable any longer to bear the
light of day, puts out his eyes, and being expelled from the city
by his trv^o sons, Eteocles and Polynices, pronounces upon them
a curse which speedily takes effect. In a struggle for undivided
dominion, Polynices is driven out of Thebes by his brother, and
repairing to Argos obtains the aid of king Adrastus to reinstate
him in his rights. Besides that monarch and Pohiaices five other
heroes join the expedition, making the confederacy known under
the name of the " Seven against Thebes.'"' All of them except
Adrastus are slain, whilst Pol}Tiices and Eteocles fall by each
other's hands.

Ten years later the sons of the alhed princes undertake another
expedition against Thebes in order to avenge their fathers' fate,
hence called the war of the Epigoni, or the Descendants. It
proved successful. Thebes was taken and razed to the ground
after the greater part of its inhabitants had left the city on the
advice of the prophet Tiresias.

§ 7. In mythological chronology the war of the Epigoni im-
mediately precedes the expedition against Troy, whose legend
forms the termination of the Heroic age. ^^Tiile it was the last,
it was also the greatest of all the heroic achievements. It formed
the subject of innumerable epic poems, and has been immortal-
ised by the genius of Homer.

Paris, son of Priam, king of lUum or Troy, abused the hospi-
tahty of ^enelaus, king of Sparta, by carrying off his wdfe Helen,
the most beautiful woman of the age. AU. the Grecian princes
looked upon the outrage as one coromitted against themselves.
Responduig to the call of Menelaus, they assemble in arms, elect
his brother Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, leader of the expedi-
tion, and sail across the ^gean in nearly 1200 ships to recover
the faithless fair one. Several of the confederate heroes excel
Agamemnon m fame. Among them Achilles, chief of the Thes-
salian Mpmidons, stands pre-eminent in strength, beauty, and
valour, whilst Ulysses, king of Ithaca, surpasses all the rest in
the mental quahties of counsel, subtilt}', and eloquence. Thus,
though by opposite endo-wTnents, these two heroes form the
centre of the group. Next to them we observe the aged Xestor,
king of Pylus, distinguished for hrs wisdom and experience ;
the vahant Diomedes, king of Argos, son of Tydeus, slain at
Thebes, and one of the Epigoni ; the Telamonian Ajax, of Sa-
lami s, who, though somewhat he^xy and miwieldy, is next to
Achilles in person and fighting power ; and lastly, Idomeneus of
Crete, a grandson of Minos.

Among the Trojans, Hector, one of the sons of Priam, is most
distinguished for heroic quahties, and forms a striking contrast

Chap. IL THE GRECIAN HEROES. 23

to his handsome but effeminate brother Paris. Next to Hector
in valour stands JEneas, son of Anchises and Aphrodite (Venus).
Even the gods take part in the contest, encouraging their favourite
heroes, and sometimes fighting by 4heir side or in their stead.

It is not till the tenth year of the v^^ar that Ilium yields to the
inevitable decree of fate, and it is this year which forms the sub-
ject of the Iliad. Achilles, offended by Agamemnon, abstains
from the war, and even entreats his mother Thetis to obtain
from Jove victory for the Trojans. In his absence the Greeks
are no match for Hector. The Trojans drive them back into
their camp, and are already setting fire to their ships, when
Achilles gives his armour to his friend Patroclus, and allows him
to charge at the head of the Myrmidons. Patroclus repulses the
Trojans from the ships, but the god Apollo is against him, and
he falls under the spear of Hector. Desire to avenge the death
of his friend proves more powerful in the breast of Achilles than
anger against Agamemnon. He appears again in the field in
new and gorgeous armour, forged for him by the god Hephaestus
(Vulcan) at the prayer of Thetis. The Trojans fly before him,
and although Achilles is aw^are that his owai death must speedily
follow that of the Trojan hero, he slays himi in single combat.

§ 8. The Ihad closes with the burial of Hector. The death of
Achilles and the capture of Troy were related in later poems, as
well as his victories over Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons, and
Memnon, king of ^Ethiopia. The hero of so many achievements
perishes by an arrow shot by the unwarlike Paris, but directed
by the hand of Apollo. The noblest combatants had now fallen
on either side, and force of arms had proved unable to accom.-
plish what stratagem at length effects. It is Ulysses who now
steps into the foreground and becomes the real conqueror of
Troy. By his advice a wooden horse is built, in whose inside he
and other heroes conceal themselves. The infatuated Trojans
admit the horse within their walls. In the dead of night the
Greeks rush out and open the gates to their comrades. Ilium
is delivered over to the sword, and its glory sinks in ashes.

§ 9. The return of the Grecian leaders from Troy forms ano-
ther series of poetical legends. Several meet with tragical ends.
Agamemnon is murdered, on his arrival at Mycense, by his wife
Clytsenmestra, and her paramour ^gisthus. Diomedes, who
also finds his house defiled, is driven from Argos and settles in
Italy. But of these wanderings the most celebrated and in-
teresting are those of Ulysses, which form the subject of the
Odyssey. After twenty years' absence he arrives at length in
Ithaca, where he slays the numerous suitors who devoured his
substance and contended for the hand of his wife Penelope.

24 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. II.

^ 10. It has been already stated that the Trojan war closes the
Heroic age, and the poet Hesiod relates that the divine race of
heroes was exhausted before the walls of Thebes and on the
plain of lUium. As the Trojtin war was thus supposed to mark
an epoch in Grecian history, great pains were taken in the later
periods of antiquity to fix its date. That of Eratosthenes, a
grammarian at Alexandria, enjoyed most credit, which placed
the fall of the city 407 years before the first Olympiad, and con-
sequently in the year 1184 b.c.

§ 11. In relating the legends of the Heroic age we have made
no attempt to examine their origin, or to deduce from them any
historical facts. All such attempts are in our opinion vain and
fruitless. Whether there were real persons of the name of Her-
cules, Theseus, and Minos can neither be affirmed nor denied.
Our only reason for beheving in their existence is the tradition
of the Greeks respecting them ; and knowing how worthless is
tradition, especially when handed dowTi by a rude and unlettered
people, we cannot accept the Grecian heroes as real personages
upon such evidence. It has been supposed by many modem
writers that the wonderful story of the Argonauts took its rise
from the adventurous voyages of early Greek mariners to the
coasts of the Euxine ; that the expeditions of the " Seven against
Thebes" and their descendants, represented in a legendary form
an actual contest between Argos and Thebes ; and that the Ho-
meric tale of the Trojan war was based upon historical facts.
But for such statements we have no authority. They are at the
best only probable conjectures. ^'Vliile therefore we do not deny
the possibility of an historical Trojan war, we cannot accept it
as a fact supported by trustworthy evidence, since Homer is our
sole authority for it.

M2. Although the Homeric poems caimot be received as a re-
cord of historical persons and events, yet they present a valuable
picture of the institutions and manners of a real state of society.
Homer lived in an age in which antiquarian research was un-
known ; his poems were addressed to unlettered hearers, and
any description of life and mamiers which did not correspond to
the state of things around them would have been unintelligible
and uninteresting to his contemporaries. In addition to this,
there is an artless simphcity in his descriptions which forces
upon every reader the conviction that the poet drew his pictures
from real life, and not from an antiquated past or from imaginary
ideas of his own. The description wliich he gives of the govern-
ment, maimers, society, and customs of his age demands our
attentive consideration, since with it our knowledge of the Greek
people commences.

Gate of Mycenae.

CHAPTER III.

STATE OF SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE.

§ 1. Political condition of Greece — ^the Kings, § 2. The Boule, or Coun-
cil of Chiefs. § 3. The Agora, or general assembly of freemen. § 4.
The condition of common freemen and slaves. § 5. State of social
and moral feeling. § 6. Simplicity of manners. § 7. Advances made
in civilization. § 8. Commerce and the arts. § 9. The physical
sciences. § 10. The art of war.

§ i. In the Heroic age Greece was already divided into a num-
ber of independent states, each, governed by its own king. The
authority of the king wa^ not limited by any laws ; his power
resembled that of the patriarchs in the Old Testament ; and for
the exercise of it he was responsible only to Jove, and not to
his people. It was from the Olympian god that his ancestors
had received the supremacy, and he transmitted it, as a divine
inheritance, to his son. He had the sole command of his people
in war, he administered to them justice in peace, and he ofiered
up on their behalf prayers and sacrifices to the gods. He was
the general, judge, and priest of his people. They looked up
to him with reverence as a being of divine descent and divine
appointment ; but at the same time he was obliged to possess
personal superiority, both of body and mind, to keep ahve this
feeling in his subjects. It was necessary that he should be brave

0

26 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ch.^p. III.

in war, wise in counsel, and eloquent in debate. If a king be-
came weak in body or feeble in mind, he could not easily retain
his position ; but as long as his personal qualities conunanded
the respect of his subjects, they quietly submitted to acts of vio-
lence and caprice. An ample domam was assigned to him for
his support, and he received frequent presents to avert his
enmity and gain his favor.

Although the king was not restrained in the exercise of his
power by any positive laws, there were, even in the Heroic age,
two bodies which must practically have limited his authority,
and which became in republican Greece the sole depositaries of
political power. These were the Boule, or council of chiefs,
and the Agora, or general assembly of freemen.

k 2. The king was surromided by a limited number of nobles
or chiefs, to whom the title of Basileus was given, as well as to
the monarch. himself. Like the king they traced their descent
from the gods, and formed his Boule, or Council, to which he
announced the resolutions he had already formed and from which
he asked advice. The Boule possessed no veto upon the measures
of the king, and far less could it origmate any measure itself.
This is strikingly shown by the submissive manner in which
Nestor tenders his advice to Agamemnon, to be adopted or
rejected, as the "king of men " might choose,=^ and by the
description which Homer frequently gives of the meetmgs of
the gods in Olympus, which are evidently taken from similar
meetings of men upon earth. In heaven, Jove, like the Homeric
king, presides in the council of the gods and listens to their ad-
vice, but forms his own resolutions, which he then communi-
cates to them.

§ 3. When the king had announced his determination to the
Council, he proceeded with his nobles to the Agora. The king
occupied the most important seat m the assembly with the
nobles by, his side, wliile the people sat in a circle around them.
The king opened the meeting by announcing his intentions, and
the nobles were then allowed to address the people. But no
one else had the right to speak ; no vote was taken ; the people
simply listened to the debate between the chiefs ; and the as-
sembly served only as a means for promulgating the intentions
of the king. It is true that tliis assembly formed a germ, out
of which the sovereignty of the people subsequently sprang ;
but in the Heroic age the king was the only person who pos-
sessed any pohtical power, and Homer expresses the general
feeling of his time in the memorable lines — " The rule of many
is not a good thing : let us have only one ruler, one king — him
* Iliad, ix. 96-101.

Chap. IIL SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 2Y

to whom Jove has given the sceptre and the authority."* There
was another important pm'pose.for which the Agora was sum-
moned. It was in the Agora that justice was administered by
the king, sometimes alone and sometimes with the assistance of
his nobles. It may be remarked in passing that this pubhc
administration of justice must have had a powerful tendency to
check corruption and secure righteous judgments.

^ 4. The Greeks in the Heroic age were divided into the three
classes of nobles, common freemen,! and slaves 4 Th& nobles
were raised far above the rest of the coraimunity in honour,
power, and wealth. They were distinguished by their warlike
prowess, their large estates, and their numerous slaves. The
condition of the general mass of freemen is rarely mentioned.
They possessed portions of land as their own property, which they
cultivated themselves : but there was another class of poor free-
men, called Thetes, who had no land of their own, and who worked
for hire on the estates of others. Among the freemen we find
certain professional persoils, whose acquirements and knowledge
raised them above their class, and procured for them the respect
of the nobles. Such were the seer, the bard, the herald, and like-
wise the smith and the carpenter, since in that age a knowledge
of the mechanical arts was confined to a few.

Slavery was not so prevalent in the Heroic age as in republican
Greece, and it appears in a less odious aspect. The nobles alone
possessed slaves, and they treated them with a degree of kind-
ness, which frequently secured for the masters their affectionate
attachment.

§ 5. The state of social and moral feeling in the Heroic age
presents both bright and dark features. Among the Greeks,
as among every people which has just emerged from bar-
barism, the family relations are the grand sources of lasting
union and devoted attachment. The paternal authority was
highly reverenced, and nothing was so much dread^ as the
curse of an offended father. All the members of a family or
a clan were connected by the closest ties, and were bound to
revenge with their united strength an injury oftered to any indi-
vidual of the race. The women were allowed greater liberty
than they possessed in republican Greece ; and to Penelope,
Andromache, and other women of the Heroic age there is
an interest attachuig, which we never feel in the women of
the historical period. The wife occupied a station of great dig-
nity and influence in the family, but was purchased by her
husband from her parents by valuable presents, s^ a custom which

* niad, ii. 203-206. + dfjixog, laot.

\ d/icJe^. § Called eedva, or ^dva.

28 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. III.

prevailed among the ancient Jews and the barbarous nations of
Germany. In the Heroic age, as in other early stages of society,
we find the stranger treated with generous hospitahty. The
chief welcomes him to his house, and does not inquire his name
nor the object of his journey till he has placed before him his
best cheer. If the stranger comes as a suppliant, he has a still
greater claim upon his host — although this tie may expose the
latter to difficulty and danger, and may even bring upon him the
hostility of a more powerful neighbour ; for Jove punishes with-
out mercy the man who disregards the prayer of a suppliant.

The three facts we have mentioned — the force of the family
relations, hospitality to the stranger, and protection to the sup-
pliant— form the bright features in the social and moral feelings
of the age. We now turn to the darker side of the picture.

The poems of Homer represent a state of society in which the
protection of law is practically unknown. The chief who can
not defend himself is plundered and maltreated by liis more pow-
erful neighbour. The occupation of a pu-ate is reckoned honoura-
ble ; homicides are of frequent occurrence ; and war is conducted
with the most ferocious cruelty. (Quarter is rarely given ; the
fallen foe is stripped of his armour, which becomes the spoil of
his conqueror, and if the naked corpse remains in the power of
the latter, it is cast out to beasts of prey. The poet ascribes to
his greatest heroes savage brutalities. Achilles sacrifices twelve
human victims on the tomb of Patroclus, and drags the corpse
of Hector around the walls of Troy, while the Greek chiefs pierce
it with their spears.

§ 6. The society of the Heroic age was marked by simplicity
of manners. The kings and nobles did not consider it derogatory
to their dignity to acquire skill in the manual arts. Ulysses is
represented as building his own bed-chamber and constructing
his own raft, and he boasts of being an excellent mower and
ploughmip. Like Esau, who made savoury meat for his father
Isaac, the Heroic chiefs prepared their own meals and prided
themselves on their skill in cookery. Kings and private persons
partook of the same food, which was of the simplest kind. Beef,
mutton, and goat's flesh were the ordinary meats, and cheese,
flour, and sometimes fruits, also formed part of the banquet.
Bread was brought on in baskets, and the guests were supplied
with wine diluted with water. Before drinking, some of the wine
was poured on the ground as a libation to the gods, and the
guests then pledged each other with their cups. But their en-
tertainments were never disgraced by intemperance, like those
of our northern ancestors. The enjoyment of the banquet was
heightened by the song and the dance, and the chiefs took more

Chap. III. SOCIETY OF THE HEROIC AGE. 29

delight in the lays of the minstrel than in the exciting influence
of the wine.

The wives and daughters of the chiefs, in like manner, did not
deem it beneath them to discharge various duties which were
afterward regarded as menial. Not only do we find them con-
stantly employed in weaving, spiim.ing, and embroidery, but like
the daughters of the patriarchs they fetch water from the well
and assist their slaves in washing garments in the river.

^ 7. Although the Heroic age is strongly marked by martial
ferocity and simplicity of habits, it would be an error to regard
it as one essentially rude and barbarous. On the contrary, the
Greeks in this early period had already made considerable ad-
vances in civilization, and had successfully cultivated many of
the arts which contribute to the comfort and refinement of life.
Instead of living in scattered villages like the barbarians of Gaul
and G-ermany, they were collected in fortified towns, which were
surrounded by walls and adorned with palaces and temples.
The houses of the nobles were magnificent and costly, glittering
with gold, silver, and bronze, while the nobles themselves were
clothed in elegant garments and protected by highly wrought
armor. From the Phoenician merchants they obtained the
finest products of the Sidonian loom, as well as tin, iron, and
electrum. They traveled with rapidity in chariots drawn by
high-bred steeds, and they navigated the sea with ease in fifty-
oared galleys. Property in land was transmitted from father to
son ; agiculture was extensively practised, and vineyards care-
fully cultivated. It is true that Homer may have occasionally
drawn upon his imagination in his brilliant pictures of the palaces
of the chiefs and of their mode of living, but the main features
must have been taken from life, and we possess even in the pres-
ent day memorials of the Heroic age which strikingly attest its
grandeur. The remains of Mycense and Tiryns and the emis-
saries of the lake Copais belong to this period. The massive ruins
of these two cities, and the sculptured lions on the gate of My-
cense, still excite the wonder of the beholder.* The emissaries
or tunnels which the inhabitants of Orchomenus constructed to
carry ofi'the waters of the lake Copais in Bceotia, are even more
striking proofs of the civilization of the age. A people who felt
the necessity of such works, and who possessed sufiicient in-
dustry and skill to execute them, must have already made great
advances in social life.f

§ 8. Commerce, however, was Httle cultivated, and was not

* See drawings on pp. 10, 25.

f One of these tunnels is nearly four English miles in length, with
numerous shafts let down into it. One shaft is about 150 feet deep.

30 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. III.

much esteemed. It was deemed more honourable for a man to
enrich himself by robbery and piracy than by the arts of peace.
The trade of the Mediterranean was then exclusively in the hands
of the Phoenicians, who exchanged the commodities of the East
for the landed produce and slaves of the Greek chiefs. Com-
merce was carried on by barter ; for corned money is not men-
tioned in the poems of Homer. Statuary was already cultivated
in this age, as we see from the remains of Mycenae, already men-
tioned ; and although no paintings are spoken of in Homer, yet
his descriptions of the works of embroidery prove that his con-
temporaries must have been acquainted with the art of design.
Whether the Greeks were acquainted at this early period with the
art of writing is a question that has given rise to much dispute,
and which will demand our attention when we come to speak of
the origin of the Horaieric poems. Poetry, however, was ciiltivated
with success, though yet confined to epic strams, or the narration
of the exploits and adventures of the Heroic chiefs. The bard
sung his own song, and was always received with welcome and
honor in the palaces of the nobles.

§ 9. In the state of society already described, men had not yet
begun to study those phsenomena of nature which form the basis
of the physical sciences. They conceived the earth to be a plane
surface surrounded by an ever-flowing river called Oceanus, from
which every other river and sea derived their waters. The sky
was regarded as a solid vault supported by Atlas, who kept
heaven and earth asunder. Their geographical knowledge was
confined to the shores of Greece and Asia Mmor and the principal
islands of the ^Egean sea. Beyond these limits all was uncer-
tain and obscure. Italy appears to have been unknown to Homer,
and Sicily he peoples with the fabulous Cyclops. Libya, Egj^pt,
and Phoenicia were known only by vague hearsay, while the
Euxine is not mentioned at all.

§ 10. In the battles of the Heroic age, as depicted in the poems
of Homer, the chiefs are the only important combatants, while
the people are introduced as an almost useless mass, frequently
put to rout by the prowess of a single hero. The chief is mounted
in a war-chariot drawn by two horses, and stands by the side of
his charioteer, who is frequently a friend. He carries into battle
two long spears, and wears a long sword and a*short dagger ;
his person is protected by shield, helmet, breast-plate, and greaves.
In the wars, as in the political system, of the Heroic age, the
chiefs are every thing and the people nothing.

Hercules and Bull. (From a bas-relief in the Vatican.)

CHAPTER IV.

RETURN OF THE HERACLID^ INTO PELOPONNESUS, AND FOUNDATION
OF THE EARLIEST GREEK COLONIES.

§ 1. The mythical character of the narrative of these events. § 2.
Migration of the Boeotians from Thessaly into Boeotia. § 3. Con-
quest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. § 4. The legendary account
of this event. The invasion. § 5. The legendary account continued.
The division of Peloponnesus among the conquerors. § 6. Remarks
upon the legendary account. § Y. Foundation of the Greek colonies
in Asia Minor. § 8. The jEolic colonies. § 9. The Ionic colonies.
§ 10. The Doric colonies. § 11. Colonization of Crete by the Dori-
ans. § 12. Conclusion of the Mythical age.

§ 1 . At the commencement of G recian history in the first Olym-
piad we find the greater part of Peloponnesus occupied by tribes
of Dorian conquerors, and the western shores of Asia Minor cov-
ered by Greek colonies. The time at which these settlements
were made is quite uncertain. They belong to a period long
antecedent to all historical records, and were known to the Greeks
of a later age by tradition alone. The accounts given of them are
evidently fabulous, but at the same time these stories are found-
ed upon a basis of historical truth. That Peloponnesus was at
some early period conquered by the Dorians, and that Greek
colonies were planted in Asia, are facts which admit of no dis-

32 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. IY.

pute ; but whether the conquest of Peloponnesus and the colo-
nization of Asia Minor took place in the manner and at the
time descrihed by the ancient legends, is a very different ques-
tion. These legends are not entitled to more credit than those
of Hercules and Theseus, although they are proved in these
particular cases to have been fashioned out of real events ; for,
as we have already said, it is impossible to separate the histori-
cal facts from the subsequent embellishments.

§ 2. Before relating the conquest of Pelopomiesus by the
Dorians, we must say a few words respecting an earlier, though
less celebrated migration, namely, that of the Bceotians from
Thessaly into Boeotia. The Thessahans were a rude and unciv-
ilized race, who originally dwelt in the district of Epirus called
Thesprotia, from which they migrated into the country named
after them, Thessaly. These Thessahan conquerors either sub-
dued or expelled the origuial inhabitants of the countr}\ The
Boeotians, who inhabited the fertile district of ^ohs, in the
centre of Thessaly, wandered southwards into the country called
after them Boeotia, where they drove out in their turn the ancient
inhabitants of the land. According to m}-thical chronology this
event happened m 1124 B.C., or sixty years after the fall of Troy.

§ 3. The conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians is said to
have taken place twenty years after the expulsion of the Boeo-
tians from Thessaly, and was accordingly placed in 1104 b.c.
We have already seen that these dates are of no liistorical value ;
and the Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus probably took place
after the time of Homer, since neither in the Iliad nor in the
Odyssey do we find any traces of Dorians in Peloponnesus. The
Dorians were a warhke tribe in northern Greece, who had fre-
quently changed their homes, and who at length settled in a
mountainous district between Thessaly, Locris, and Phocis.
They now appear for the first time in Grecian histor}'. They
had no share m the glories of the Heroic age ; their name does
not occur in the Ihad, and they are only once mentioned m
the Odyssey as a small portion of the many tribes of Crete :
but they were destined to form in historical times one of the
most important elements of the Greek nation. Issmng from
their mountain-fastnesses, they overran the greater part of
Peloponnesus, destroyed the ancient Achaean monarchies, and
expelled or reduced to subjection the original inhabitants of the
land, of which they became the undisputed masters. Tliis brief
statement contains all that we know for certain respecting this
celebrated event. "We now proceed to give the m}i;hical account.

§ 4. The Dorians were led to the conquest of Peloponnesus
by the Heraclidse, or descendants of the mighty hero Hercules.

Chap. IV. RETURN OF THE HERACLID^ 83

Hence this migration is called the Return of the Heraclidse.
The children of Hercules had long been fugitives upon the earth.
They had made many attempts to regain possession of the do-
minions in the Peloponnesus, of which their great sire had been
deprived by Eurystheus, but hitherto w^ithout success. In their
last attempt Hyllus, the son of Hercules, had perished in single
combat vi^ith Echemus of Tegea ; and the Heraclidee had Jtecome
bound by a solemn compact to renounce their enterprise for a
hundred years. This period had now expired; and the great-
grandsons of Hyllus — Temenus, Cresphontes, and Aristodemus —
resolved to make a fresh attempt to recover their birthright.
They were assisted in the enterprise by the Dorians. This people
espoused their cause in consequence of the aid which Hercules
himself had rendered to the Dorian king, iEgimius, when the
latter was hard pressed in a contest with the Lapithse. The
invaders were warned by an oracle not to enter Pelopoimesus by
the Isthmus of Corinth, but across the mouth of the Corinthian
gulf. The uiliabitants of the northern coast of the gulf were
favourable to their enterprise. Oxylus, king of the ^tohans,
became their guide ; and the Ozolian Locrians granted them a
port for building their fleet, from which memorable circumstance
the harbour was soon afterwards called Naupactus.=^ Here Aris-
todemus was struck with lightnmg and died, leaving tvdn sons,
Eurysthenes and Procles ; but his remaining brothers crossed over
the gulf in safety, landed in Achaia, and marched against Tisa-
menus, son of Orestes, then the most powerful monarch in Pelo-
ponnesus. A single battle decided the contest. Tisamenus was
defeated, and retired with a portion of his Achaean subjects to
the northern coast of Peloponnesus, then occupied by the lonians.
He expelled the lonians, and took possession of the country,
which continued henceforth to be inhabited by the Achseans,
and to be called after them. The lonians withdrew to Attica,
and the greater part of them afterwards emigrated to Asia Minor.

V 5. The Heraclidse and the Dorians now divided between them
the dominions of Tisamenus and of the other Achaean princes.
The kingdom of Elis was given to Oxylus as a recompense for
his services as their guide ; and it was agreed that Temenus,
Cresphontes, and the infant sons of Aristodemus should draw
lots for Argos, Sparta, and Messenia. Argos feU to Temenus,
Sparta to the sons of Aristodemus, and Messenia to Cresphontes.

The settlement of the conquerors in their new territories is

said to have been made with scarcely any opposition. The

Epeans, who inhabited Ehs, subm.itted to Oxylus and his Mto

* From vavg, " a ship," and the root Tray, -which occurs in Tzi^yvvut,

"fasten," "build."

34 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IY.

lians after their Inng had been killed in single combat by one of
the ^toHan chiefs. From this time the Epeans disappear from,
history, and their place is supphed by the Eleans, who are re-
presented as descendants of the ^Etohan conquerors.

The share of Temenus originally comprehended only Argos
and its inunediate neighbourhood ; but his sons and sons-in-law
successiTely occupied Troezen, Epidaurus, ^gina, Sicyon, and
Phhus, which thus became Doric states.

The sons of Aristodemus obtained possession of Sparta by
the treason of an Achsean named Philonomus, who received as
a recompense the neighbouring town and territory of Amy else.
The towns are said to have submitted -vv-ithout resistance, with
the exception of Helos, the inhabitants of which were, as a
punishment, reduced to slavery, thus giving rise to the class of
slaves or serfs called Helots.

Messenia yielded to Cresphontes without a struggle. Me-
lanthus, w ho ruled over the coimtry as the representative of the
race of the Pylian xS^estor, withdrew to Attica with a portion of
his subjects.

Corinth was not conquered by the Dorians till the next gen-
eration. One of the descendants of Hercules, named Hippotes,
had put to death the seer Camus, when the Heraclidae were on
the point of embarking at jNTaupactus. He had in consequence
been banished for ten years, and was not allowed to take part
in the enterprise. His son Aletes, who derived his name from
his long wanderings, subsequently attacked Corinth at the head
of a body of Dorians. The mighty d}Tiasty of the Sisyphids
was expelled, and many of the .^ohan inhabitants emigrated
to foreign lands.

§ 6. Such are the main features of the legend of the Return of
the HeraclidaB. In order to make the story more striking and im-
pressive, it compresses into a single epoch events which probably
occupied several generations. It is in itself improbable that the
brave Achseans quietly submitted to the Dorian invaders after a
momentar)^ struggle. We have, moreover, many indications that
such was not the fact, and that it was only gradually and after
a long protracted contest that the Dorians became undisputed
masters of the greater part of Peloponnesus. The imagination
loves to assign to one cause the results of numerous and different
actions. Thus in our own history we used to read that the con-
quest of England by the Normans was completed by the battle
of Hastings, in which Harold fell, w^hereas we now know that
the Saxons long continued to offer a formidable resistance to the
Norman invaders, and that the latter did not become undisputed
masters of the country for two or three generations.

Chap. IV. COLONIES IN ASIA MINOR. 35

That portion of the tradition which makes the Dorians con-
ducted into Peloponnesus by princes of Achsean blood, may
safely be rejected, notwithstanding the general belief of the fact
in ancient times. The Dorians, as we have already seen, were
poor in mythical renown ; and it would appear that the royal
family at Sparta, though of Dorian origin, claimed Hercules as
their founder in order to connect themselves v^dth the ancient
glories of the Achaean race. They thus became the representa-
tives of Agamemnon and Orestes ; and in the Persian war the
Spartans on one occasion laid claim to the supreme command of
the Grecian forces in consequence of this connexion. We cannot
err in supposing the story to be a fabrication of later times,
seeing that there are such obvious reasons for its forgery, and
such inherent improbability in its truth.

§ 7. The foundation of the Greek colonies in Asia Minor is
closely connected in the legends vdth the conquest of Pelopon-
nesus by the Dorians. There is nothing improbable in the
statement, that the original inhabitants, who had been dislodged
by the invaders, sought new homes on the coasts of Asia Minor ;
but in this case, as in the conquest of Peloponnesus, many
separate occurrences are unquestionably grouped into one. The
stream of migration probably continued to flow across the ^Egean
from Greece to Asia Minor for several generations. New adven-
turers constantly joined the colonists who were already settled
in the country, and thus in course of time the various Greek
cities were founded, which were spread over the western coast
of Asia Minor, from the Propontis on the north to Lycia on the
south. These cities were divided among the three great races of
Cohans, lonians, and Dorians, — the ^Eolians occupying the
northern portion of the coast, together with the islands of Lesbos
and Tenedos, the lonians the central part, with the islands of
Chios, Samos, and the Cyclades, and the Dorians the south-
western corner, with the islands of Rhodes and Cos.

§ 8. The ^olic colonies are said to have been the earliest.
Achseans, who had been driven out of Peloponnesus by the
Dorians, were led by their native princes, the descendants of
Orestes, to seek new homes in the East. In Boeotia they were
joined by a part both of the original inhabitants of the country
and of their Boeotian conquerors. From the latter, who were
^Eolians, the migration is called the tEoHc, but sometimes
also the Boeotian. The united body of emigrants, however, still
continued under the command of the Achaean princes. They
embarked at the port of Aulis, from which Agamemnon had
sailed against Troy. They first occupied Lesbos, where they
founded six cities ; and a detachment of them settled on the

36 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IV.

opposite coast of Asia Minor, from the foot of Mount Ida to the
mouth of the river Hermus. Smyrna was originally an ^ohc city,
but it afterwards passed into the hands of the lonians. In the
historical times there were eleven jEolic cities on the mainland,
but of these Cyme was the only one which rose to importance.*

§ 9. The Ionic migration was more important than the pre-
ceding one, and gave rise to some of the most flourishing cities
in the Hellenic world. It derived its name from the lonians,
who had been expelled by the Achseans from their homes on the
Corinthian gulf, and had taken refuge in Attica. The lonians,
however, appear to have formed only a small part of the emi-
grants. Inhabitants from many other parts of Greece, who had
been driven out of their native countries, had also fled to Attica,
which is said to have afforded protection and welcome to all
these fugitives. The small territory of Attica could not per-
manently support this increase of population ; and accordingly
these strangers resolved to follow the example of the iEolians
and seek new settlements in the East. They were led by princes
of the family of Codrus, the last king of Attica. In their pas-
sage across the vEgean sea they colonized most of the Cyclades ;
and in Asia Minor they took possession of the fertile country
from the Hermus to the Mseander, which was henceforth called
Ionia, and also of the neighbouring islands of Chios and Samos.
In this district we find twelve independent states in later times,
all of which adopted the Ionic name, notwithstanding the diver-
sity of their origin, and were united by the common worship of
the god Poseidon (Neptune) at the great Pan-Ionic festival.!
There can be no doubt that these cities were really founded
at different periods and by different emigrants, although their
origin is ascribed to the great legendary migration of which we
have been speaking, and which is referred by chronologists to
one special year, 140 years after the Trojan war.

MO. The Doric colonies in the south-western corner of Asia
Minor and in the neighbouring islands may be traced in like
manner to the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians. In the
general change of population and consequent emigrations caused
by this important event, some of the Doric chiefs were also in-
duced to quit the country they had recently subdued, and to
lead bodies of their own countrymen and of the conquered

* The names of the eleven vEolic cities were — Cyme, Temnos, Larissa,
Keon-Tichos, ^Egse, Myrina, Grynium, Cilia, Notium, ^Egiroessa, Pitane.

f The names of the twelve Ionic cities, enumerated from south to
north, were Miletus, Myus, Priene, Samos," Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus,
Teos, Erythrse, Chios, Clazomgnse, Phocaea, To these twelve Smyrna
was afterwards added.

Chap. IV

COLONIES IN ASIA MINOR.

37

Achgeans to Asia. The most celebrated of the Doric migrations
was that conducted by the Argive Althsemenes, a descendant
of Temenus, who, after leaving some of his followers at Crete,
proceeded with the remainder to the island of Rhodes, where he
founded the three cities of Lindus, lalysus, and Camirus. About
the same time Dorians settled in the neighbouring island of Cos,
and founded the cities of Halicarnassus and Cnidus on the main-
land. These six colonies formed a confederation, usually called
the Doric Hexapolis.

Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Asia Minor.

38 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IV.

§ 11. Doric colonies were also founded in mythical times in
the islands of Crete, Melos, and Thera. The colonization of
Crete more particularly deserves our attention, on account of the
similarity of the institutions of its Doric cities to those of Sparta.
There were Dorians in Crete in the time of the Odyssey, but
their chief migrations to this island took place in the third gene-
ration after their conquest of Pelopomiesus. Of these two are
expressly mentioned, one conducted under the auspices of Sparta,
and the other by the Argive Althsemenes. Of the latter we have
already spoken ; the former consisted chiefly of Minyans, who
had been settled at Amyclee by the Achsean Philonomus, to whom
the Spartans had granted this city on account of his treachery,
as has been already related. These Minyans having revolted
against Sparta, were sent out of the country as emigrants, but
accompanied by many Spartans. They sailed towards Crete, and
in their passage settled some of their number in the island of
Melos, which remamed faithful to Lacedsemon even in the time
of the Peloponnesian war. Li Crete they founded Gortyn and
Lyctus, which are mentioned as Spartan colonies. The Doric
colonists in Crete were anxious to comiect themselves with the
mythical glories of Minos, and consequently ascribed their pohtical
and social institutions to tliis celebrated hero. Hence the tra-
dition arose that the Spartan mstitutions were borrowed by
Lycurgus from those of Crete ; but it seems more probable that
their similarity was owing to their common origin, and that the
Dorians of Crete brought from the mother-country usages which
they sought to hallow by the revered name of Minos.

§ 12. The Return of the Heraclidse and the foundation of the
above-mentioned colonies form the conclusion of the Mythical
Age. From this time to the conunencement of authentic history
in the first OljTGapiad, there is a period of nearly three hundred
years, according to the conunon chronology. Of tliis long period
we have scarcely any record. But this ought not to excite our
surprise. The subjects of mythical narrative are drawn, not
from recent events, but from an imaginary past, which is sup-
posed to be separated from the present by an indefinite number
of years. Originally no attempt was made to assign any par-
ticular date to the grand events of the Mythical Age. It was
sufficient for the earher Greeks to beheve that their gods and
heroes were removed from them by a vast number of generations ;
and it was not till a later time that the literar}' men of Greece
endeavoured to count backwards to the Mythical Age, and to
affix dates to the chief events in legendary Greece.

QIKOYMENH XPONQSlAIAlOAYSSElAQMIiPOS HYeoI

Homer enthroned.

CHAPTEE y.

THE POEMS OF HOMER.

§ 1. Importance of the subject. § 2. Rise of poetry in Greece. Epic
ballads preparatory to the Epopee. § 8. The poems of the Epic Cycle,
in which the Iliad and the Odyssey were included. § 4. Diversity of
opinions respecting the life and date of Homer. § 5. Iliad and Odyssey
recited to public companies by the Rhapsodists. § 6. A standard text of
the poems first formed by Pisistratus. § Y. Modern controversy respect-
ing the origin of the Homeric poems. Prolegomena of Wolf § 8. The
Iliad and the Odyssey were originally not committed to writing.
§ 9. They were preserved by the Rhapsodists. § 10. They did not
consist originally of separate lays, but were composed by one poet,
as is shown by their poetical unity.

^ 1. No history of Grreece would be complete without some
account of the poems of Homer, and of the celebrated contro-
versy to which they have given rise in modern times. Homer
was called by the Greeks themselves The Poet. The Iliad and
the Odyssey were the Greek Bible. They were the ultimate
standard of appeal on all matters of religious doctrine and early

40 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Y.

history. They were learnt hy boys at school, they were the
study of men in their riper years, and even in the time of
Socrates there were Athenian gentleman who could repeat both
poems by heart. In whatever part of the ancient world a Greek
settled, he carried with him a love for the great poet ; and long
after the Greek people had lost their mdependence the Iliad and
the Odyssey continued to maintain an undiminished hold upon
their affections. No production of profane literature has exer-
cised so wide and long continued an iniluence, and consequently
the history of these poems demands and deserves our careful
attention.

^ 2. The origin of the lUad and the Odyssey cannot be under-
stood without a short account of the rise of poetry in Greece.
Among the Greeks, as among all other nations, poetry was cul-
tivated before prose. The first poetical compositions appear
to haA'-e been hymns addressed to the gods, or simple ballads
recounting the adventm-es and exploits of some favourite hero.
We have already seen that the Greeks of the Heroic age were
passionately fond of poetry, and that the entertainments of the
nobles were enhvened by the songs of the bard. Originally
these songs appear to have been short unconnected lays. They
may be regarded as epic poems in the more indefinite sense
of the term, since they perpetuated and adorned the memory
of great men or great deeds. The next important step in the
progress of popular poetry was to combine these separate epi-
cal songs into one comprehensive whole. Such a poem may
be called an Epopee, and presents a much more advanced state
of the art. It requires genius of a far higher order, a power of
combination and construction, not needed in poems of the former
class. Short epical poems appear to have existed before the
time of Homer, as we may infer from the Lay of the Trojan
Horse, sung by the bard Demodocus m the Odyssey ; but the
construction of the epopee, or the epic poem in the nobler
sense, is probably to be attributed to the genius of Homer.

§ 3. There was a large number of these epic poems extant iu
antiquity. "VYe know the titles of more than thirty of them.
Their subjects were all taken from the Greek legends. They
were arranged by the grammarians of Alexandria, about the
second century before the Christian era, m a chronological series,
beginning with the intermarriage of Heaven and Earth, and con-
cluding with the death of Ulysses by the hands of his son Tele-
gonus. This collection was kno^sTi by the name of the Epic Cycle,
and the poets whose works formed part of it were called Cychc
poets. The Ihad and the Odyssey were comprised in the Cycle,
and consequently the name of Cyclic poet did not originally

Chap. V. POEMS OF HOMER. 41

carry with it any association of contempt. But as the best
poems in the Cycle were spoken of by themselves or by the
titles of their separate authors, the general name of Cyclic poets
came to be applied only to the worst, especially as many of the
inferior poems in the Cycle appear to have been anonymous.
Hence we can understand why Horace =^ and others speak in
such disparaging terms of the CycHc writers, and how the infe-
riority of the Cyclic poems is contrasted with the excellence of
the Ihad and the Odyssey, although the latter had been originally
included among them.

§ 4. All these poems are now lost with the exception of the
Iliad and the Odyssey, which stood out prominently above all
the others. Throughout the flourishing period of Grreek litera-
ture these unrivalled works were universally regarded as the pro-
ductions of a single mind. At a later time some of the Alex-
andrine grannnarians attributed the Iliad and the Odyssey to
two different authors, but this innovation in the popular belief
was never regarded with much favour, and obtained few converts.!
Although antiquity was nearly unanimous in ascribing the Iliad
and Odyssey to Homer, there was very little agreement respect-
ing the place of his birth, the details of his life, or the time
in which he lived. Nor is this surprismg. His poems were
the productions of an age in which writing was either totally
unknown or at all events httle practised, and which was un-
accustomed to anything like historical investigation. Seven
cities laid claim to his birth, $ and most of them had legends to
tell respecting his romantic parentage, his alleged blindness, and
his hfe of an itinerant bard acquainted with poverty and sorrow.
It cannot be disputed that he v>^as an Asiatic Greek ; but this
is the only fact in his hfe which can be regarded as certain.
Several of the best writers of antiquity supposed him to have
been a native of the island of Chios, where there existed a
poetical gens or fraternity of Homerids, who traced their descent
from a divine progenitor of this name. Most modern scholars
believe Smyrna to have been his birth-place. The discrepancies
respecting his date are no less worthy of remark. The different
epochs assigned to him offer a diversity of nearly 500 years.
Herodotus places Homer 400 years before himself, according to

* "iS^ec sic incipies, ut scriptor cyelicus olim." — Hor. Ars Poet.

m.

\ The grammarians, who maintained the separate origin of the
Iliad and Odyssey, were called Chorizonfes (xoygiCovre^) or Separa-
tists.

X Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodos, Argos, Athense,
Orbis de patria certat, Homere, tua.

42 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. V.

which he would have lived about b.c. 850. This date, or a little
later, appears more probable than any other. He must be placed
before the first Olympiad, or B.C. 776 ; while if we suppose him
to have lived very long before that epoch, it becomes still more
wonderful that his poems should have come down from such an
age and society to historical times,

§ 5. The mode in which these poems were preserved has occa-
sioned great controversy in modern times. On this pomt we
shall speak presently ; but even if they were committed to
vn-iting by the poet himself, and were handed down to posterity
in this manner, it is certain that they were rarely read. We
must endeavor to realize the difierence between ancient Greece
and our own times. During the most flourishing period of
Athenian literature manuscripts were indifferently written, with-
out division into parts and without marks of punctuation. They
were scarce and costly, could only be obtained by the wealthy,
and only read by those who had had considerable hterary train-
ing. Under these circumstances the Greeks could never become
a reading people ; and thus the great mass even of the Athenians
became acquainted with the productions of the leading poets of
Greece only by hearmg them recited at their solemn festivals and
on other public occasions. This was more strikingly the case at
an earlier period. The Iliad and the Odyssey were not read
by individuals in private, but were sung or recited at festivals
or to assembled companies. They were addressed to the ear
and feehngs of a sympathizing multitude ; and much of the
impression which they produced must have been owing to the
talent of the reciter, and would have disappeared altogether in
sohtary reading. The bard originally sung his own lays to the
accompaniment of his lyre. He was succeeded by a body of pro-
fessional reciters, called E,hapsodists,=^ who rehearsed the poems
of others. They employed no musical accompaniment, and de-
pended solely for efiect upon voice and manner. They travelled
from town to town, bearing in their hands a laurel branch or
wand as their badge of ofiice ; and many of them seem to have
acquired great excellence in their art. We do not know at what
time the rhapsodist succeeded to the bard ; but the class of pro-
fessional reciters must have arisen as epic poetry ceased to be
produced ; and it is certain that before the time of Solon the
epic poems were recited exclusively by the Rhapsodists, either

* The etymology of the word Rhapsodist (/!5ai/)cj^6f) is uncertain ; some
deriving it from the staff or wand of office {pd^do^, or ^anLg), and others
from (iaTZTELv doiSijv to denote the coupling together of verses without
any considerable pauses, — the even, unbroken flow of the epic poem as
contrasted with lyric verses.

Chap. V. POEMS OF HOMER. 43

in short fragments before private companies, or as continuous
poems at public festivals.

^ 6. In early times the Rhapsodists appear to have had ex-
clusive possession of the Homeric poems. But in the seventh
century before the Christian era literary cultm'e began to prevail
among the Greeks ; and men of education and wealth were
naturally desirous of obtaining copies of the great poet of the
nation. From this cause copies came to be circulated among
the Grreeks ; but most of them contained only separate portions
of the poems, or single rhapsodies, as they were called. Entire
copies of such extensive works must have been very rare at this
early period of literature. The way in which the separate parts
should be arranged seems to have given rise to some dispute ;
and it was found that there were numerous variations in the
text of different copies. The very popularity and wide exten-
sion of the poems contributed to the corruption of the text. Since
the Iliad and the Odyssey were the recognized standard of early
history and mythology, each tribe was anxious that honourable
mention should be made of their heroes and their race in these
poems, and endeavoured to supply such omissions by interpo-
lating passages favourable to themselves. The Rhapsodists also
introduced alterations, and in order to gratify their vanity in-
serted lines of their own composition. From these causes, as
well as from others, we can easily account for the variations
found in the text by the reading class which began to be formed
in the seventh century. The discovery of these varieties na-
turally led to measures for establishing a standard text of the
national poet. Solon is said to have introduced improved regu-
lations for the public recitations of the poems at the Athenian
festivals ; but it is to Pisistratus, the tyrant or despot of Athens,
that the great merit is ascribed of collecting and arranging the
poems in their present form, in order that they might be recited
at the great Panathenaic festival at Athens. It is expressly
stated by Cicero=^ that Pisistratus is "reputed to have arranged
the books of Homer, previously in a state of confusion, in the
form in which we now possess them ;" and this statement is
supported by the testimony of other ancient writers. From this
time therefore (about B.C. 530) we may conclude that the Greeks
possessed a standard text of their great poet, which formed the
basis of all subsequent editions.

k 1 . We have already seen that the whole of antiquity, with
scarcely an exception, regarded the Iliad and the Odyssey as the
productions of the one poet, called Homer. This opinion con-
tinued to be held by almost all modem scholars down to the
* De Oratore, iii. 34.

44 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. V.

year 1795, when the celebrated German Professor, F. A. "Wolf,
pubUshed his Frolegomena, or Prefatory Essay to the Ihad. In
this work he maintained the startling hypothesis that neither
the lUad nor the Odyssey was composed as a distinct whole, but
that they originally consisted of separate epical ballads, each con-
stituting a single poem, and that these separate lays, which had
no common purpose nor fixed arrangement, were for the first
time reduced to writing and formed into the two great poems of
the Iliad and the Odyssey by Pisistratus and liis friends. Strange
and startling as this theory seems, it was not entirely new. The
substance of it had been already propounded by Yico, a Neapo-
litan writer of great originality, and by our own great country-
man Bentley ;^ but then- opinions had not been supported by
arguments, and were soon forgotten. Accordingly the publi-
cation of Wolf's Essay took the whole literary world by sur-
prise, and scarcely any book in modern times has effected so
complete a revolution in the opinions of scholars. Even those
who were the most opposed to his views have had their own
opinions to some extent modified by the arguments which he
brought forward, and no one has been able to establish the
old doctrine in its original integrity. It is impossible in the
present work to enter into the details of the controversy to
which Wolf's Essay has given rise. We can only endeavour to
give a sketch of his principal arguments and of the chief objec-
tions of his opponents, stating at the same time the opinion which
seems to us the most probable.

§ 8. The first argument which Wolf brought forward to sup-
port his position was, that no written copies of the Iliad and
the Odyssey could be shown to have existed during the earlier
times to which their composition is referred, and that without
writing such long and complicated works could neither have been
composed nor transmitted to posterity. In order to prove tliis
he entered into a minute discussion concerning the age of the
art of writing. It is sufficient to state here a few of the more
important results at which he arrived. In early times the Greeks
had no easy and convenient materials for writing, such as must
have been indispensable for long manuscripts like the Iliad and
the Odyssey. Moreover the traces of writing in Greece are ex-
ceedingly rare, even in the seventh century before the Christian
era, and we have no remaining inscriptions earlier than the 40 th

* Vico died in Vl4A, Tlie words of Bentley are: "Homer -^rote a
sequel of songs and rhapsodies, to bo sung by himself, for small earnings
and good cheer, at festivals and other days of merriment; the Iliad he
made for the men, the Odyssies for the other sex These loose songs were
not collected together into the form of an epic poem until 600 years after."

Chap. V. POEMS OF HOMER. 45

Olympiad (b.c. 620). In the Homeric poems themselves there is
not a single trace of the art of writing.* We find no mention of
any epitaph or mscription ; coins are unknown, and even the
supercargo of a sliip has no written list of his cargo, but is obliged
to remember it.f In addition to this the absence of the letter
called Digamma in the text of the poems is a strong proof that
they were not originally committed to writing. This letter ex-
isted at the time of the composition of the poems, and was con-
stantly employed by the poet, but it had entirely vanished from
the language when they were first written.

§ 9. It seems therefore necessary to admit the former part of
Wolf's first argument, that the IHad and Odyssey were original-
ly not written ; but does it therefore follow that without this
means such long poems could neither have been composed nor
handed down to posterity ? These two questions are not neces-
sarily connected, though they have been usually discussed to-
gether. Those who have maintained the original unity of the
Ihad and Odyssey in opposition to Wolf have generally thought
it incumbent upon them to prove that the poems were written
from, the beginning. But this appears to us quite unnecessary.
In the present day the memory has become so much weakened
by the artificial aid of writing that it may be difficult for us to
conceive of the production of a long work without such assistance.
But there is nothing impossible in it. Even modern poets have
composed long poems and have preserved them faithfully in their
memories before committing them to writing. It must also be
recollected that poetry was the profession of the ancient bards ;
that it was not the amusement of their leisure hours, but that they
devoted to it all the energies of their hearts and souls. The poems
which they thus composed were treasured up in the memories
of their faithful disciples, and were handed down to posterity by
the Rhapsodists, whose lives were also devoted to this object.
The recollection of these poems was rendered easier by the sim-
ple nature of the story, by the easy structure of the verse, by the
frequent recurrence of the same words, phrases, and similes, and
by the absence of abstract ideas and reflective thoughts. Accord-
ingly we believe that the Iliad and the Odyssey might have been
composed and might have been handed down to posterity with-
out being written.

MO. The second argument employed by Wolf to maintain his
hypothesis was derived from an examination of the Iliad and

* The only passage in which letters are supposed to be mentioned is
in the Iliad, vi. 168, but here the ariiiara \vypd are supposed by Wolf
and others to signify pictorial and not alphabetical characters.

\ He is (^bqrov iivi^fiuv. Odyss. viiL 164.

46 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Y.

Odyssey themselves. He endeavoured to show that the only
unity of the poems arises from their subjects, and that the nu-
merous contradictions found in them plainly prove that they
could not have been the productions of a single mind. The
Trojan war and the wanderings of Ulysses, he remarks, had
formed the subjects of numerous epic ballads, and it was only
because they had happened to fit into one another that they were-
combined into two comprehensive poems by Pisistratus and his
literary friends. A modern disciple of his school has gone so far
as to attempt to resolve the Iliad into the original independent
lays out of which he supposes the poem to have been formed.
Now it is evident that this question can only be settled by a
minute examination of the structure of the poems, for which
there is no space in the present work. We can only state that
the best modem scholars, with very few exceptions, have come
to a conclusion directly contrary to "Wolf's daring theory. Some
of the ablest critics in modern times have directed their attention
to this subject, and while they have not denied the existence of
interpolations, more or less extensive, in both poems, the general
result has been to establish thek poetical unity, and to vindicate
their claim to be the greatest models of the epic art.

Bust of Hcmer.

Primitive Vessels from Athens and Argos.

BOOK II.

GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES.

B.C. 776—500.

CHAPTER VI.

GENERAL SURVEY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE.

§ 1. Nature of the subject. §2. The chief ties -which bound tlie Greeks
together. Community of blood and of language. §3. Community of
religious rites and festivals. §4. The Amphictyonic Council. § 5. The
Olympic games. § 6. The Pythian, !N^emean, and Isthmian games.
§ 7. The influence of these festivals. § 8. Influence of the oracle of
Apollo at Delphi. §9. Community of manners and character. §10.
The independent sovereignty of each city a settled maxim in the Greek
mind.

k 1. The present Book vs^ill contain the History of Greece from
the first Olympiad, or the year 776 B.C., to the commencement of
the revolt of the Ionic Greeks from Persia, in the year 500 b.c.
Our knowledge of the early part of this period is very scanty,
and consists of only a small number of solitary facts, which have
little or no connexion with one another. The division of Greece
into a number of small independent states is a circumstance

48 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VL

that causes great difficulties to the historian. Unlike the history
of E-ome, which is confined to an account of the origin and de- ,
velopment of a single people, the history of Greece from its [
commencenient to its close suffers to a greater or a less extent i
from a want of unity in its subject. This is strikingly the case
with the first two centuries of the period narrated in the present ;
Book ; and it is not till we come to its close that we are able to ^
present a connected history of the Grecian nation. It was the
Persian invasions of Greece which first impressed the leading :
Greek states with the necessity of uniting together against the i
common foe ; and since the military resom-ces of Sparta were i
then confessedly superior to those of all the other Greeks, they \
naturally intrusted to her the conduct of the war. In this way ,
Grecian history acquires a unity of interest which is altogether j
wanting in the earlier times. There are, however, some facts .
durmg the earlier period which claim our attention. Of these ,
the most important are the gi'owth of Sparta and Athens ; the '
number of despots who arose in the vai-ious Grecian cities ; the
foundation and progress of the numerous colonies planted on the
coasts of the Mediterranean and its connected seas ; and, last of
all, the origin and progress of literature and art. •

Before we proceed to give an account of these events, it may fe
be useful to take a general survey of the Greeks in the earher '
period of their history, and to point out the various causes which
united them as a people, notwithstanding their separation into
so many independent communities.

§ 2. The chief ties, which bound together the Grecian world,
were community of blood and language — commLuiity of re-
ligious rites and festivals — and community of manners and cha-
racter. Of these the first and the most important was the
possession of a common descent and a common language. The
Greeks were aU of the same race and parentage ; they all con-
sidered themselves descendants of Hellen ; and they all described
men and cities which were not Grecian by the term Barbarian.
This word has passed into our own language, but with a very \
different idea ; for the Greeks applied it indiscriminately to
every foreigner, to the civilized inliabitants of Egypt and Persia, j)
as well as to the rude tribes of Scythia and Gaul. Originally it
seems to have expressed repugnance to one using a foreign lan-
guage ; but as the Greeks became in course of time superior
in intelligence to the surrounding nations, it conveyed also
a notion of contempt. Notwithstanding the various dialects t
employed in different parts, there was, throughout the Grecian i
world, sufficient uniformity in the language to render it every- *
where intelligible to a Greek ; and there can be no doubt that

Chap.VL AMPHICTYONIC council. 49

the wide-spread popularity of the Homeric poems in early times
powerfully assisted in maintaining the same type of language
among the different Greek races.

§ 3. The second bond of union was a community of religious
rites and festivals. From the earHest times the Gr reeks appear
to have worshipped the same gods ; but originally there were no
religious meetings common to the whole nation. Such meetings
were of gradual growth. They were either formed by a number
of neighbouring towns, which entered into an association for the
periodical celebration of certain religious rites, or they grew
out of a festival originally confined to a single state, but which
was gradually extended to the inhabitants of other cities till at
length it became open to the whole Grecian world. Of the former
class we have an example in the Amphictyonies, of the latter in
the Olympic, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games.

§4 • The word Amphictyony is usually derived from the mythic-
al hero Amphictyon ; but the name probably signifies only resi-
dents around and neighbors,^ and was used to designate a relig-
ious association of neighbouring tribes or cities, who were accus-
tomed to meet at fixed times to offer sacrifices to the god of a
particular temple, which was supposed to be the common property
and under the common protection of all. There were many re-
ligious associations of this kind in Greece ; but there was one of
so much celebrity, that it threw all the others into the shade,
and came to be called the Amphictyonic Coiuicil. This assem.-
bly seems to have been originally of small importance ; and it
acquired its superiority over other similar associations by the
wealth and grandeur of the Delphian temple, of which it was the
appointed guardian. It held two meetings every year, one in the
spring at the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the other in the
autumn at the temple of Demeter (Ceres) at Thermopylse. Its
members, who were called the Amphictyons,t consisted of sacred
deputies sent from twelve tribes, each of which contained several
independent cities or states. The deputies were composed of
two classes of representatives from each tribe ; a chief called
Hieromnemon, and subordinates named Pylagorse. The names
of these twelve tribes are not the same in all accounts, but they
were probably as follows : — Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians,
lonians, Perrhsebians, Magnetos, Locrians, (Etseans, Achseans,
Phocians, Dolopes, and Malians. These names are of themselves
sufficient to prove the great antiquity of the Council. Several
of the tribes here mentioned scarcely ever occur in the historical

* The original form of the name seems to have been 'A/j.(j)iKTiovia, not
' kfifLKTvovla. The word ujii(j)LKrc.ov£^ signifies those that dwell round or
near. -j- 01 'Afj.'f).'icTvov€g.

D

50 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. VI.

period ; and the fact of the Dorians standing on an equahty with
the Dolopes and the MaHans, shows that the Council must have
existed before the Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus. The tribes
represented in it stood on a footing of perfect equahty, two votes
being given by the deputies from each of the twelve.

Of the duties of the Amphictyonic Council nothing will give us
a better idea than the oath taken by its members. It ran thus —
" "We will not destroy any Amphictyonic town, nor cut it off from
running water in war or peace : if any one shall do so, we will
march against him and destroy his city. If any one shall plun-
der the property of the god, or shall be cognizant thereof, or shall
take treacherous counsel against the things in his temple at
Delphi, we will punish him with foot, and hand, and voice, and by
every means in our power." We thus see that the m.ain duties of
the Council were to restrain acts of aggression against its mem-
bers, and to preserve the rights and dignity of the temple of
Delphi. It is true that the Amphictyons soraietimes took a
larger view of their functions ; but these were only employed
for political purposes when they could be made subservient to
the views of one of the leading Grecian states. They were never
considered as a national congress, whose duty it was to protect
and defend the common interests of Greece. If such a congress
had ever existed, and its edicts had commanded the obedience
of the Greeks, the history of the nation would have had a
different course ; the Macedonian kings would probably have
remained in their subordinate condition, and united Greece
might even have defied the legions of conquering Rome.

The Amphictyonic Council is rarely mentioned, except in con-
nexion with the Delphian temple ; but when the rights of the
god had been violated, it invoked the aid of the different mem-
bers of the league. Of this we have a memorable instance in the
earlier period of Greek history. The Phocian town of Crissa was
situated on the heights of Mount Parnassus, near the sanctuary
of the god, which belonged to this town in the most ancient
times. It possessed a fertile and valuable territory, extending
down to the Corintliian Gulf, on which it had a port called
Cirrha. Gradually the port seems to have grown into import-
ance at the expense of the town ; while at the same time the
sanctuary of the god fell into the hands of the Dorian tribe of the
Delphians, and expanded into a town under the name of Delphi.
It was at the port of Cirrha that most of the strangers landed
who came to consult the god ; and the inhabitants of this place
availed themselves of their position to levy exorbitant tolls upon
the pilgrims, and to ill-use them in other ways. In consequence
of these outrages the Amphictyons resolved to punish the

Chap. VI. NATIONAL FESTIVALS. 61

Cirrhaeans ; and after waging war against them for ten years
(b.c. 595-585), the Council at length succeeded, chiefly by the
assistance of the Thessalians and Athenians, in taking the guilty
city. It is related, but on rather suspicious authority, that the
city was taken by a stratagem of Solon, who poisoned the waters
of the river Plistus, which flowed through the place. Cirrha
was razed to the ground, and its territory — the rich Cirrha3an or
Crisssean plain — was consecrated to the god, and curses impre-
cated upon any one who should cultivate it. Thus ended the First
Sacred "War, as it is usually called ; and the spoils of the city were
employed by the victorious allies in founding the Pytliian games.
^ 5. The four great festivals of the Olympic, Pythian, Isth-
mian, and Nemean games were of greater efficacy than the Am-
phictyonic Council in promoting a spirit of union among the
various branches of the Greek race, and in keeping alive a feeling
of their common origin. They were open to all persons who
could prove their Hellenic blood, and were frequented by spec-
tators from all parts of the Grecian world. The most ancient as
well as the most famous of these festivals was that celebrated
at Olympia, on the banks of the Alpheus, in the territory of
Elis, and near an ancient temple of the Olympian Jove. The
origin of this festival is lost in the Mythical ages. It is said
to have been revived by Iphitus king of Elis, and Lycurgus
the Spartan legislator, in the year 776 e.g. ; and, accordingly,
when the Greeks at a later time began to use the Olympic con-
test as a chronological era, this year was regarded as the first
Olympiad. It continued to maintain its celebrity for many cen-
turies after the extinction of Greek freedom ; and it was not till
394 A.D. that it was finally abolished by the emperor Theo-
dosius. It was celebrated at the end of every four years,* and
the interval which elapsed between each celebration was called
an Olympiad. The whole festival was under the management
of the Eleans, who appointed some of their own number to
preside as judges, under the name of the Hellanodicse.f During
the month in which it was celebrated all hostilities were sus-
pended throughout Greece. The territory of Elis itself was
considered especially sacred during its continuance, and no armed
force could enter it without incurring the guilt of sacrilege. The
number of spectators was very great ; and consisted not only of
those who were attracted by private interest or curiosity, but of

* The festival was called by the Greeks a Penta'eteris {TvevraeTTjpig),
because it was celebrated qyqyj fifth year, according to the ancient mode
of reckoning. In the same manner a festival, which occurred at the end
of every two years, was said to be celebrated every third year, and
was called a frieteris (TpiETTjptg). f 'EXTiavoStKai.

52 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VL

deputies=^ from the different Greek states, who vied with one
another in the number of their offerings and the splendom- of their
general appearance, in order to support the honour of their native
cities. At first the festival was confined to a single day, and
consisted of nothing more than a match of runners in the sta-
dium ; but in course of time so many other contests were intro-
duced, that the games occupied five days. They comprised
various trials of strength and skill, such as wrestling, boxing, the
Pancratium (boxing and wresthng combined) and the compH-
cated Pentathlum (including jumping, running, the quoit, the
javehn, and wrestling), but no combats with any kind of weapons.
There were also horse-races and chariot-races ; and the chariot-
race, with four fuU-gro^ii horses, became one of the most popular
and celebrated of all the matches.

The only prize given to the conqueror was a garland of wild
ohve ; but this was valued as one of the dearest distinctions in
life. To have his name proclaimed as victor before assembled
Hellas was an object of ambition wdth the noblest and the
wealthiest of the Greeks. Such a person was considered to have
conferred everlasting glory upon his family and his country,
and was rewarded by his fellow-citizens with distinguished
honours. His statue was generally erected in the Altis or sacred
grove of Jove at Oljmipia ; and on his return home he entered
his native city hi a triumphal procession, in which his praises
were sung, frequently in the loftiest strams of poetry. He also
received still more substantial rewards. He was generally re-
lieved fi:om the payment of taxes, and had a right to the front
seat at all public games and spectacles. An Athenian victor
in the Olympic games received, m accordance with one of Solon's
laws, a prize of 500 drachmas, and a right to a place at the table
of the magistrates in the pr}i:aneum or town-hall ; and a Spartan
conqueror had the privilege of fightmg on the field of battle near
the person of the king.

§ 6. During the sixth century before the Christian era the
three other festivals of the Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian
games, which were at first only local, became open to the whole
nation. The Pythian games, as a national festival, were insti-
tuted by the Amphictyons after the destruction of Cirrha in
585 B.C., in honour of Apollo, as has been already related. They
were celebrated in every third Olj-mpic year, on the Cirrheean
plain, under the superintendence of the Amphictyons. The
games consisted not only of matches in g}'mnastics and of horse
and chariot races, but also of contests in music and poetry.

* Called Theori {Oeupoc).

oLt.
^rspe£

Chap. VI. If ATIONAL FESTIVALS. 53

They soon acquired celebrity, and became second only to the
great Olympic festival.

The Nemean and Isthmian games occurred more frequently
than the Olympic and Pythian. They were celebrated once in
two years — the Nemean in honor of the Nemean Jove, in the
valley of Nemea, betAveen Phlius and Cleonse, originally by the
Cleonasans and subsequently by the Argives — and the Isthmian
by the Corintliians, on their isthmus, in honour of Poseidon
(Neptune). As in the Pythian festival, contests in music and
in poetry, as well as gymnastics and chariot-races, formed part
of^hese games.

7. Although the four great festivals of which we have been
speaking had no influence in promoting the political union of
Greece, they nevertheless were of great importance in making
the various sections of the race feel that they were all mem-
bers of one family, and m cementing them together by common
sympathies and the enjoyment of common pleasures. The fre-
quent occurrence of these festivals, for one was celebrated every
year, tended to the same result. The Gr reeks were thus annu-
ally reminded of their common origin, and of the great dis-
tinction which existed between them and barbarians. Nor must
we forget the incidental advantages which attended them. The
concourse of so large a number of persons from every part of
the G-recian world afforded to the merchant opportunities ffor
traffic, and to the artist and the literary man the best means of
making their works known. During the time of the games the
Altis was surrounded with booths, in which a busy commerce
was carried on ; and in a spacious hall appropriated for the
pm'pose the poets, philosophers, and historians were accustomed
to read their most recent works.

The perfect equality of persons at the festival demands par-
ticular mention. The games were open to every Grreek without
any distinction of country or of rank. The horse-races and
chariot-races were necessarily confined to the wealthy, who were
allowed to employ others as riders and drivers ; but the rich and
poor alike could contend in the gymnastic matches. This, how-
ever, was far from degrading the former in public opinion ; and
some of the greatest and wealthiest men in the various cities
took part in the running, wrestling, boxing, and other matches.
Cylon, who attempted to make himself tyrant of Athens, had
gained the prize in the foot-race ; Alexander, son of Amyntas,
prince of Macedon, had also run for it ; and instances occur in
which cities chose their generals from the victors in these games.

§ 8. The habit of consulting the same oracles in order to ascer-
tain the wall of the gods was another bond of union. It was the

64 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VI.

universal practice of the Greeks to undertake no matter of im-
portance without first asking the advice of the gods ; and there
were many sacred spots in which the gods were always ready
to give an answer to pious worshippers. Some of these oracles
were consulted only by the surromiding neighbourhood, but
others obtained a wider celebrity ; and the oracle of Apollo at
Delphi in particular surpassed all the rest in importance, and
was regarded with veneration in every part of the Grecian world.
So great was its fame that it was sometimes consulted by foreign
nations, such as the Lydians, Phrygians, and Homans ; and the
Grecian states constantly apphed to it for counsel in their diffi-
culties and perplexities. In. the centre of the temple at Delplii
there was a small opening in the ground, from which it was said
that a certain gas or vapour ascended. Wlienever the oracle was
to be consulted, a virgin priestess, called Pijthia, took her seat
upon a tripod, which was placed over the chasm. The ascending
vapour affected her brain, and the words which she uttered in
this excited condition were believed to be the answer of Apollo
to his worshippers. They were always ia hexameter verse, and
were reverently taken down by the attendant priests. Most of
the answers were equivocal or obscure ; but the credit of the
oracle continued unimpaired long after the downfall of Grecian
independence.

# 9. A further element of union among the Greeks was the
similarity of manners and character. It is true the difference ui
this respect between the polished inhabitants of Athens and the
rude mountaineers of Acarnania was marked and striking ; but
if we compare the two with foreign contemporaries the contrast
between them and the latter is still more strikmg. Absolute
despotism, human sacrifices, polygamy, deliberate mutilation of
the person as a punishment, and selling of children into slavery,
existed in some part or other of the barbarian world, but are not
found in any city of Greece in the liistorical times. Although
we cannot mention many customs common to all the Greeks
and at the same time peculiar to them, yet we camiot doubt
that there did exist among them certain general characteristics
in their manners and customs, which served as a bond of union
among themselves, and a line of demarcation from foreigners.

MO. The elements of union of which we have been speaking
— commmiity of blood and language, of religion and festivals,
and of manners and character — only boimd the Greeks together
in common feelings and sentiments. They never produced any
political union. The independent sovereignty of each city was a
fundamental notion in the Greek mind. The only supreme au-
thority which a Greek recognised was to be fomid within his

1

I

Chap. VL WANT OF POLITICAL UNIOK 55

own city walls. The exercise of authority by one city over
another, whatever advantages the weaker city might derive
from such a connexion, was repugnant to every Greek. This
was a sentiment common to all the different members of the
Greek race, mider all forms of government, whether oHgarchical
or democratical. Hence the dominion exercised by Thebes over
the cities of Boeotia, and by Athens over subject allies, was sub-
mitted to with reluctance, and was disowned on the first oppor-
tunity. This strongly rooted feeling deserves particular notice
and remark. Careless readers of liistory are tempted to suppose
that the territory of Greece was divided among a comparatively
small number of independent states, such as Attica, Arcadia,
BcEotia, Phocis, Locris, and the like ; but this is a most serious
mistake, and leads to a total misapprehension of Greek history.
Every separate city was usually an independent state, and con-
sequently each of the territories described under the general
names of Arcadia, Boeotia, Phocis, and Locris, contained numerous
political communities independent of one another. Attica, it is
true, formed a single state, and its different towns recognised
Athens as their capital and the source of supreme power ; but
this is an exception to the general rule.

The patriotism of a Greek was confined to his city, and rarely
kindled into any general love for the common welfare of Hellas.
The safety and the prosperity of his city were dearer to him than
the safety and prosperity of Hellas, and to secure the former he
was too often contented to sacrifice the latter. For his own city
a patriotic Greek was ready to lay down his property and his
life, but he felt no obligation to expend his substance or expose
his life on behalf of the common interests of the countr)^ So
complete was the political division between the Greek cities,
that the citizen of one was an alien and a stranger in the terri-
tory of another. He was not merely debarred from all share in
the government, but he could not acquire property in land or
houses, nor contract a marriage with a native woman, nor sue
in the courts of justice, except through the medium of a friendly
citizen.* The cities thus mutually repelling each other, the
sympathies and feelings of a Greek became more centered in
his own. It was this exclusive patriotism which rendered it
difiicult for the Greeks to unite under circumstances of common
danger. It was this political disunion which led them to turn
their arms against each other, and eventually made them sub-
ject to the Macedonian m.onarchs.

* Sometimes a city granted to a citizen of another state, or even to
the whole state, the right of intermarriage and of acquiring landed pro-
perty. The former of these rights was called iTnya/Lica, the latter eyKTrjatg,

View of Mount Taygetus from the site of Sparta.

CHAPTER VII.

EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONNESUS AND LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS.

§ 1. Conquest of Peloponnesus by tlie Dorians. Division of tlie Pelo-
ponnesus into the Doric states, Elis, Achaia, and Arcadia. § 2. Divi-
sion of the Doric states in Peloponnesus. Argos originally the first
Doric state, Sparta second, Messene third. § 3. Phidon of Argos.
§ 4. Legislation of Lycurgus. § 5. Life of Lycurgus. § 6. The chief
object of Lycurgus in his legislation. § Y. Population of Laconia
divided into three classes. Spartans. § 8. Perioeci. § 9. Helots.
§ 10. Political government of Sparta. The kings. The senate. The
popular assembly. The ephors. § 11. Training and education of
the Spartan youths and men. § 12. Training of the Spartan women.
§ 13. Division of landed property. § 14. Other regulations ascribed
to Lycurgus. Iron money. § 15. Defensible position of Sparta. §16.
Growth of the Spartan power, a consequence of the discipline W
Lycurgus. Conquest of Laconia.

§ 1 . In the Heroic ages Peloponnesus was the seat of the great
Achaean monarchies. Mycenae was the residence of Agamemnon,
king of men, Sparta of his brother Menelaus, and Argos of Dio-
medes, who dared to contend in battle with the immortal gods.
But before the conomencement of history all these monarchies
had been swept away, and their subjects either driven out of the
land or compelled to submit to the dominion of the Dorians.
The history of the conquest of Peloponnesus by this warlike race
is clothed in a legendary form, and has been already narrated

Chap. VH. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPOimESUS. 51

in the preceding Book. In what manner this conquest was really
effected is beyond the reach of history, but we have good reasons
for believing that it was the work of many years, and was not
concluded by a single battle, as the legends would lead us to
suppose. We find, however, in the early historical times the
whole of the eastern and southern parts of Peloponnesus in the
undisputed possession of the Dorians.

The remaining parts of the peninsula were in the hands of
other members of the Greek race. On the western coast from
the mouth of the Neda to that of the Larissus was the territory
of E lis, including the two dependent states of Pisa and Triphyha.
The Eleans are said to have been descendants of the ^Etohans,
who had accompanied the Dorians in their invasion, and received
Elis as their share of the spoil. The Pisatans and the Triphylians
had been originally independent inhabitants of the peninsula, but
had been conquered by their more powerful neighbours of Elis.

The strip of land on the northern coast of Peloponnesus, and
south of the Corinthian gulf, was inhabited by Achseans, and
was called after them Achaia. This territory extended from
the mouth of the river Araxus on one side to the confines of
Sicyonia on the other, and was divided among twelve Achasan
cities, which are rarely mientioned in the earlier period of
Greek history, and only rose to importance in the Macedonian
times.

The mountainous region in the centre of Peloponnesus was
inhabited by the Arcadians, who may be regarded as genuine
Pelasgians, since they are uniformly represented as the earhest
mhabitants of the country. Their country was distributed into
a large number of villages and cities, among which Tegea and
Mantinea were the two most powerful.

^ 2. The division of Pelopomiesus among the Dorian states
differed at various times. At the close of the period which
forms the subject of the present Book, Sparta was unquestionably
thS first of the Dorian powers, and its dominions far exceeded
those of any other Dorian state. Its territory then occupied the
whole of the southern region of the peninsula from the eastern
to the western sea, being separated from the dominions of Argos
by the river Tanus, and from Triphylia by the river Neda. At
that time the territory of Argos was confined to the Argohc
peninsula, but did not include the whole of this district, the
south-eastern part of it being occupied by the Doric cities of
Epidaurus and TroBzen, and the Dryopian city of Hermione. On
the Isthmus stood the powerful city of Corinth, westward Sicyon,
and to the south of these Cleonse and Phlius, both also Doric
cities. North-east of Corinth came Megara, the last of the Doric

68 HISTORY OF GEEECE. Chap. YII.

cities, whose territory stretched across the Isthmus from sea
to sea.

But if we go hack to the first Olyraipiad, we shall find Sparta
in possession of only a very small territory, instead of the exten-
sive dominion described above. Its territory at that time ap-
pears to have comprehended little more than the valley of the
river Eurotas. Westward of this valley, and separated from it
by Mount Taygetus, were the Messenian Dorians, while eastward
of it the whole of the mountainous district along the coast, from
the head of the Argohc gulf down to Cape Malea, was also inde-
pendent of Sparta, belonguig to Argos. In the earliest historical
times Argos appears as the first power in the Peloponnesus, a
fact which the legend of the Heraclids seems to recognize by
making Temenus the eldest brother of the three. Next came
Sparta, and last the Messene. The importance of Argos appears
to have arisen not so much from her own territory as from
her being the head of a powerful confederacy of Dorian states.
Most of these states are said to have been fomided by colonies
from Argos, such as Cleonae, Phhiis, Sicyon, Epidaurus, Troezen,
and ^gina. They formed a league, the patron god of Avhich
was Apollo Pythaeus, whose common worship was a means of
unitmg them together. There was a temple to this god in each
of the confederated cities, while his most holy and central sanc-
tuary was on the acropolis of Argos. But the power of Argos
rested on an insecure basis ; the ties which held the confederacy
together became gradually weakened ; and Sparta was able to
wrest from her a large portion of her territory and eventually to
succeed to her place as the first Dorian state in the peninsula.

^ 3. The importance of the privileges possessed by Argos
before the rise of the Spartan power is shown by the history of
Phidon. This remarkable man may be placed about the 8th
Olympiad, or 747 B.C., and claims our attention the more as one
of the first really historical personages hitherto presented to us.
He was king of Argos, and is represented as a descendant of the
Heraclid Temenus. Having broken through the limits which
had been imposed on the authority of his predecessors, he
changed the government of Argos into a despotism. He then
restored her supremacy over all the cities of her confederacy,
which had become nearly dissolved. He appears next to have
attacked Corinth, arid to have succeeded in reducing it under his
dominion. He is further reported to have aimed at extending
his sway over the greater part of Peloponnesus, — laying claim,
as the descendant of Hercules, to all the cities which that hero
had ever taken. His power and his influence became so great
in the Peloponnesus that the Pisatans, who had been accustomed

B.C. 141. EARLY HISTORY OF PELOPONKESUS. 59

to preside at the Olympic games, but who had been deprived of
this privilege by the Eleans, invited him, in the 8th Olympiad,
to restore them to their original rights and expel the intruders.
This invitation fell in v^^ith the ambitious projects of Phidon, who
claimed for himself the right of presiding at these games, which
had been instituted by his great ancestor Hercules. He accord-
ingly marched to Olympia, expelled the Eleans from the sacred
spot, and celebrated the games in conjunction with the Pisatans.
But his triumph did not last long ; the Spartans took the part of
the Eleans, and the contest ended in the defeat of Phidon. In
the following OljTiipiad the Eleans again obtained the manage-
ment of the festival.

It would appear that the power of Phidon was destroyed in
this struggle, but of the details of his fall we have no information.
He did not however fall without leaving a very striking and per-
manent trace of his influence upon Greece. He was the first per-
son who introduced a copper and a silver coinage and a scale of
weights and measures into Greece. Through his influence they
became adopted throughout Peloponnesus and the greater part of
the north of Greece, under the name of the ^ginetan scale. There
arose subsequently another scale in Greece called the Euboic,
which was employed at Athens and in the Ionic cities generally,
as well as in Eubcea. It is usually stated that the coinage of
Phidon was struck in the island of vEgina, but it appears more
probable that it was done in Argos, and that the name of ^gine-
tan was given to the coinage and scale, not from the place where
they first originated, but from the people whose commercial ac-
tivity tended to make them more generally known.

^ 4. The progress of Sparta from the second to the first place
among the states in Peloponnesus w^as mainly owing to the pecu-
liar institutions of the state, and more particularly to the mili-
tary discipline and rigorous training of its citizens. The singular
constitution of Sparta was unanimously ascribed by the ancients
to the legislator Lycurgus, but there were difi^erent stories respect-
ing his date, birth, travels, legislation, and death. Some mod-
ern wTiters on the other hand have maintained that the Spartan
institutions were common to the w^hole Doric race, and there-
fore cannot be regarded as the work of a Spartan legislator. In
their view Sparta is the full type of Doric principles, tendencies,
and sentiments. This, however, appears to be an erroneous
view ; it can be shown that the institutions of Sparta were pe-
cuhar to herself, distinguishing her as much from the Doric
cities of Argos and Corinth, as from Athens and Thebes. The
Cretan institutions bore, it is true, some analogy to those of
Sparta, but the resemblance has been greatly exaggerated, and

60 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. YII.

was chiefly confined to the syssitia or pubhc messes. The
Spartans, doubtless, had original tendencies common to them
with the other Dorians ; but the constitution of Lycurgus im-
pressed upon them their pecuhar character, which separates
them so strikingly from the rest of Greece. Whether the sys-
tem of Spartan laws is to be attributed to Lycurgus, cannot
now be determined. He lived in an age when writing was
never employed for literary purposes, and consequently no ac-
count of him from a contemporary has come down to us. None
of the details of his life can be proved to be historically true ;
and we are obliged to choose out of several accounts the one
which appears the raiost probable.

§ 5. There are very great discrepancies respecting the date of
Lycurgus ; but all accounts agree in supposing him to have lived
at a very remote period. His most probable date is b. c. 776,
in which year he is said to have assisted Iphitus in restormg the
Olympic games. He belonged to the royal family of Sparta.
According to the common account he was the son of Eunomus,
one of the two kings who reigned together in Sparta. His father
was killed in the civil dissensions which afflicted Sparta at that
time. His elder brother, Polydectes, succeeded to the crown,
but died soon afterward, leaving his queen with child. The
ambitious woman offered to destroy the child, if Lycurgus would
share the throne with her. Lycurgus pretended to consent ; but
as soon as she had given birth to a son, he presented him in the
market-place as the future king of Sparta ; and, to testify the
people's joy, gave him the name of Charilaus. The young kmg's
mother took revenge upon Lycurgus by accusing him of enter-
taining designs against his nephew's life. Hereupon he resolved
to withdraw from his native country, and to visit foreign lands.
He was absent many years, and is said to have employed his
time in studying the institutions of other nations, and in con-
versing with their sages, in order to devise a system of laws and
regulations which might deliver Sparta from the evils under
which it had long been suffering. He first visited Crete and
Ionia ; and not content with the Grecian world, passed from Ionia
into Egypt ; and according to some accomits is reported to have
visited Iberia, Libya, and even India.

During his absence the young king had grown up, and assumed
the reins of government ; but the disorders of the state had
meantime become worse than ever, and all parties longed for a
lermination to their present sufi^erings. Accordingly the return
of Lycurgus was hailed with delight, and he found the people
both ready and willing to submit to an entire change in their
government and institutions. He now set himself to work to

B.C. 176. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 61

carry his long projected reforms into effect ; but before he com-
menced his arduous task, he consulted the Delphian oracle, from
which he received strong assurances of divine support. Thus
encouraged by the god, he suddenly presented himself in the
market-place, surrounded by thirty of the most distinguished
Spartans in arms. The king, Charilaus, v^as at first disposed to
resist the revolution, but afterwards supported the schemes of
his uncle. Lycurgus now issued a set of ordinances, called
Rhet7'a, by which he effected a total revolution in the political
and military organization of the people, and in their social and
domestic life. His reforms were not carried into effect without
violent opposition, and in one of the tumults which they excited,
his eye is said to have been struck out by a youth of the name
of Alcander. But he finally triumphed over all obstacles, and
succeeded m obtaining the submission of all classes in the com-
munity to liis new constitution. His last act was to sacrifice
himself for the welfare of his country. Having obtained from
the people a solemn oath to make no alterations in his laws
before his return, he quitted Sparta for ever. He set out on a
journey to Delphi, where he obtained an oracle from the god,
approving of all he had done, and promising everlasting prosperity
to the Spartans as long as they preserved his laws. Whither he
went afterwards, and how and where he died, nobody could tell.
He vanished from earth like a god, leaving no traces behind him
but his spirit : and his grateful countrymen honoured him with
a temple, and worshipped him with annual sacrifices down to
the latest times.

§ 6. In order to understand the constitution of Lycurgus, it
is necessary to recollect the peculiar circumstances in which the
Spartans were placed. They were a handful of men in possession
of a country which they had conquered by the sword, and
which they could only maintain by the same means. They pro-
bably did not exceed 9000 men ; and the great object of the
legislator was to unite this small body together by the closest
ties, and to train them in such habits of hardihood, bravery,
and military subordination that they might maintain their
ascendency over their subjects. The means which he adopted
to attain this object were exceedingly severe, but eminently
successful. He subjected the Spartans to a discipline at once
monastic and warlike, unparalleled either in ancient or in modern
times. His system combined the ascetic rigours of a monastery
with the stern discipline of a garrison. But before we proceed to
relate the details of this extraordinary system, it will be necessary
to give an account of the different classes of the population of
the country, and also of the nature of the government.

62 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ch.-^. VII.

§ 7. The population of Laconia was divided into the three
classes of Spartans, Perioeci, and Helots.

The Spartans were the descendants of the leading Dorian
conquerors. They formed the sovereign power of the state, and
they alone were eligible to honours and pubhc offices. They
hved in Sparta itself, and were all subject to the disciphne of
Lycurgus. They were maintained from their estates in different
parts of Laconia, which were cultivated for them by the Helots,
who paid them a fixed amount of the produce. Originally all
Spartans were on a footing of perfect equality. They were
divided into three tribes, — the Hylleis, the Pamphyh, and the
Dymanes, — which were not, however, pecuhar to Sparta, but
existed in all the Dorian states. They retained their full rights
as citizens, and transmitted them to their children, on two con-
ditions,— first, of submittmg to the discipline of Lycurgus ; and
secondly, of paying a certain amount to the public mess, which
was maintained solely by these contributions. In course of time
many Spartans forfeited their full citizenship from being unable to
comply with the latter of these conditions, either through losing
their lands or through the mcrease of children in the poorer
families. Thus there arose a distmction among the Spartans
themselves, unknown at an earlier period — the reduced number
of qualified citizens being called the Equals or Peers,^ the dis-
franchised poor the Inferiors.! The latter, however, did not
become Perioeci, but might recover their original rank if they
again acquired the means of contributing their portion to the
public mess.

§ 8. The Perioccit were personally free, but politically subject
to the Spartans. They possessed no share in the government,
and were bound to obey the commands of the Spartan magis-
trates. They appear to have been partly the descendants of the
old Achsean population of the country, and partly of Dorians
who had not been admitted to the full privileges of the ruling
class. They were distributed into a hundred townships, which
were spread through the whole of Laconia. They fought in the
Spartan armies as heavy-armed soldiers, and therefore must have
been trained to some extent in the Spartan tactics ; but they
were certainly exempt from the peculiar discipline to which the
ruhng class was subject, and possessed more individual free-
dom of action. The larger proportion of the land of Laconia

* Oi "OjuoioL. f 0/ 'T-no/ieiovec.

\ The name TrepiocKOi signifies literally " dwellers around the city,"
and is used generally by the Greeks to signify the inhabitants in the
country districts, vrho possessed inferior political privileges to the citi-
zens who lived in the city.

B.C. 11 6. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 63

belonged to Spartan citizens, but the smaller half was the pro-
perty of the Perioeci. The whole of the commerce and manu-
factures of the country was in their exclusive possession, since
no Spartan ever engaged in such occupations. They thus had
means of acquiring wealth and importance, from which the
Spartans themselves were excluded ; and although they were
probably treated by the Spartans with the same haughtiness
which they usually displayed toward inferiors, their condition
upon the whole does not appear as oppressive or degrading.
They were regarded as members of the state, though not pos-
sessing its full citizenship, and were included along with the
Spartans as Laconians or Lacedsemonians.

^ 9 The Helots were serfs bound to the soil, which they tilled
for the benefit of the Spartan proprietors. Their condition was
very different from that of the ordinary slaves in antiquity, and
more similar to the villanage of the middle ages. They lived in
the rural villages, as the Perioeci did in the towiis, cultivating
the lands and paying over the rent to their masters in Sparta,
but enjoying their homes, wives, and families, apart from their
master's personal superintendence. They appear to have been
never sold, and they accompanied the Spartans to the field as
light-armed troops. But while their condition was in these
respects superior to that of the ordinary slaves in other parts of
Greece, it was embittered by the fact that they were not strangers
like the latter, but were of the same race, and spoke the same
language as their masters. Their name is variously explained,
and v^'e have difierent accounts of their origin ; but there is no
doubt that they were of pure Hellenic blood, and were probably
the descendants of the old inhabitants, who had offered the most
obstinate resistance to the Dorians, and had therefore been re-
duced to slavery.* In the earlier times they appear to have
been treated vtdth comparative mildness, but as their numbers
increased, they became objects of greater suspicion to their
masters, and were subjected to the most wanton and oppressive
cruelty. They were compelled to wear a peculiar dress — a
leather cap and a sheepskin — to distinguish them from, the rest
of the population ; every means was adopted to remind them
of their inferior and degraded condition ; and it is said they
were often forced to make themselves drunk, as a warning to
the Spartan youth. Whatever truth there may be in these and

* The common account derives the name of Helots (EiAwrej-) from
the town of Helos ("EAof) in the south of Laconia, the inhabitants of
which had rebelled and been reduced to slavery. Others connect their
name with e?iTi, marshes, as if it signified inhabitants of the loivlands.
Others, again, with more probability explain EiAwrec as meaning pm-
oners, from the root of kXelv, to take.

64 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. YII.

similar tales, it is certain that the wanton and impohtic oppres-
sions of the Spartans produced in the minds of the Helots a
deep-seated and inveterate detestation of their masters. They
were always ready to seize any opportunity of rising agamst
their oppressors, and would gladly " have eaten the flesh of
the Spartans raw." Hence Sparta was always hi apprehension
of a revolt of the Helots, and had recourse to the most atro-
cious means for removing any -who had excited their jealousy
or their fears. Of tliis we have a memorable instance in the
secret service, called Cryptia,^ which authorized a select body
of Spartan youths to range the country in all directions, armed
with daggers, and secretly to assassinate such of the Helots as
were considered formidable. Sometimes, however, the Helots,
who had distinguished themselves by their bravery in war,
received then' freedom from the government ; but in that case
they formed a distinct body in the state, known at the time of
the Peloponnesian war by the name of NeodamodesA

§ 10. The functions of the Spartan government were distri-
buted among two kings, a senate of thirty members, a popular
assembly, and an executive directory of five men called the
Ephors. This political constitution is ascribed to Lycurgus ; but
there is good reason for behoving that the Ephors were added at
a later time ; and there cannot be any doubt that the senate and
the popular assembly were handed down to the Spartans from
the Heroic age, and merely received some modification and regu-
lations from Lycurgus.

At the head of the state were the two hereditar}^ kings. The
existence of a pair of kings was pecuhar to Sparta, and is said to
have arisen from the accidental cu'cumstance of Aristodemus
having left twin sons, Eurysthenes and Procles.| This division
of the royal power naturally tended to weaken its influence and
to produce jealousies and dissensions between the two kings, Avho
constantly endeavored to thwart each other. The royal power
was on the dechne during the whole historical period, and the
authority of the kings was gradually usurped by the Ephors,
who at length obtained the entire control of the government,
and reduced the kings to a state of humihation and dependence.
Originally the Spartan kings were the real and not the nominal
chiefs of the state, and exercised miost of the fimctions of the
monarchs of the Heroic age. In later times the most important
of the prerogatives which they were allowed to retain, was the
supreme command of the military force on foreign expeditions.
But even in this privilege their authority was restricted at a

* KpvTTTela, a secret commission, from Kpvrrro), hide, conceal.

•(• NEofiauu^Eig : that is, nexoly enfranchised. \ See above, p. 33.

B.C. 11&. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 66

later time by the presence of two out of the five Ephors. Al-
though the political power of the kings was thus curtailed, they
possessed many important privileges, and were always treated
with the profomidest honour and respect. They were regarded
by the people with a feeling of religious reverence as the de-
scendants of the mighty hero Hercules, and were thus supposed
to connect the entire state with the gods. They were the high-
priests of the nation, and every month offered sacrifices to Jove
on behalf of the people. They possessed ample domains in
various parts of Laconia, and received frequent presents on many
public occasions. Their death was lamented as a public calamity,
and their funeral was solemnized by the most striking obsequies.

The Senate, called Gerusia,^ or the Council of Elders, con-
sisted of thirty members, among whom the two kings were in-
cluded. They were not chosen under sixty years of age, and
they held their ofiice for life. They possessed considerable power,
and were the only real check upon the authority of the Ephors.
They discussed and prepared all measures which were to be
brought before the popular assembly, and had some share in the
general administration of the state. But the most important of
their functions was, that they were judges in all criminal cases
affecting the life of a Spartan citizen, without being bound by
any written code.

The Popular Assembly was of little importance, and appears
to have been usually summoned only as a matter of form for the
election of certain magistrates, for passing laws, and for determ-
ining upon peace and war. It would appear that open discus-
sion was not allowed, and that the assembly rarely came to a
division. Such a popular assembly as existed at Athens, in
which all public measures were exposed to criticism and com-
ment, would have been contrary to one of the first principles of
the Spartan governm.ent in historical times, which was charac-
terized by the extreme secrecy of all its proceedmgs.

The Ephors may be regarded as the representatives of the
popular assembly. They were elected annually from the general
body of Spartan citizens, and seem to have been originally
appouited to protect the interests and liberties of the people
against the encroachments of the kings and the senate. They
correspond in many respects to the tribunes of the people at
Home. Their functions were at first hmited and of small im-
portance ; but in the end the whole political power became cen-
tred in their hands. They were thus the real rulers of the state,
and their orders were submissively obeyed by all classes in
Sparta. Their authority was of a despotic nature, and they ex-
* Tepovaca.

66 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VII.

ercised it without responsibility. They had the entire manage-
ment of the internal as well as of the foreign affairs of the state ;
they formed a court to decide upon causes of great importance ;
they dismissed at their pleasure subordinate magistrates, and
imposed upon them fines and imprisonment ; they even arrested
the kmgs, and either fined them on their own authorit}'-, or
brought them to trial before the senate.

It will be seen from the preceding account that the Spartan
government was in reaUty a close oligarchy, in which the kings
and the senate, as well as the people, were ahke subject to the
irresponsible authority of the five Ephors.

§11. The m.ost important part of the legislation of Lycurgus
did not relate to the political constitution of Sparta, but to the
discipline and education of the citizens. It was these winch
gave Sparta her peculiar character, and distinguished her in so
striking a manner from all the other states of Greece. In mod-
ern times it has been usually held that the state exists for the
citizen, and that the great object of the state is to secure the
citizen in the enjoyment of his life and his property. In Sparta,
on the contrary, the citizen existed only for the state, and was
bound to devote to its honom- and glory not only all his time,
affections, and energies, but to sacrifice to its interests liis property
and his life. We have already seen that the position of the
Spartans, surromided by numerous enemies, whom they only
held in subjection by the sword, compelled them to be a nation
of soldiers. Lycurgus determined that they should be notliing
else ; and the great object of his whole system was to cultivate
a martial spirit, and to give them a training which would make
them invincible in battle. To accomphsh this the education of
a Spartan was placed under the control of the state from his
earliest boyhood, and he continued to be under pubhc inspection
to his old age.

Every child after birth was exhibited to public view, and if
deemed deformed and weakly, and unfit for a future life of labour
and fatigue, was exposed to perish on Mount Taygetus. At the
age of seven he was taken from his mother's care, and handed
over to the public classes. His training was under the special
charge of an officer nominated by the state,* and was subject to
the general superintendence of the elders. He was not only taught
all the gymnastic games, which would give vigour and strength
to his body, and all the exercises and movements required from
the Laceda3monian soldiers in the field, but he was also subjected
to severe bodily discipline, and was compelled to submit to hard-
ships and suffering without repining or complaint. One of the
* Called Fcsdonomus {7racdov6fj.og).

B.C. 7T6. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 67

tests to which the fortitude of the Spartan youths was subjected,
was a cruel scourging at the altar of Artemis (Diana), until their
hlood gushed forth and covered the altar of the goddess. It
was inflicted pubhcly before the eyes of their parents and in the
presence of the whole city ; and many were known to have died
under the lash without uttering a complaining murmur. No
means were neglected to prepare them for the hardships and
stratagems of war. They were obliged to wear the same garment
winter and summer, and to endure hunger and thirst, heat and
cold. They were purposely allowed an msufficient quantity of
food, but were permitted to make up the deficiency by hunting
in the woods and mountains of Laconia. They were even en-
couraged to steal w^hatever they could ; but if they were caught
in the fact, they were severely punished for their want of dex-
terity. Plutarch tells us of a boy, who, having stolen a fox, and
liid it under his garment, chose rather to let it tear out his very
bowels than be detected in the theft.

The literary education of a Spartan youth was of a most re-
stricted kind. He was taught to despise literature as unworthy
of" a warrior, while the study of eloquence and philosophy, which
were cultivated at Athens with such extraordinary success, was
regarded at Sparta with contempt. Long speeches were a Spar-
tan's abhorrence, and he was trained to express himself with
sententious brevity. He was not, however, an entire stranger
to the humanizing influence of the Muses. He was taught to sing
and play on the lyre ; but the strains which he learnt were either
martial songs or hymns to the gods. Hence the warlike poems
of Homer were popular at Sparta from an early period, and are
even said to have been introduced into Peloponnesus by Lycurgus
himself. The poet Tyrtseus M^as for the same reason received
with high honours by the Spartans, notwithstanding their aversion
to strangers ; while Archilochus was banished from the country
because he had recorded in one of his poems his flight from the
field of battle.

A Spartan was not considered to have reached the full age of
manhood till he had completed his thirtieth year. He was then
'allowed to marry, to take part in the public assembly, and was
eligible to the offices of the state. But he still continued under
the pubUc discipline, and was not permitted even to reside
and take his meals with his wife. The greater part of his
time was occupied in gymnastic and military exercises ; he
took his meals with his comrades at the public mess, and he
slept at night in the public barracks. It was not till he had
reached his sixtieth year that he was released from the public
discipline and from military service.

68 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. Til.

The public mess — called Syssitm,^ — is said to have heen insti>
tuted by Lycurgiis to prevent all indulgence of the appetite.
Pubhc tables were provided, at wliich ever)- male citizen was
obhged to take his meals. Each table accommodated fifteen per-
sons, who formed a separate mess, mto which no new member
was admitted, except by the unanimous consent of the whole
company. Each sent monthly to the common stock a specified
quantity of barley-meal, wine, cheese, and figs, and a httle money
to buy flesh and fish. No distinction of any kind was allowed at
these frugal meals. Meat was only eaten occasionally ; and one
of the principal dishes was black broth. Of what it consisted
we do not know. The t}Tant Dionysius fomid it very unpala-
table ; but, as the cook told him, the broth was nothmg without
the seasoning of fatigue and hunger.

M2. The Spartan women in their earher years were subjected
to a course of training ahiiost as rigorous as that of the men.
They were not viewed as a part of the family, but as a part of the
state. Their great dut}^ was to give Sparta a \dgorous race of
citizens, and not to discharge domestic and household duties.
They were therefore tramed in g}'mnastic exercises, and con-
tended with each other in rmining, wresthng, and boxing. The
youths were present at these exercises, and the maidens were
allowed in like manner to witness those of the youths. The two
sexes were thus brought into close mtercouse in a manner un-
known to the rest of Greece ; but it does not appear to have
been followed by any injurious consequences, and the morals of
the Spartan women were probably purer than those of any other
females in G-reece . At the age of twenty a Spartan woman usually
married, and she was no longer subjected to the public discipline.
Although she enjoyed httle of her husband's society, she was
treated by him. with deep respect, and was allowed a greater de-
gree of hberty than was tolerated in other Grecian states. Hence
she took a hvely interest in the welfare and glory of her native
land, and was animated by an earnest and loft}^ spirit of patriot-
ism. The Spartan mother had reason to be proud of herself and
of her children. AThen a woman of another country said to
Gorgo, the wife of Leonidas, " The Spartan women alone rule the
men," she replied, " The Spartan women alone brmg forth men."'
Their husbands and their sons were fired by their spnpathy to
deeds of heroism, and were deterred from yielding to the foe by
the certain reproaches and contempt which awaited them at
their domestic hearths. ' ' Return either with your shield, or upon

* IivaatTia, that is, eating, or messing together or in common. The pub-
lic mess was also called Phlditia {rd ^EidiTia), or frugal meals.

J

B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 69

it," was their exhortation to their sons, when going to battle ;
and after the fatal day of Leuctra those mothers whose sons had
fallen returned thanks to the gods ; while those were the bitter
sufferers whose sons had survived that disgraceful day. The tri-
umphant resignation of a Spartan mother at the heroic death of
her son, and her fierce wrath when he proved a recreant coward,
are well expressed in two striking poems of the Greek Anthology :

"Eight sons Demseneta at Sparta's call
Sent forth to fight ; one tomb received them all.
'No tear she shed, but shouted ' Victory !
Sparta, I bore them but to die for thee.' "

" A Spartan, his companion slain,

Alone from battle fled ;
His mother, kindling with disdain

That she had borne him, struck him dead ;
For courage, and not birth alone,
In Sparta, testifies a son!"*

§ 13. One of the most celebrated measures ascribed to Lycur-
gus by later writers was his redivision of the land of the country.
It is related that the disorders of the state arose mainly from
the gross inequality of property : the greater part of the land
was in the hands of a few rich men, whilst the majority of the
people were left in hopeless misery. In order to remedy this
fearful state of things, he resolved to make a new division of
lands, that the citizens might all live together in perfect equaUty.
Accordingly, he redistributed the territory belonging to Sparta
into 9000 equal lots, and the remainder of Laconia into 30,000
equal lots, and assigned to each Spartan citizen one of the former
of these lots, and to each Parioecus one of the latter.

It is, however, very questionable whether Lycurgus ever made
any division of the landed property of Laconia. It is not men-
tioned by any of the earher writers, and we find in historical
times great inequality of property among the Spartans. It is
suggested with great probability by Mr. Grote, that the idea
of an equal division of landed property by Lycurgus seems
to have arisen in the third century before the Christian era,
when an attempt was made by Agis and Cleomenes, kings of
Sparta, to rescue their country from the state of degradation
into which it had sunk. From the time of the Persian war, the
number of the Spartan citizens was constantly declining, and the
property accumulating in a few hands. The number of citizens,
reckoned by Herodotus at 8000, had dwindled down in the time
of Aristotle to 1000, and had been still further reduced in that of
* See Anthologia Polyglotta, edited by Dr. "Wellesley, pp. 191, 202.

^0 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VII.

Agis to 700 ; and in the reign of tiiis king 100 alone possessed
nearly the whole of the landed property in the state, while the
remainder were miserably poor. At the same time the old dis-
cipline had degenerated into a mere form ; numbers of strangers
had settled in the city ; and Sparta had long lost her ancient
influence over her neighbours. The humiliating condition of
their country roused Agis and other ardent spirits to endeavour
to restore Sparta to her former glories ; and for this purpose
they resolved to establish again the discipline of Lycurgus in
its pristine vigour, and to make a fresh division of the landed
property. Agis perished in his attempt to carry these reforms
into effect ; but a similar revolution was shortly afterwards ac-
complished by Cleomenes. It was in the state of public feeling
which gave birth to the projects of Agis and Cleomenes, that
the idea arose of an equal division of property having been one
of the ancient institutions of their great lawgiver. The discipline
and education of Lycurgus tended greatly to introduce equality
among the rich and the poor in their habits and enjoyments ;
and hence we can easily understand how this equality suggested
to a subsequent age an equality of property as hkewise one of
the institutions of Lycurgus.

M4. It has been already remarked that the Spartans were
not allowed to engage in any trade or manufactures ; and that all
occupations, pursued for the sake of gain, were left in the hands
of the Perioeci. We are told that Lycurgus therefore banished
from Sparta all gold and silver money, and allowed nothing but
bars of iron to pass in exchange for every commodity. It is, how-
ever, absurd to ascribe such a regulation to Lycurgus, since silver
money was first coined in Greece by Phidon of Argos in the suc-
ceeding generation, and gold money was first coined in Asia, and
was very little known in G-reece, even in the time of the Pelopon-
nesian war. In this case, as in others, the usage of later times
was converted into a primitive institution of the lawgiver. As
the Spartans were not allowed to engage in commerce, and all
luxury and display in dress, furniture, and food was forbidden,
they had very little occasion for a circulating medium, and iron
money was found sufficient for their few wants. But this pro-
hibition of the precious metals only made the Spartans more
anxious to obtain them ; and even in the times of their greatest
glory the Spartans were the most venal of the G-reeks, and could
rarely resist the temptation of a pecuniar}^ bribe.

The Spartans were averse to all changes, both in their govern-
ment and their customs. In order to preserve their national
character and the primitive simplicity of their habits, Lycurgus
is said to have forbidden all strangers to reside at Sparta without

B.C. 776. LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS. 71

special permission. For the same reason the Spartans were not
allowed to go abroad without leave of the magistrate.

Caution was also another characteristic of the Spartans.
Hence we are told that they never pursued an enemy farther than
was necessary to make themselves sure of the victory. They
were also forbidden by Lycurgus to make frequent war upon the
same foes, lest the latter should learn their peculiar tactics.

§ 15. The city of Sparta was never fortified, even in the days
of her greatest power, and continued to consist of five distinct
quarters, which were originally separate villages, and which were
never united into one regular town. It is said that Lycurgus
had commanded them not to surround their city with walls, but
to trust for their defence to their own military prowess. Another
and a better reason for the absence of walls is to be sought in the
admirable site of the city, in the midst of a territory almost in-
accessible to invaders. The northern and western frontiers of
Laconia were protected by lofty ranges of mountains, through
which there were only a few difficult passes ; while the rocky
nature of its eastern coast protected it from invasion by sea.
Sparta was situated inland, in the middle of the valley of the
Eurotas ; and all the principal passes of Laconia led to the city,
which was thus placed in the best position for the defence of the
country. There can be no doubt that one of the causes of the
Spartan power is to be traced to the strength of its frontiers and
to the site of Sparta itself.

§ 16. The legislation of Lycurgus was followed by important
results. It made the Spartans a body of professional soldiers,
well trained and well disciphned, at a time when military train-
ing and discipline were little known, and almost unpractised in
the other states of Greece. The consequence was the rapid
growth of the pohtical power of Sparta, and the subjugation of
the neighbouring states. At the time of Lycurgus the Spartans
held only a small portion of Laconia ; they were merely a garrison
in the heart of an enemy's country. Their first object was to
make themselves masters of Laconia, in which they finally suc-
ceeded after a severe struggle. The military ardour and love of
war, which had been implanted in them by the institutions of
Lycurgus, continued to animate them after the subjugation of
Laconia, and led them to seek new conquests. We have already
seen that they ofiered a successful resistance to the formidable
power of Phidon of Argos. They now began to cast longing
eyes upon the possessions of their Dorian brethren in Messenia,
and to meditate the conquest of that fertile country.

Early Greek Armour, from Vase-paintings.

CHAPTER VIII.

HISTORY OF SPAUTA. THE MESSENIAN, ARCADIAN, AND ARGIVE
WARS.

§ 1. Authorities for the history of the Messenian wars. § 2. The first
Messenian war, b.c. 743 — 724. § 3. The second Messenian war, b.c.
685 — 668. Aristomenes, the Messenian hero, and Tyrtseus, the Spartan
hero, of this war. § 4. Wars between the Spartans and Arcadians.
Conquest of the southern part of Arcadia by Sparta. War between
Sparta and Tegea. § 5. Wars between the Spartans and Argives.
Battle of the three hundred champions to decide the possession of
tynui'ia.

: 1 . The early wars of Sparta were carried on against the Mes-
senians, Arcadians, and Argives. They resulted in making
Sparta the undisputed mistress of two-thirds of Peloponnesus,
and the most powerful of the Grrecian states. Of these wars the
two waged against Messenia were the most celebrated and the
most important. They were both long protracted and obsti-
nately contested. They both ended in the victory of Sparta, and
in the subjugation of Messenia. These facts are beyond dispute,
and are attested by the contemporary poet Tyrtseus. But of the
details of these wars we have no trustworthy narrative. The
account of them, which is inserted in most histories of Greece,
is taken from Pausanias, a writer who lived in the second cen-
tury of the Christian era. He derived his narrative of the first

B.C. 743. FIKST MEfeSEKLAis^ WAE. 78

war from a prose writer of the name of Myron, who did not hve
earher than the third century before the Christian era ; and he
took his account of the second from a poet called Rhianus, a
native of Crete, who lived about B.C. 220. Both these writers
were separated from the events which they narrated by a period
of 500 years, and probably derived their materials from the stories
current among the Messenians after their restoration to their na-
tive land by Epaminondas. Information of an historical character
could not be expected from the w^ork of Rhianus, which was an
epic poem celebrating the exploits of the great hero Aristomenes.
We must not, therefore, receive the common account of the Mes-
senian wars as a real history ; and we shall consequently give
only a brief outline of the narrative of Pausanius. The ^ates of
the two wars cannot be fixed with certainty, Pausanius makes
the first last from B.C. 743 to 724, and the second from B.C. 685
to 668. Both of these dates are probably too early.

^ 2. The real cause of the first Messenian war was doubtless
the lust of the Spartans for the fertile territories of their neigh-
bours. But its origin was narrated in the following manner.
On the heights of Mount Taygetus, which separated the two
kingdoms, there was a temple of Artemis (Diana), common to the
Spartans and Messenians. It was here that the Spartan king
Teleclus was slain by the Messenians ; but the two people gave a
difierent version of the cause of his death. The Spartans asserted
that Teleclus was murdered by the Messenians, while he was
attempting to defend some Spartan virgins, whom he was con-
ducting to the temple, from the insults of the Messenian youth.
The Messenians, on the other hand, averred that Teleclus had
dressed up young men as virgins with concealed daggers, and
that Teleclus was slain in the aflray which ensued upon the dis-
covery of the plot. The war did not, however, immediately
break out ; and the direct cause of it w^as owing to a private
quarrel. Poly chares, a distinguished Messenian, who had gained
the prize at the Olympic games, had been grossly injured by the
Spartan Eusephnus, who had robbed him of his cattle and mur-
dered his son. Being unable to obtain redress from the Spartan
government, Polychares took the revenge into his own hands,
and killed all the Lacedsemonians that came in his way. The
Spartans demanded the surrender of Polychares, but the Messe-
nians refused to give him up. Thereupon the Spartans deter-
mined upon war. They silently prepared their forces ; and
without any formal declaration of war, they crossed the frontier,
surprised the fortress of Amphea, and put the inhabitants to the
sword.

Thus commenced the first Messenian war . E uph aes. who was
E

74 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. YIII.

then king of Messenia, carried on the war with energy and vigour.
For the first four years the Lacedaemonians made Httle progress ;
but in the fifth a great battle was fought, and although its result
was indecisive, the Messenians did not venture to risk another
engagement, and retired to the strongly fortified mountain of
Ithome. In their distress they sent to consult the oracle at
Delphi, and received the appalling answer that the salvation of
Messenia required the sacrifice of a virgin of the house of
^pytus^ to the gods of the lower world. Aristodemus offered
his own daughter as the victim ; but a young Messenian, who
loved the maiden, attempted to save her life by declaring that
she was about to become a mother. Her father, enraged at this
asserti<jn, killed his daughter with his own hand, and opened
her body to refute the calumny. Although the demands of j
the oracle had not been satisfied, since this was a murder and 1
not a sacrifice, the Spartans were so disheartened by the news, \
that they abstained from attacking the Messenians for some i
years. In the thirteenth year of the war, the Spartan Idng I
Theopompus marched against Ithome, and a second great battle !
was fought, but the result was again indecisive. Euphaes fell •
in the action ; and Aristodemus, who was chosen king in his |
place, prosecuted the war with vigour and ability. In the fifth
year of liis reign a third great battle was fought, in which the p
Corinthians fought on the side of the Spartans, and the Area- i
dians and Sicyonians on the side of the Messenians. This time j|
the Messenians gained a decisive victory, and the Lacedaemonians !
were driven back into their own territory. They now sent to
ask advice of the Delphian oracle, and were promised success
upon using stratagem. They therefore had recourse to fraud
and at the same time various prodigies dismayed the bold spirit
of Aristodemus. His daughter too appeared to him. in a dream,
showed to him her wounds, and summoned him away. Seeing ^
that his country was doomed to destruction, Aristodemus slew
himself on his daughter's tomb. Shortly afterwards, in the p
twentieth year of the war, the Messenians abandoned Ithome,
which the Lacedaemonians razed to the gromid, and the whole
coimtry became subject to Sparta. Many of the inhabitants
fled into Arcadia, and the priestly families withdrew to Eleusis,
in Attica. Those who remained in the country were treated with
great severity. They were reduced to the condition of Helots, and
were compelled to pay to their masters half of the produce of
their lands. This is attested by the authority of Tyrtaeus, who
says, " Like asses worn down by heavy burthens they were com-

* The royal family of Messenia was descended from ^pytus, who
was a son of Crefphontes.

\l

B.C. 685. SECOKD MESSEMAN WAR. 75

pelled to make over to their masters an entire half of the produce
of their fields, and to come in the garb of woe to Sparta, them-
selves and their M^ives, as rrraurners at the decease of the kings
and principal persons."

y 3. For thirty-nine years the Messenians endured this degrad-
ing yoke. At the end of this time (b.c. 685) they took up arms
against their oppressors, having found a leader in Aristomenes,
of Andania, sprung from the royal line of ^Epytus. The exploits
of this hero form the great subject of the second Messenian war.
It would appear that most of the states in Peloponnesus took
part in this struggle. The Argives, Arcadians, Sicyonians, and
Pisatans were the principal allies of the Messenians ; but the
Corinthians sent assistance to Sparta. The first battle was
fought before the arrival of the allies on either side ; and though
it was mdecisive, the valour of Aristomenes struck fear into the
hearts of the Spartans. To frighten the enemy still more, the
hero crossed the frontier, entered Sparta by night, and afhxed a
shield to the temple of Athena (Minerva) of the Brazen House,
with the inscription, " Dedicated by Aristomenes to the goddess
from the Spartan spoils."

The Spartans in alarm sent to Delphi for advice. The god
bade them apply to Athens for a leader. Fearing to disobey the
oracle, but Avith the view of rendering no real assistance, the
Athenians sent Tyrtseus of Aphidnse, who is represented in the
popular legend as a lame man and a schoolmaster. The Spartans
received their new leader with due honour ; and he was not long
in justifying the credit of the oracle. His martial songs roused
the fainting courage of the Spartans, and animated them to new
efforts against the foe.^ The Spartans showed their gratitude
by making him a citizen of their state. So efficacious were his
poems, that to them is mainly ascribed the final success of the
Spartans. Hence he appears as the great hero of Sparta during
the second Messenian war. Some of his celebrated songs have
come down to us, and the following war-march is a specimen : —

"To the field, to the field, gallant Spartan band,
Worthy sons, like your sires, of our warlike land!
Let each arm be prepared for its part in the fight,
Fix the shield on the left, poise the spear with the right,
Let no care for your lives in your bosoms find place,
No such care knew the heroes of old Spartan race." f

Encouraged by the strains of Tyrtaeus, the Spartans again

* " Tyrtseusque mares animos in Martia bella

Versibus exacuit." — Hor. Ars Poet 402.
f Mure's History of Greek Literature, vol. iii. p. 195.

76 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. YIII.

marched against the Messeniaiis. But they were not at first suc-
cessful. A great battle was fought at the Boar's Grave in the
plain of Stenyclerus, in which the allies of both sides were pre-
sent. The Spartans were defeated with great loss ; and the
Messenian maidens of a later day used to sing how " Aristo-
menes pursued the flying Lacedaemonians down to the mid-plain
of Stenyclerus, and up to the very summit of the moruitain." In
the third year of the war another great battle was fought, in
which the Messenians suffered a signal defeat, in consequence of
the treachery of Aristocrates, the king of the Arcadian Orcho-
menus. So great was the loss of the Messenians, that Aristo-
menes no longer ventured to meet the Spartans in the open
field ; and he therefore resolved to follow the example of the
Messenian leaders in the former war, and concentrate his strength
in a fortified spot. For this purpose he chose the mountain
fortress of Ira, and there he continued to prosecute the war for
eleven years. The Spartans encamped at the foot of the moun-
tain ; but Aristomenes frequently sallied from his fortress, and
ravaged the lands of Laconia with fire and sword. It is unne-
cessary to relate all the wonderful exploits of this hero in his
various incursions. Thrice did he offer to Jove Ithomates the
sacrifice called Hecatomphonia, reserved for the warrior who
had slain a hundred enemies with his own hand. Thrice was he
taken prisoner ; on two occasions he burst his bonds, but on the
third he was carried to Sparta, and thrown with his fifty com-
panions into a deep pit, called Ceadas. His comrades were all
killed by the fall ; but Aristomenes reached the bottom unhurt.
He saw, however, no means of escape, and had resigned himself
to death ; but on the third day perceiving a fox creeping among
the bodies, he grasped its tail, and following the animal as it
struggled to escape, discovered an opening in the rock. Through
the favor of the gods the hero thus escaped, and on the next
day was again at Ira to the surprise alike of friends and foes.
But his single prowess was not sufficient to avert the ruin of his
country ; he had incurred moreover the anger of the Dioscuri or
the Twin gods ; and the favour of heaven was therefore turned
from him. One night the Spartans surprised Ira, Avhile Aristo-
menes was disabled by a wound ; but he collected the bravest of
his followers, and forced his way through the enemy. He took
refuge in Arcadia, where he was hospitably received ; but the
plan which he had formed for surprising Sparta was betrayed
by Aristocrates, whom his countrymen stoned for his treachery.
Many of the exiled Messenians went to Rhegium, in Italy,
under the sons of Aristomenes, but the hero himself finished his
days in Rhodes. His memory long lived in the hearts of his

B.C. 560. WAR BETWEEN SPARTA AJND TEGEA. I^J

countrymen ; and later legends related, that in the fatal battle of
Leuctra, which destroyed for ever the Lacedaemonian power, the
hero was seen scattering destruction among the Spartan troops.

The second Messenian war was terminated by the complete
subjugation of the Messenians, who again became the serfs of
their conquerors (b.c. 668). In this condition they remained till
the restoration of their independence by Epaminondas, in the
year 369 b.c. During the whole of the intervening period the
Messenians disappear from history. The country called Messenia
in the map Avas in reality a portion of Laconia, which, after the
second Messenian war, extended across the south of Pelopon-
nesus from the eastern to the western sea.

^ 4. Of the history of the wars between the Spartans and
Arcadians we have fewer details. The Spartans made various
attempts to extend their dominion over Arcadia. Hence the
Arcadians afibrded assistance to the Messenians in their struggle
against Sparta, and they evinced their sjnmpathy for this gallant
people by putting to death Aristocrates of Orchomenus, as has
been already related. The conquest of Messenia was probably
followed by the subjugation of the southern part of Arcadia.
T\e knoAV that the northern frontier of Laconia, consisting of
the districts called Sciritis, Beleminatis, Maleatis, and Caryatis,
originally belonged to Arcadia, and was conquered by the Lace-
daemonians at an early period.

The Lacedaemonians, however, did not meet with equal success
in their attempts against Tegea. This city was situated in the
south-eastern corner of Arcadia, on the very frontiers of Laconia.
It possessed a brave and warlike population, and defied the
Spartan power for more than two centuries. As early as the
reign of Charilaus, the nephew of Lycurgus, the Lacedaemonians
had invaded the territory of Tegea ; but they were not only
defeated with great loss, but this king was taken prisoner with
all his men who had survived the battle. Long afterward, in
the reign of Leon and Agesicles (about B.C. 580), the Lace-
daemonians again marched against Tegea, but were again defeat-
ed with great loss, and were compelled to work as slaves in the
very chains which they had brought with them for the Tegeatans.
For a whole generation their arms continued unsuccessful ; but
in the reign of Anaxandrides and Ariston, the successors of
Leon and Agesicles (about b.c. o60), they w^ere at length able
to bring the long protracted struggle to a close. In their dis-
tress they had applied as usual to the Delphic oracle for advice,
and had been promised success if they could obtain the bones
of Orestes, the son of Agamemnon. The directions of the god
enabled them to find the remains of the hero at Tegea : and by a

78 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. VIII

skilful stratagem one of their citizens succeeded in carrying the
holy rehcs to Sparta. The tide of the war now turned. The
Tegeatans were constantly defeated, and were at length obliged
to acknowledge the supremacy of Sparta. They were not^ how-
ever, reduced to subjection, hke the Messenians. They still con-
tinued masters of their own citj^ and territory', and only became
dependent aUies of Sparta.

§ 5. The histor}' of the early struggle between Argos and
Sparta is quite unknown. AVe have already seen that the whole
eastern coast of Peloponnesus had originally belonged to Argos,
or the confederacy over which this city presided. The Lacedae-
monians, however, succeeded not oiily in conquering all the
eastern coast of Laconia, but also in annexing to their territor}^
the district of Cynuria,^ on their northern frontier, which had
originally formed part of the dominions of Argos. It is uncer-
tain at what time the Lacedsemonians obtamed this important
acquisition ; but the attempt of the Argives to recover it in
547 B.C. led to one of the inost celebrated combats in early
Grecian histor}'. It was agreed between the Lacedaemonians and
Argives that the possession of the territon- should be decided
by a combat bet^'een three himdred chosen champions on either
side. So fierce was the conflict that only one Spartan and two
Argives survived. The latter, supposing that all their opponents
had been slain, hastened home ^ith the news of %'ictory ; but
Othryades, the Spartan wanior. remained on the field, and
spoiled the dead bodies of the enemy. Both sides claimed the
victor}^, whereupon a general battle ensued, in which the Argives
were defeated. The brave Othn'ades slew himself on the field
of battle, being ashamed to retimi to Sparta as the one surs-ivor
of her three hmidred champions. This victor}- secured the
Spartans hi the possession of Cpiuria, and effectually humbled
the power of Argos.

Sparta was now by far the most powerful of the Grecian states.
Her own territor}-. as we have already seen, included the whole
southern portion of Peloponnesus ; the Arcadians were her sub-
ject alhes ; and Argos had suffered too much from her recent
defeat to offer any further resistance to her formidable neighbour.
ISorth of the Isthmus of Cormth there was no state whose power
could compete ^dth that of Sparta. Athens was still suffering
from the civil dissensions which had led to the usurpation of
Pisistratus, and no one could have anticipated at this time the
rapid and extraordinary' growth of this state, wliich rendered her
before long the rival of Sparta.

* The plain, called Thyreatis from the to^ra of ThjTea, "vras the most
important part of Cynuria.

I

Leaden Sling-bullets and Arrow-heads, found at Athens, Marathon, and Leontini.

CHAPTER IX:

THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS.

§ 1. Abolition of royalty throughout Greece, except in Sparta, § 2. Estab-
lishment of the oligarchical governments. § 2. Overthrow of the oli-
garchies by the despots. Character of the despots, and causes of their
fall. § 4. Contest between oligarchy and democracy on the removal
of the despots. § 5. Despots of Sicyon. History of Clisthenes. § 6. Des-
pots of Corinth. History of Cypselus and Periander. § 7. Conflicts
of the oligarchical and democratical parties at Megara. Despotism
of Theagenes. The poet Theognis.

5 1, Sparta was the only state in Greece which continued to
retain the kingly form of government during the brilliant period
of Grecian history. In all other parts of Greece royalty had
been abolished at an early age, and various forms of republican
government established in its stead. In all of these, though dif-
fering widely from each other in many of their institutions,
hatred of monarchy was a universal feeling. This change in
the popular mind deserves our consideration. In the Heroic age,
as we have already seen, monarchy was the only form of govern-
ment known. At the head of every state stood a king, who had
derived his authority from the gods, and whose commands were
reverently obeyed by his people. The only check upon his au-
thority was the council of the chiefs, and even they rarely ven-
tured to interfere with his rule. But soon after the commence-
ment of the first Olympiad this reverential feeling towards the
king disappears, and his authority and his functions are trans-
ferred to the council of chiefs.

so HliTTORY of" GREECE. Chap. LX.

This important revolution was owing mainly to the smallness
of the Grecian states. It must be constantly remembered that
each political community consisted only of the inhabitants of a
single city. Among so small a body the king could not surround
himself with any pomp or mystery. He moved as a man among
his fellow-men ; his faults llid his foibles became knoA\TL to all ;
and as the Greek mind developed and enlarged itself, his subjects
lost all behef in his di's'iue right to their obedience. They had
no extent of territor}* wliich rendered it advisable to maintain a
king for the purpose of preserA'ing their union ; and, conse-
quently, when they lost respect for his person, and faith in his
divine right, they abolished the dignity altogether. This change
appears to have been accomphshed Tsithout any sudden or violent
revolutions. Sometimes, on the death of a king, his son was ac-
knowledged as ruler for hfe, or for a certain number of years, with
the title oi Archofi ;* and sometimes the royal race was set aside
altogether, and one of the nobles was elected to supply the place
of the king, with the title oiPnjtaiiis or President.! In all cases,
however, the new magistrates became more or less responsible
to the nobles ; and in course of time they were elected for a
brief period from the whole body of the nobles, and were ac-
countable to the latter for the manner in which they discharged
the duties of their office.

k 2. The abohtion of royalty was thus followed by an Oh-
garchy, or the government of the Few. This was the hrst form
of repubhcanism. in Greece. Democracy, or the government of
the Many, was yet miknown ; and the condition of the general
m.ass of the freemen appears to have been unaffected by the re-
volution. But it paved the way to greater changes. It taught
the Greeks the important pruiciple that the pohtical power was
vested in the citizens of the state. It is true that these were at
first only a small portion of the freemen : but their number
might be enlarged ; and the idea could not fail to occur that the
power which had been transferred from the One to the Few
might be still further extended trom the Few to the Many.

The nobles possessed the greater part of the land of the state,
and were hence frequently distiuguished by the name of Geo-
mori or Gamori.+ Their esta.tes Avere cultivated by a rural and
dependent population ; whilst they themselves hved in the city,
and appear to have formed an exclusive order, transmitting their
privileges to their sons alone. But besides this governing body
and their rustic dependents, there existed two other classes, con-
sisting of small landed proprietor, who cultivated their fields

* 'Apx(jv. f Tlpvravic.

J Ttunopoi (Ionic), Tofwpoi (Doric), landcwn&r*.

B.C. 650. THE GRECIAN DESPOTS. 81

with their om^ii hands, and of artisans and traders residing in the
town. These two classes were constantly increasing in numbers,
wealth, and intelligence, and, consequently, began to demand a
share in the government, from which they had hitherto been
excluded. The ruling body meantime had remained stationary,
or had even declined in numbers afld in wealth ; and they had
excited, moreover, the discontent of the people by the arbitrary
and oppressive mamier in which they had exercised their au-
thority. But it was not from the people that the oligarchies
received their first and greatest blow. They w^ere generally over-
thrown by the usurpers, to whom the Greeks gave the name of
Tyrants.*

§ 3. The Greek word Tyrant does not correspond in meaning
to the same word in the English language. It signifies simply
an irresponsible ruler, and may therefore be more correctly ren-
dered by the term Despot. The rise of the Despots seems to
have taken place about the same time in a large number of the
Greek cities. They begin to appear in the middle of the seventh
century b.c. ; and in the course of the next hundred and fifty years
(from B.C. 650 to 500) there were few cities in the Grecian
world W'liich escaped this revolution in their government. The
growing discontent of the general body of the people afforded
facilities to an ambitious citizen to overthrow the existing oli-
garchy, and to make himself supreme ruler of the state. In most
cases the despots belonged to the nobles, but they acquired their
power in various ways. The most frequent manner in which
they became masters of the state was by espousing the cause of
the commonalty, and making use of the strength of the latter to
put down the ohgarchy by force. Sometimes, but more rarely,
one of the nobles, w'ho had been raised to the chief magistracy
for a temporaiy period, availed himself of his position to retain
his dignity permanently, in spite of his brother nobles. There
was another class of irresponsible rulers to whom the name of
^symnetes,^ or Dictator, was given. The supreme power was
voluntarily entrusted to him by the citizens, but only for a limited
period, and in order to accomplish some important object, such
as reconciling the various factions in the state.

The government of most of the despots was oppressive and
cruel. In many states they were at first popular with the gen-
eral body of the citizens, who had raised them to powder and were
glad to see the humiliation of their former masters. But discon-
tent soon began to arise ; the despot had recourse to violence to
put down disaffection, and thus became an object of hatred to
his fellow-citizens. In order to protect himself he called in the
* TvpavvoL. f Alav/ivijTrjC.

tt HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IX.

aid of foreign troops, and took up his residence in the Acropolis,
surrounded by his mercenaries. The most illustrious citizens
were now exiled or put to death, and the goveriunent became
in reality a tyraimy in the modern sense of the word. Some of
these despots erected magnificent public works, either to gratify
their own love of splendour and display, or with the express view
of impoverishing their subjects. Others were patrons of litera-
ture and art, and sought to gain popularity by inviting literary
men to their court. But even those who exercised their sov-
ereignty with moderation were never able to retain their popu-
larity. The assumption of irresponsible power by one man had
become abhorrent to the Greek mind. A person thus raising
himself above the law was considered to have forfeited all title
to the protection of the law. He was regarded as the greatest
of criminals, and his assassination was viewed as a righteous
and holy act. Hence few despots grew old in their govermuent ;
still fewer bequeathed their power to theh sons ; and very rarely
did the dynasty continue as long as the third generation.

§ 4. Many of the despots in G-reece were put down by the
Lacedsemonians. The Spartan government, as we have already
seen, was essentially an oligarchy ; and the Spartans were always
ready to lend their poAverful aid to the support or the establish-
ment of the government of the Few. Hence they took an active
part in the overthrow of the despots, with the intention of es-
tablishing the ancient oligarchy in their place. But this rarely
happened ; and they thus became unintentional instruments in
promoting the principles of the popular party. The rule of the
despot had broken down the distinction between the nobles and
the general body of freemen ; and upon the removal of the des-
pot it was found impossible in most cases to reinstate the former
body of nobles in their ancient privileges. The latter, it is true,
attempted to regain them, and were supported in their attempts
by Sparta. Hence arose a new struggle. The first contest
after the abolition of royalty was between oligarchy and the
despot ; the next which now ensued was between oligarchy and
democracy.

The history of Athens will afibrd the most striking illustration
of the different revolutions of which we have been speaking ; but
there are some examples in the other Greek states which must
not be passed over entirely.
/^ 5. The city of Sicyon, situated to the west of the Corinthian
^^thmus, was governed by a race of despots for a longer period
than any other Greek state. Their dynasty lasted for a hundred
years, and is said to have been founded by Orthagoras, about
B.C. 676. This revolution is worthy of notice, because Ortha-

I

B.C. 625. DI^POTS OF SICYON AND CORINTH. 88

goras did not belong to the oligarchy. The latter consisted of a
portion of the Dorian conquerors ; and Orthagoras, who belonged
to the old inhabitants of the country, obtained the power by the
overthrow of the Dorian ohgarchy. He and his successors were
doubtless supported by the old population, and this was one
reason of the long continuance of their power. The last of the
dynasty was Clisthenes, who was celebrated for his wealth and
magnificence, and who gamed the victory in the chariot race in
the Pythian and Olympic games. He aided the Amphictyons in
the sacred war against Cirrha (b.c. 595), and he was also engaged
in hostilities against Argos. But the chief point in his history
which claims our attention was his systematic endeavour to
depress and dishonour the Dorian tribes. It has been already
remarked* that the Dorians in all their settlements were di-
vided into the three tribes of Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanes.
These ancient and venerable names he changed into new ones,
derived from the sow, the ass, and the pig,t while he declared
the superiority of his own tribe by giving it the designation of
Archelai, or lords of the people. Clisthenes appears to have
continued despot till his death, which may be placed about
B.C. 560. The dynasty perished with him. He left no son;
but his daughter Agarista, whom so many suitors wooed, was
married to the Athenian Megacles, of the great family of
the Alcmaeonidse, and became the mother of Chsthenes, the
founder of the Athenian democracy after the expulsion of the
Pisistratidse. \

k 6. The despots of Corinth were still more celebrated. Their
dynasty lasted 74 years. It was founded by Cypselus, who over-
threw the oligarchy called the Bacchiadse in b.c. 655. His mother
belonged to the Bacchiadae ; but as none of the race would marry
her on account of her lameness, she espoused a man who did not
belong to the ruling class. The BacchiadsB having learnt that an
oracle had declared that the issue of this marriage would prove
their ruin, endeavoured to miurder the child ; but his mother
preserved him in a chest, from which he derived his name.J
When he had grown up to manhood he came forward as the
champion of the people against the nobles, and with their aid
expelled the Bacchiadse, and established himself as despot. He
held his power for thirty years (b.c. 655-625), and transmitted
it on his death to his son Periander. His government is said to
have been mild and popular.

The sway of Periander, on the other hand, is universally repre-

* Above, e. 7. § 7.

f Hyataa ('Tdrai), Oneatae ('Ovedrai), Choer^tse {X^oipedrai,).

X Cypselus from cypsele (KV-theTii}), a chests

14 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. IX.

sented as oppressive and cruel. Many of the tales related of him
may be regarded as the calumnies of his enemies ; but there is
good reason for believing that he ruled with a rod of iron. The
way in av hich he treated the nobles is illustrated by a well-known
tale, which has been transferred to the early history of Rome.
Soon after his accession Periander is said to have sent to Thra-
sybulus, despot of Miletus, to ask him for advice as to the best
mode of maintaining his power. Without giving an answ^er in
writing, Thrasybulus led the messenger through a corn-field,
cutting off, as he went, the tallest ears of corn. He then dis-
missed the messenger, telling him to inform his master how he
had found him employed. The action was rightly interpreted
by Periander, who proceeded to rid himself of the powerful
nobles of the state. The anecdote, whether true or not, is an
indication of the common opinion entertained of the govern-
ment of Periander. We are further told that he protected his
person by a body-guard of mercenaries, and kept all rebellion in
check by his rigorous measures. It is admitted on all hands
that he possessed great ability and military skill ; and, however
oppressive his government may have been to the citizens of
Corinth, he raised the city to a state of great prosperity and
power, and miade it respected alike by friends and foes. Under
his sway Corinth was the wealthiest and the most powerful of
all the commercial communities of Greece ; and at no other pe-
riod in its history does it appear in so flourishing a condition.
In his reign many important colonies were founded by Corinth
on the coast of Acarnania and the surrounding islands and
coasts, and his sovereignty extended over Corcyra, Ambra-
cia, Leucas, and Anactorium, all of which were independent
states in the next generation. Corinth possessed harbours on
either side of the istlimus, and the customs and port-dues
were so considerable that Periander required no other source
of revenue.

Periander was also a warm patron of literature and art. He
welcomed the poet Arion and the philosopher Anacharsis to
his court, and was numbered by some am.ong the Seven Sages
of Greece.

The private life of Periander was marked by great misfortunes,
which embittered his latter days. He is said to have killed his
wife Melissa in a fit of anger ; whereupon his son Lycophron
left Corinth and withdrew to Corcyra. The youth continued
so incensed against his father that he refused to return to Cor-
inth, when Periander in his old age begged him to come back
and assume the government. Finding him inexorable, Periander,
who was anxious to insure the continuance of his dynasty, then

I

B.C. 600. DESPOTS OF CORINTH AND MEGARA. 86

offered to go to Corey ra, if Lycophron would take his place at
Corinth. To this his son assented ; but the Corcyrseans, fearing
the stern rule of the old man, put Lycophron to death.

Periander reigned forty years (b.c. 625-585). He was suc-
ceeded by a relative, Psainmetichus, son of Grorgias, who only
reigned between three and four years, and is said to have been
put down by the Lacedsemonians.

§ 7 . During the reign of Periander at Corinth, Theagenes made
himself despot in the neighbouring city of Megara, probably
about B.C. 630. He overthrew the oligarchy by espousing the
popular cause ; but he did not maintain his power till his
death, but was driven from the government about b.c. 600. A
struggle now ensued between the oligarchy and the democracy,
which was conducted with more than usual violence. The
popular party obtained the upper hand, and abused their vic-
tory. The poor entered the houses of the rich, and forced
them to provide costly banquets. They confiscated the property
of the nobles, and drove most of them into exile. They not
only cancelled their debts, but also forced the aristocratic cre-
ditors to refund all the interest which had been paid. But the
expatriated nobles returned in arms and restored the oligarchy.
They were, however, again expelled, and it was not till after
long struggles and convulsions that an oligarchical government
was permanently established at Megara.

These Megarian revolutions are interesting as a specimen of
the struggles between the oligarchical and democratical parties,
which seem, to have taken place in many other Grecian states
about the same time. Some account of them is given by the
contemporary poet Theognis, who himself belonged to the oligar-
chical party at Megara. He was born and spent his life in the
midst of these convulsions, and most of his poetry was composed
at the time when the oligarchical party was oppressed and m
exile.

In his poems the nobles are the good, and the commons
the had, terms which at that time were regularly used in this
political signification, and not in their later ethical meaning.^
"We find in his poems some interesting descriptions of the
social changes which the popular revolution had effected. It
had rescued the country population from a condition of abject
poverty and serfdom, and had given them a share in the govern^
ment.

* It should be recollected that the terms oi okaQoi, kadlol, j3e2.TiaToi,
<fec. are frequently used by the Greek writers to signify the nobles, and
ol KaKOL, 6et?iOi, &c., to signify the commons. The Latin -writers employ
in like manner honi, optimates, and mali.

$« HISTORY OF GREECE. Chav. IX.

" Our commonwealth preserves its former fame :
Our common people are no more the same.
They that in skins and hides were rudely dress' d,
jS"or dreamt of law, nor sought to be redress'd
By rules of right, but in the days of old
Lird on the land, like cattle in the fold,
Are now the Brave and Good ; and we, the rest,
Are now the Mean and Bad* though once the best."

An aristocracy of wealth had also begun to spring up in place
of an aristocracy of birth, and intermarriages had taken place
between the two parties in the state.

" But in the daily matches that we make
The price is everything ; for money's sake
Men marry — Women are in marriage given ;
The Bad or Coward,* that in wealth has thriven,
May match his offspring with the proudest race :
Thus everything is mixed, noble and base."

Theognis lost his property in the revolution, and had been
driven into exile ; and the following hues show the ferocious
spirit which sometimes animated the Greeks in their party
struggles.

"Yet my full wish, to drink their very blood.
Some power divine, that watches for my good,
May yet accomplish. Soon may he fulfil
M}'' righteous hope — my just and hearty will."f

These Sicyonian, Corinthian, and Megarian despots were some
of the most celebrated ; and their history will serve as samples
of what took place in most of the Grecian states in the seventh
. nd sixth centuries before the Christian era.

* All these terms are used in their political signification,
f The preceding extracts from Theognis are taken from the transla-
tion of the poet published by Mr. Frere at Malta in 1842.

Coin of Corinth.

Croesus on the Funeral Pile. (See p. 100.)— From an ancient Vase.

CHAPTER X.

EARLY HISTORY OF ATHENS DOWN TO THE USURPATION OF
PISISTRATUS.

1. Early division of Attica into twelve independent states, said to have
been united by Theseus. § 2. Abolition of royalty. Life archons.
Decennial archons. Annual archons. § 3. Twofold division of the
Athenians. (1.) Eupatridse, Geomori, Demiurgi. (2.) Four tribes:
Geleontes, Hopletes, ^gicores, Argades. § 4. Division of the four
tribes into Trittyes and Naucrarise, and into Phratriae and Gentes.
§ 5. The government exclusively in the hands of the Eupatridse. The
nine archons and their functions. The senate of Areopagus. §6. The
legislation of Draco. § 1. The conspiracy of Cylon. His failure, and
massacre of his partisans by Megacles, the Alcmseonid. Expulsion of
the Alcmseonidae. §8. Visit of Epimenides to Athens. His purifica-
tion of the city. | 9. Life of Solon. § 10. State of Attica at the
time of Solon's legislation. § 11. Solon elected archon, b.c. 694, with
legislative powers. § 12. His Seisachtheia or disburdening ordinance.
§ 13. His constitutional changes. Division of the people into four

88 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. X.

classes, according to their property. § 14. Institution of the Senate
of Four Hundred. Enlargement of the powers of the Areopagus.
The Athenian government continues an oligarchy after the time of
Solon. § 15. The special laws of Solon. § 16. The travels of Solon.
§ 17. Usurpation of Pisistratus. Return and death of Solon.

§ 1 . The history of Athens before the age of Solon is almost a
blank. Its legendary tales are few, its historical facts still fewer.
Cecrops, the first ruler of Attica,^ is said to have divided the
country into twelve districts, which are represented as inde-
pendent communities, each governed by a separate king. They
were afterwards united into a single state, having Athens as its
capital and the seat of government. At what time this im-
portant union was effected cannot be determined. It took place
at a period long antecedent to all historical records, and is
ascribed to Theseus, as the national hero of the Athenian people. f
The poets and orators of a later age loved to represent him as
the parent of the Athenian democracy. It would be a loss of
time to point out the folly and absurdity of such a notion.
Theseus belongs to legend, and not to history ; and in the age
in which he is placed a democratical form of government was a
thing quite unlaiown.

§ 2. A few generations after Theseus, the Dorians are said to
have invaded Attica. An oracle declared that they would be vic-
torious if they spared the life of the Athenian king ; whereupon
Codrus, who then reigned at Athens, resolved to sacrifice himself
for the welfare of his country. Accordingly he went into the
invader's camp in disguise, provoked a quarrel with one of the
Dorian soldiers, and was killed by the latter. Upon learning the
death of the Athenian king, the Dorians retired from Attica
without striking a blow ; and the Athenians, from respect to the
memory of Codrus, abolished the title of king, and substituted
for it that of Archon X or Ruler. The office, however, was held
for life, and was confined to the family of Codrus. His son,
Medon, was the first archon, and he was followed in the dignity by
eleven members of the family in succession. But soon after the
accession of Alcmaeon, the thirteenth in descent from Medon,
another change was introduced, and the duration of the archon-
ship was limited to ten years (b.c. 752). The dignity was still
confined to the descendants of Medon ; but in the time of Hippo-
raenes (b.c. 714) this restriction was removed, and the office was
thrown open to all the nobles in the state. In b.c . 663 a still more
important change took place. The archonship was now made
annual, and its duties were distributed among nine persons, all of
whom bore the title, although one was called the archon pre-emi-
* See p. 15. f For details see p. 20. :J \\.pxov.

B.C. 688. EAKLY HISTOKY OF ATHENE 89

nently, and gave his name to the year. The last of the decennial
archons was Eryxias, the first of the nine annual archons Creon.

Such is the legendary account of the change of government at
Athens, from royalty to an oligarchy. It appears to have taken
place peaceably and gradually, as in most other Greek states.
The whole political power was vested in the nobles ; from them
the nine annual archons were taken, and to them alone these
magistrates were responsible. The people, or general body of
freemen, had no share in the government.

§ 3 . The Athenian nobles were called Eiipatridce. Their name
is ascribed to Theseus, who is said to have divided the Athenian
people into three classes, called Eupatridce, Geomori or husband-
men, and Demiurgi '^ or artisans. The Eupatridae were the sole
depositaries of political and religious power. In addition to the
election of the archons, they possessed the superintendence of
all religious matters, and were the authorized expounders of all
laws, sacred and profane. They corresponded to the Roman
patricians ; while the two other classes, who were their subjects,
answered to the Roman plebeians.

There was another division of the Athenians still more ancient,
and one which continued to a much later period. We have seen
that the Dorians in most of their settlements were divided into
three tribes. The lonians, in like manner, were usually distri-
buted into four tribes. f This division existed in Attica from
the earliest times, and lasted in full vigour down to the great
revolution of Clisthenes (b.c. 509), The four Attic tribes had
different appellations at various periods, but were finally distin-
guished by the names of Geleontes (or Teleontes), Hopletes, jEgi-
cores, and Argddes,t which they are said to have derived from
the four sons of Ion. The etymology of these names would seem
to suggest that the tribes were so called from the occupations of
their members ; the Geleontes (Teleontes) being cidtivators, the
Hopletes the taarrior-class, the ^Egicores goat-herds, and the
Argades artisans. Hence some modern writers have supposed
that the Athenians were originally divided into castes, like the
Egyptians and Indians. But the etymology of these names is
not free from doubt and dispute ; and even if they were bor-
rowed from certain occupations, they might soon have lost
their original meaning, and become mere titles without any
significance.

§ 4. There were two divisions of the four Athenian tribes, one
for political, and another for religious and social purposes.

* 'Evirargidac, Teufj-opoi, ATjuiovpyoL

+ $t)Aov, pi. ^vla.

i Te?JopTeg, or TeAeovref, ''OTrXrjTeg, Al-ycKopelc, 'Apyddetc

1^ HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. X

For political purposes each tribe was divided into three Trit-
tyes, and each Trittys into four Naucrarise.* There were thus
12 'Trittyes and 48 Naucrarise, These appear to have been
local divisions of the whole Athenian people, and to have been
made chiefly for financial and military objects. Each Naucrary
consisted of the Naucrari, or householders,! who had to furnish
the amount of taxes and soldiers imposed upon the district to
which they belonged.

The division of the tribes for political and social purposes is
more frequently mentioned. Each tribe is said to have contained
three Phratrise, each Phratry thirty Gentes, and each Gens thirty
heads of families.! Accordingly there would have been 12
Phratrise, 360 Gentes, and 10,800 heads of families. It is evident,
however, that such symmetrical numbers could never have been
preserved, even if they had ever been instituted ; and while it is
certain that the number of families must have increased in some
gentes, and decreased in others, it may also be questioned whe-
ther the same number of gentes existed in each tribe. But
whatever may be thought of the numbers, the phratrise and
gentes were important elements in the religious and social life
of the Athenians. The families composing a gens were united
by certain religious rites and social obligations. They were
accustomed to meet together at fixed periods to offer sacri-
fices to a hero, whom they regarded as the common ancestor
of all the families of the gens. They had a common place of
burial and common property ; and in case of a member dying
intestate, his property devolved upon his gens. They were
bound to assist each other in difficulties. There was also a con-
nection between the gentes of the same phratry, and between
the phratries of the same tribe, by means of certain religious
rites ; and at the head of each tribe there was a magistrate
called the Phylo-Basileus,k or King of the Tribe, who offered
sacrifices on behalf of the whole body.

k 5. The real history of Athens begms with the institution of
annual archons, in the year 683 b.c. This is the first date in
Athenian history on which certain reliance can be placed. The
duties of the government were distributed among the nine
archons, in the following maimer. The first, as has been already

* TpLTTvg, NavKpapia.

f ISavKQagog seems to be connected "with vaio, dwell, and is only an-
other form for vavKlagog or vavKATjgog.

\ ^gargia, i.e. brotherhood : the word is etymologically connected with
frater and brother. The word Tevog, or Gens, answers nearly in meaning
to our clan. The members of a yevog were called yevvTjTaL or diMoydXaKTe^.

§ ^v/^o^aoLTievQ.

B.C. 688. EARLY HISTORY OF ATTICA. 91

remarked, was called The Archon^ by way of pre-eminence,
and sometimes the Archoii Epony'mus,\ because the year was
distinguished by his name. He was the president of the body,
and the representative of the dignity of the state. He was the
protector of widows and orphans, and determined all disputes
relating to the family. The second archon was called The Basi-
leus or The King, because he represented the king in his capaci-
ty as high-priest of the nation. $ All cases respecting religion and
homicide were brought before him. The third archon bore the
title of The Polemarch,^ or Commander-in-chief, and was, doAVH
to the time of CHsthenes, the commander of the troops. He had
jurisdiction in all disputes between citizens and strangers. The
remaining six had the common title of Thesinothetce,\\ or Legis-
lators. They had the decision of all disputes which did not
specially belong to the other three. Their duties seem to have
been almost exclusively judicial ; and for this reason they re-
ceived their name, not that they made the laws, but because
their particular sentences had the force of laws in the absence
of a written code.

The Senate, or Council of Areopagus, was the only other
political power in the state in these early times. It received its
name from its place of meeting, which was a rocky eminence
opposite the Acropolis, called the Hill of Ares (Mars' Hill).1T
Its institution is ascribed by some writers to Solon ; but it ex-
isted long before the time of that legislator, and may be regard-
ed as the representative of the council of chiefs in the Heroic
ages. It was originally called simply The Senate or Council,
and did not obtain the name of the senate of Areopagus till
Solon instituted another senate, from which it was necessary to
distinguish it. It was of course formed exclusively of Eupatrids,
and all the archons became members of it at the expiration of
their year of office.

§ 6. The government of the Eupatrids, hke most of the early
oligarchies, seems to have been oppressive. In the absence of
written laws, the archons possessed an arbitrary power, of which
they probably availed themselves to the benefit of their friends
and their order, and to the injury of the general body of citizens.

* 'O 'A.gx(^v. f "kgxc^v ETr6vvfj.og.

J 'O i3a(jt?.evg. In the same manner the title of Eex Sacrifiac-
lus or Hex Sacrorum was retained at Rome after the aboHtion of
roj-alty.

§ 'O Uolejuagxoc-

I Qea/uoderaL The word decfj-ot was the ancient term for laws, and
was afterwards supplanted by vofiOL. The latter expression for making
laws is deadat vo/novg.

^ 'O 'A.g£io( rcdyoQ.

n HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X.

The consequence was great discontent, which at length became
so serious, that Draco was appointed in 624 b.c. to draw up a
written code of laws. He did not change the political constitu-
tion of Athens, and the most remarkable characteristic of his
laws was their extreme severity. He affixed the penalty of death
to all crimes alike ; — to petty thefts, for instance, as well as to
sacrilege and murder. Hence they were said to have been writ-
ten not in ink, but in blood ; and we are told that he justified this
extreme harshness by saying, that small offences deserved death,
and that he knew no severer punishment for great ones. This
severity, however, must be attributed rather to the spirit of the
times, than to any peculiar harshness in Draco himself ; for he
probably did little more than reduce to writing the ordinances
which had previously regulated his brother Eupatrids in their de-
cision of cases. His laws would of course appear excessively
severe to a later age, long accustomed to a milder system of
jurisprudence ; but there is reason for believing that their severi-
ty has been somewhat exaggerated. In one instance, indeed,
Draco softened the ancient rigour of the law. Before his time
all homicides were tried by the senate of Areopagus, and if found
guilty, were condemned to suffer the full penalty of the law, —
either death, or perpetual banishment with confiscation of prop-
erty. The senate had no power to take account of any extenuat-
ing or justifying circumstances. Draco left to this ancient body
the trial of all cases of wilful murder ; but he appointed fifty-one
new judges, called Ephetce,^ who were to try all cases of homi-
cide in which accident or any other justification could be pleaded.
His regulations with respect to homicide continued in use after
his other ordinances had been repealed by Solon.

k 7. The legislation of Draco failed to calm the prevaihng dis-
content. The people gained nothing by the written code, except
a more perfect knowledge of its severity ; and civil dissensions
prevailed as extensively as before. The general dissatisfaction
with the government was favourable to revolutionary projects ;
and accordingly, twelve years after Draco's legislation (b.c. 612),
one of the nobles conceived the design of depriving his brother
Eupatrids of their power, and making himself despot of Athens.
This noble was Cylon, one of the most distinguished members
of the order. He had gained a victory at the Olympic games,
and had married the daughter of Theagenes, of Megara, who
had made himself despot of his native city. Encouraged by
the success of his father-in-law, and excited by his own cele-
brity and position in the state, he consulted the Delphic oracle
on the subject, and was advised to seize the Acropolis at " the
* 'E(j>ETat.

•B.C. 612. CONSPIRACY OF CYLOK 98

greatest festival of Jove." Cylon naturally supposed that the
god referred to the Olympic games, in which he had gained so
much distinction, forgetting that the Diasia was the greatest
festival of Jove at Athens. Accordingly, during the celebration
of the next Olympic games, he took possession of the Acropohs
with a considerable force, composed partly of his own partisans,
and partly of troops furnished by Theagenes. But he did not
meet with any support from the great mass of the people, and
he soon found himself closely blockaded by the forces which the
government was able to summon to its assistance. Cylon and
his brother made their escape : but the remainder of his asso-
ciates, hard pressed by hunger, abandoned the defence of the
walls, and took refuge at the altar of Athena (Minerva). Here
they were found by the archon Megacles, one of the illustrious
family of the AlcmseonidsB ; w^ho, fearing lest their death should
pollute the sanctuary of the goddess, promised that their lives
should be spared on their quitting the place. But directly they
had quitted the temple, the promise was broken, and they were
put to death ; and some who had taken refuge at the altar of
the Eumenides, or the Furies, were murdered even at that sa-
cred spot.

The conspiracy thus failed ; but its suppression was attended
with a long train of melancholy consequences. The whole family
of the AlcmsBonidse were believed to have become tainted by the
daring act or sacrilege committed by Megacles ; and the friends
and partisans of the murdered conspirators were not slow in de-
manding vengeance upon the accursed race. Thus a new ele-
ment of discord was introduced into the state. The power and
influence of the Alcmseonidse enabled them long to resist the
attempts of their opponents to bring them to a public trial ; and
it was not till many years after these events that Solon per-
suaded them to submit their case to the judgment of a special
court composed of three hundred Eupatridae. By this court they
were adjudged guilty of sacrilege, and were expelled from Attica ;
but their punishment was not considered to expiate their im-
piety, and we shall find in the later times of Athenian history
that this powerful family was still considered an accursed race,
which by the sacrilegious act of its ancestor brought upon their
native land the anger of the gods. The expulsion of the Alc-
mseonidee appears to have taken place about the year 597 B.C.

^ 8. The banishment of the guilty race did not, however, de-
liver the Athenians from their religious fears. They imagined
that their state had incurred the anger of the gods : and the
pestilential disease with which they were visited was regarded
IS an unerring sigi\^of the divine wrath. Upon the advice of

^ HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X

the Delphic oracle, they invited the celehrated Cretan prophet
and sage Epimenides to A-isit Athens, and purify their cit}- irom
pollution and sacrilege.

Epimenides was one of the most reno-wTied prophets of the
age. In his youth he was said to have been overtaken by a sleep,
which lasted for fifty-seven years. During this miraculous trance
he had been favoured with frequent intercourse with the gods,
and had learnt the means of propitiating them and gaining their
favour. This venerable seer was received with the greatest re-
verence at Athens. By performing certain sacrifices and expi-
atory rites, he succeeded in staying the plague, and in purifying
the city firom its gtult. The rehgicus despondency of the Athe-
nians now ceased, and the grateful people ofiered their bene-
factor a talent of gold; but he refused the money, and con-
tented himself v^-ith a branch from the sacred ohve tree, which
grew on the Acropohs. The visit of Epimenides to Athens oc-
curred about the year 596 b.c.

Epimenides had been assisted in his undertaking by the ad-
vice of Solon, who now enjoyed a distinguished reputation at
Athens, and to whom his fellow-citizens looked up as the only
person in the state who could deliver them from their political
and social dissensions, and secure them from such misfortunes for
the future.

^ 9. ^Te have now come to an important period in Athenian
and in Grecian historv'. The legislation of Solon laid the founda-
tions of the greatness of Athens. Solon himself was one of the
most remarkable men in the early history of G-reece. He pos-
sessed a deep knowledge of human nattu:e, and was animated in
his pubhc conduct by a lofr\- spirit of patriotism. It is, there-
fore, the more to be regretted that we are acquainted with only
a few facts in his life. His birth may be placed about the year
638 B.C. He was the son of Execestides, who traced his descent
from the heroic Codrus ; and his mother was first cousin to the
mother of Pisistratus. His father possessed only a moderate
fortune, which he had still fiurther diminished by prodigality ;
and Solon in consequence was obliged to have recourse to trade.
He visited many parts of Greece and Asia as a merchant, and
formed acquaintance with many of the most eminent men of his
time. At an early age he distinguished himself by his poetical
abihties ; and so widely did his reputation extend, that he was
reckoned one of the Seven Sages.

The first occasion which induced Solon to take an active part
in political afiairs, was the contest between Athens and Megara
for the possession of Salamis. That island had revolted to Me-
gara ; and the Athenians had so repeatedly failed in their at-

B.C. 600. LIFE OF SOLON. S6

tempts to recover it, that they forbade any citizen, under
penalty of death, to make any proposition for the renewal of the
enterprise. Indignant at such pusillanimous conduct, Solon
caused a report to be spread through the city that he was mad,
and then in a state of frenzied excitement he rushed into the
market-place, and recited to a crowd of bystanders a poem
which he had previously composed on the loss of Salamis. He
upbraided the Athenians with their disgrace, and called upon
them to reconquer " the lovely island." " Rather (he exclaimed)
would I be a denizen of the most contemptible community in
Greece than a citizen of Athens, to be pointed at as one of those
Attic dastards who had so basely relinquished their right to
Salamis." His stratagem was completely successful. HisiHends
seconded his proposal : and the people unanimously rescinded
the law, and resolved once more to try the fortune of war. Solon
was appointed to the command of the expedition, in which he
was accompanied by his young kinsman Pisistratus. In a single
campaign (about B.C. 600) Solon drove the Megarians out of the
island ; but a tedious war ensued, and at last both parties agreed
to refer the matter in dispute to the arbitration of Sparta, So-
lon pleaded the cause of his countrymen, and is said on this
occasion to have forged the line in the Iliad,* which represents
Ajax ranging his ship with those of the Athenians. The Lace-
dsBmonians decided in favor of the Athenians, in whose hands
the island remained henceforward down to the latest times.

Soon after the conquest of Salamis, Solon's reputation was

further increased by espousing the cause of the Delphian temple

against Cirrha. He is said to have moved the decree of the Am-

phictyons, by which war was declared against the guilty city

B.C. 59o).t

10. The state of Attica at the time of Solon's legislation de-
mands a more particular account than we have hitherto given.
Its population was divided into three factions, who were now in
a state of violent hostility against each other. These parties
consisted of the Pedieis,X or wealthy Eupatrid inhabitants of the
plains ; of the Diacrii,^ or poor inhabitants of the hilly districts
in the north and east of Attica ; and of the Parali,\\ or mercantile
inhabitants of the coasts, who held an intermediate position be-
tween the other two.

The cause of the dissensions between these parties is not
particularly mentioned ; but the difficulties attending these dis-
putes had become aggravated by the miserable condition of the
poorer population of Attica. The latter were in a state of

* ii. 558. f See p. 51. :j: Ile6ul^ or Hedialoi.

§ AiUKgioc. I UugaXoi.

96 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X.

abject poverty. They had borrowed money from the wealthy
at exorbitant rates of interest upon the security of their pro-
perty and their persons. If the principal and interest of the
debt were not paid, the creditor had the power of seizing the
person as well as the land of his debtor, and of using him as a
slave. Many had thus been torn from their homes and sold to
barbarian masters : while others were cultivating as slaves the
lands of their wealthy creditors in Attica. The rapacity of the
rich and the degradation of the poor are recorded by Solon in
the existing fragments of his poetry ; and matters had now come
to such a crisis, that the existing laws could no longer be en-
forced, and the poor were ready to rise in open insurrection
against the rich.

§ 11. In these alarming circumstances, the ruhng ohgarchy
were obliged to have recourse to Solon. They were aware of the
vigorous protest he had made against their injustice ; but they
trusted that his connexion with their party would help them over
their present difficulties ; and they therefore chose him Archon
in B.C. 594, investing him under that title with unlimited powers
to effect any changes he might consider beneficial to the state.
His appointment was hailed with satisfaction by the poor ;
and all parties were willing to accept his mediation and re-
forms.

Many of Solon's friends urged him to take advantage of his
position and make himself despot of Athens. There is no doubt
he would have succeeded if he had made the attempt, but he
had the wisdom and the virtue to resist the temptation, telling
his friends that " despotism might be a line country, but there
was no way out of it." Dismissing, therefore, all thoughts of
personal aggrandisement, he devoted all his energies to the diffi-
cult task he had undertaken.

H2. He commenced his undertaking by relieving the poorer
.class of debtors from their existing distress. This he efiected
by a celebrated ordinance called Seisachtheia, or a shaking off of
burthens.* This measure cancelled all contracts by which the
land or person of a debtor had been given as security : it thus
relieved the land from all encumbrances and claims, and set at
liberty all persons who had been reduced to slavery on account
of their debts. Solon also provided means of restoring to their
homes those citizens who had been sold into foreign countries.
He forbad for the future all loans in which the person of the
debtor was pledged as security. This extensive measure entirely
released the poorer classes from their difficulties, but it must
have left many of their creditors unable to discharge their obli-
* "EEtaaxdeia.

B.C. 594. LEGISLATIOX Or SOLOX. 97

gatioiis. To give the latter some relief, he lowered the standard
of the coinage, so that the debtor saved rather more than a
fourth in every payment.*

Some of his friends having obtained a hint of his intention
borrowed large sums of money, with which they purchased
estates ; and Solon himself would have suffered in public esti-
mation, if it had not been found that he was a loser by his own
measure, having lent as much as five talents.

§ 13. The success attending these measures was so great, that
Solon was now called upon by his fellow-citizens to draw up a
new constitution and a new code of laws. As a preliminary step
he repealed all the laws of Draco, except those relating to murder.
He then proceeded to make a new classification of the citizens,
according to the amount of their property, thus changing the
government from an Oligarchy to a Timocracy.f

The title of the citizens to the honours and offices of the state
was henceforward regulated by their wealth, and not by their
birth. This was the distinguishing feature of Solon's constitu-
tion, and produced eventually most important consequences ;
though the change was probably not great at first, since there
were then few wealthy persons in Attica, except the Eupatrids.
Solon then distributed all the citizens into four classes, accord-
ing to their property, which he caused to be assessed. The first
class consisted of those whose annual income was equal to 500
medimni of corn and upwards, and were called Poitacosiome-
dimni.X The second class consisted of those whose incomes
ranged between 300 and 500 medimni, and were called Knights,^
from their being able to furnish a war-horse. The third class
consisted of those who received between 200 and 300 medimni,
and were called ZeugitcB.W from their being able to keep a yoke
of oxen for the plough. The fourth class, called Thetes,*^ included
all whose property fell short of 200 medimni. The members of
the first three classes had to pay an income-tax according to the
amount of their property ; but the fourth class were exempt
from direct taxation altogether. The first class were alone
eligible to the archonship and the higher offices of the state.
The second and third classes filled inferior posts, and were liable

* Solon is said to have made the mina contain 100 drachmas instead
of Y3; that is, 73 old drachmas contained the same quantity of silver
as 100 of the new standard.

f TtjuoKQUTia from Tifi?j assessment, and Kgarecj rule.
X UevTaKOGLOjUESLjuvoc. The medimnus contained nearly 12 imperial
gallons, or li bushel : it was reckoned equal to a drachma.
'iTTTT^f or 'iTTTrelg.

Zevyirai, from C^vyoc, a vote of beasts. ^ Q^re^.

F

98 HISTORY uF (tHEECK Cdap. X.

to military service, the former as horsemen, and the latter as
heavy-armed soldiers on foot. The fourth class were excluded
from all public offices, and served in the army only as hght-
armed troops. Solon, however, admitted them to a share in. the
pohtical power by allowing them to vote in the puhhc assem-
bly,* where they must have constituted by far the largest num-
ber. He gave the assembly the right of electing the archons and
the other officers of the state ; and he also made the archons
accountable to the assembly at the expiration of their year of
office. Solon thus greatly enlarged the fimctions of the public
assembly, which, mider the government of the Eupatrids, proba-
bly possessed httle more power than the agora, described in the
poems of Homer.

§14:. This extension of the duties of the pubhc assembly led
to the institution of a new body. Solon created the Senate, or
Council of Fom' Hundred, with the special object of preparing
all matters for the discussion of the pubhc assembly, of presiding
at its meetings, and of carr}'ing its resolutions into effect. T\o
subject could be uitroduced before the people, except by a pre-
vious resolution of the Senate.! The members of the Senate
were elected by the pubhc assembly, one hundred from each of
the four ancient tribes, which were left untouched by Solon.
They held their office for a year, and were accountable at its ex-
piration to the public assembly for the manner in which they had
discharged their duties.

Solon, however, did not deprive the ancient Senate of the Are-
opagus of any of its functions. 4: On the contrary, he enlarged
its powers, and entrusted it A\ith the general supei-vision of the
institutions and laws of the state, and unposed upon it the dut}*
of inspecting the hves and occupations of the citizens.

These are the only pohtical institutions which can be safely
ascribed to Solon. At a later period it became the fashion among
the Athenians to regard Solon as the author of all their demo-
cratical institutions, just as some of the orators referred them
even to Theseus. Thus the creation of jmy-courts and of the
periodical revision of the laws by the xSomothetse belongs to a
later age, although frequently attributed to Solon. Tliis legis-
lator only laid the foundation of the Athenian democracy by
giving the poorer classes a vote in the popular assembly, and
by enlarging the power of the latter ; but he left the govern-
ment exclusively in the hands of the wealthy. For many years
after his time the government continued to be an ohgarchy, but

* Called Heliaea ('H//afa) in the time of Solon, but subsequently
Ecclesia {eKK/.Tjaia).

f Called Prohmileuma (-poSovAev/buz). If. See p. 91.

B.C. 594. LEGISLATION OF SOLON. 99

was exercised with more moderation and justice than formerly.
The establishment of the Athenian democracy was the work of
Clisthenes, and not of Solon.

M5. The laws of Solon were inscribed on wooden rollers and
triangular tablets, =^ and were preserved first in the Acropolis, and
afterwards in the Prytaneum, or Town-hall. They were very
numerous, and contained regulations on almost all subjects con-
nected with the public and private life of the citizens. But they
do not seem to have been arranged in any systematic manner ;
and such small fragments have come down to us, that it is im-
possible to give any general view of them.

The most important of all these laws were those relating to
debtor and creditor, of which we have already spoken. Several
of Solon's enactments had for their object the encouragement of
trade and manufactures. He invited foreigners to settle in
Athens by the promise of protection and valuable privileges.
The Council of the Areopagus was, as we have seen, intrusted by
him with the duty of examining into every man's mode of life,
and of punishing the idle and profligate. To discourage idleness
a son was not obliged to support his father in old age, if the lat-
ter had neglected to teach liim some trade or occupation.

Solon punished theft by compelling the guilty party to restore
double the value of the property stolen. He forbade speaking
evil either of the dead or of the living. He either established or
regulated the public dinners in the Prytaneum, of which the
archons and a few others partook.

The rewards which he bestowed upon the victors in the Olym-
pic and Isthmian games were very large for that age : to the
former he gave 500 drachmas, and to the latter 100.

One of the most singular of Solon's regulations was that which
declared a man dishonoured and disfranchised who, in a civil
sedition, stood aloof and took part with neither side. The
object of this celebrated law was to create a public spirit in the
citizens, and a lively interest in the affairs of the state. The
ancient governments, unlike those of modern times, could not
summon to their assistance any regular police or military force ;
and unless individual citizens came forward in civil commotions,
any ambitious man, supported by a powerful party, might easily
make himself master of the state.

§16. Solon is said to have been aware that he had left many
imperfections in his laws. He described them not as the best
laws which he could devise, but as the best which the Athe-
nians could receive. He bound the government and people

* Called "k^oveg and Kvpj3Ei^.

100 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. X.

of Athens by a solemn oath to observe his institutions for at
least ten years. But as soon as they came into operation he
was constantly besieged by a number of applicants, who came
to ask his advice respecting the meaning of his enactments, or
to suggest improvements and alterations in them. Seeing that
if he remained in Athens, he should be obliged to introduce
changes into his code, he resolved to leave his native city for the
period of ten years, during which the Athenians were bound to
maintain his laws inviolate. He first visited Egypt, and then
proceeded to Cyprus, where he was received with great distinc-
tion by Philocyprus, king of the small town of ^Epia. He per-
suaded this prince to remove his city from the old site, and found
a new one on the plain, which Philocyprus called Soh, in honour
of his illustrious visitor.

Solon is also related to have remained some time at Sardis,
the capital of Lydia. His interview with Croesus, the Lydian
king, is one of the m.ost celebrated events in his life. The Ly-
dian monarchy was then at the height of its prosperity and glory.
Croesus, after exliibiting to the Grecian sage all his treasures,
asked him who was the happiest man he had ever known,
nothing doubting of the reply. But Solon, without flattering
his royal guest, named two obscure Greeks ; and when the king
expressed his surprise and mortification that his visitor took no
account of his great glory and wealth, Solon replied that he es-
teemed no man happy till he knew how he ended his life, since
the highest prosperity was frequently followed by the darkest
adversity. Croesus at the time treated the admonition of the
sage with contempt ; but when the Lydian monarchy was after-
wards overthrown by Cyrus, and Crossus was condemned by his
savage conqueror to be burnt to death, the warnings of the Greek
philosopher came to his mind, and he called in a loud voice upon
the name of Solon. Cyrus inquired the cause of this strange in-
vocation, and upon hearing it, was struck with the vicissitudes
of fortune, set the Lydian monarch free, and made him his con-
fidential friend.

It is impossible not to regret that the stern laws of chronology
compel us to reject this beautiful tale. Croesus did not ascend
the throne till b.c. 560, and Solon had returned to Athens before
that date. The story has been evidently invented to convey an
important moral lesson, and to draw a striking contrast between
Grecian republican simplicity and Oriental splendour and pomp.

§17. During the absence of Solon, the old dissensions between
the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain had broken out afresh
with more violence than ever. The first was headed by Lycurgus,
the second by Megacles, the Alcmeeonid, and the grandson of the

B.C. 660. USUEPATION OF PISISTRATUS. 101

archon who had suppressed the conspiracy of Cylon, and the
third by Pisistratus, the cousin of Solon. Of these leaders, Pisis-
tratus was the ablest and the most dangerous. He had gained
renoA\Ti in war ; he possessed remarkable fluency of speech ; and
he had espoused the cause of the Mountain, which was the poor-
est of the three classes, in order to gain popularity with the great
mass of the people. Of these advantages he resolved to avail
himself in order to become master of Athens.

Solon returned to Athens about B.C. 562, when these dissen-
sions were rapidly approaching a crisis. He soon detected the
ambitious designs of his kmsman, and attempted to dissuade
him from them. Finding his remonstrances fruitless, he next
denounced his projects in verses addressed to the people. Few,
however, gave any heed to his warnings ; and Pisistratus, at
length finding his schemes ripe for action, had recourse to a
memorable stratagem to secure his object. One day he appeared
in the market-place in a chariot, his mules and his own person
bleeding with wounds inflicted with his own hands. These he
exhibited to the people, telling them that he had been nearly
murdered in consequence of defending their rights. The popu-
lar indignation was excited ; an assembly was forthwith called,
and one of his friends proposed that a guard of fifty club -men
should be granted him for his future security. It w^as in vain
that Solon used all his authority to oppose so dangerous a re-
quest ; his resistance was overborne ; and the guard was voted.

Pisistratus thus gained the first and most important step. He
gradually increased the number of his guard, and soon found
himself strong enough to throw off the mask and seize the Acro-
polis, B.C. 560. Megacles and the Alcmseonidee left the city.
Solon alone had the courage to oppose the usurpation, and up-
braided the people with their cowardice and their treachery.
" You might," said he, " with ease have crushed the tyrant in
the bud ; but nothing now remains but to pluck him up by the
roots." But no one responded to his appeal. He refused to fly;
and when his friends asked him on what he rehed for protection,
" On my old age," was his reply. It is creditable to Pisistratus
that he left liis aged relative unmolested, and even asked his
advice in the administration of the government.

Solon did not long survive the overthrow of the constitution.
He died a year or two afterwards at the advanced age of eighty.
His ashes are said to have been scattered, by his own direction,
round the island of Salamis, which he had won for the Athenian
people.

Ruins of the Temple of the Olyinpian Jove at Athens.

CHAPTER XL

HISTORY OF ATHENS FROM THE USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS TO
THE ESTABLISHJVIENT OF THE DEMOCRACY BY CLISTHENES.

1, Despotism of Pisistratus. His first expulsion and restoration, § 2.
His second expulsion and restoration. § 3. Government of Pisistratus
after liis final restoration to his deatli, B.C. 527. § 4. Government of
Hippias and Hippareluis. Conspiracy of Harmodius and Aristogiton,
and assassination of Hipparclius, b.c. 514. § 5. Sole government of
Hippias. His expulsion by the Alcmaonidse and the Lacedoemonians,
B.C. 510. § 6. Honours paid to Harmodius and Ai'istogiton. § 7. Party-
struggles at Athens between Clisthenes and Isagoras. Establishment
of the Athenian democracy. § 8. Reforms of Clisthenes. Institution
of ten new tribes and of the demes. § 9. Increase of the nimiber of
the Senate to Five Hundred. § 10. Enlargement of the functions and
authority of the Senate and the Eeclesia. § 11. Introduction of the
judicial functions of the people. Institution of the Ten Strategi or
Generals. § 12. Ostracism. § 13. First attempt of the Laeedtemonians
to overthrow the Athenian democracy. Invasion of Attica by Cleo-

B.C. 560. USURPATION OF PISISTRATUS. 103

menes, followed by his expulsion with that of Isagoras. § 14. Second
attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the Athenian democracy.
The Lacedaemonians, Thebans, and Chalcidians attack Attica. The
LacediBmonians deserted by their allies and compelled to retire. Vic-
tories of the Athenians over the Thebans and Chalcidians, followed
by the planting of 4000 Athenian colonists on the lands of the Chal-
cidians. § 15. Third attempt of the Lacedaemonians to overthrow the
Athenian democracy, again frustrated by the refusal of the allies to
take part in the enterprise. § 16. Growth of Athenian patriotism, a
consequence of the reforms of Clisthenes,

§1. PisiSTRATUS became despot of Athens, as already stated,
in the year 560 b.c. He did not however retain his power long.
The two leaders of the other factions, Megacles of the Shore,
and Lycurgus of the Plain, now combined, and Pisistratus was
driven into exile. But the two rivals afterwards quarrelled, and
Megacles invited Pisistratus to return to Athens, offering him
his daughter in marriage, and promising to assist him in regain-
ing the sovereignty. These conditions being accepted, the follow-
ing stratagem was devised for carrying the plan into effect. A tall
stately woman, named Phya, was clothed in the armour and cos-
tume of Athena (Minerva), and placed in a chariot with Pisistratus
at her side. In this guise the exiled despot approached the city,
preceded by heralds, who announced that the goddess was bring-
ing back Pisistratus to her own acropolis. The people believed
the announcement, worshipped the woman as their tutelary
goddess, and quietly submitted to the sway of their former ruler.
^ 2. Pisistratus married the daughter of Megacles according
to the compact ; but as he had already grown up children by a
former marriage, and did not choose to connect his blood with a
family which was considered accursed on account of Cylon's
sacrilege, he did not treat her as his wife. Incensed at tliis
affront, Megacles again made common cause with Lycurgus, and
Pisistratus was compelled a second time to quit Athens. He re-
tired to Eretria in Euboea, where he remained no fewer than ten
years. He did not however spend his time in inactivity. He pos-
sessed considerable influence in various parts of Greece, and many
cities furnished him with large sums of money. He was thus
able to procure mercenaries from Argos ; and Lygdamis, a pow-
erful citizen of Naxos, came himself both with money and with
troops. With these Pisistratus sailed from Eretria, and landed at
Marathon. Here he was speedily joined by his friends and parti-
sans, who flocked to his camp in large numbers. His antagonists
allowed him to remain undisturbed at Marathon ; and h was not
till he began his march towards the city that they hastily col-
lected their forces and went out to meet him. But their conduct
was extremely negligent or corrupt ; f-^ "^^'^i stratus fell suddenly

104 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XI.

upon their forces at noon, when the men were unprepared for
battle, and put them to flight ahnost without resistance. Instead
of following up his ^dctory by slaughtermg the fugitiA'es, he pro-
claimed a general pardon on condition of their returning quietly
to their homes. His orders were generally obeyed ; and the
leaders of the opposite factions, finding themselves abandoned
by their partisans, quitted the countr}^ In this maimer Pisis-
tratus became undisputed master of Athens for the third time.

§ 3. Pisistratus now adopted vigorous measures to secure his
power and render it permanent. He took into his pay a body
of Thracian mercenaries, and seized as hostages the children of
those citizens whom he suspected, placing them in Naxos imder
the care of Lygdamis. But as soon as he was firmly estabhshed
in the government, his administration was marked by mildness
and equity. An income-tax of live per cent, was all that he
levied from the people. He maintained the institutions of Solon,
taking care, however, that the highest offices should always be
held by some members of liis own fam.ily. He not only enforced
strict obedience to the laws, but himself set the example of sub-
mitting to them. Being accused of m.urder, he disdained to
take advantage of his authority, and went in person to plead
his cause before the Areopagus, where his accuser did not ven-
ture to appear. He courted popularity by largesses to the
citizens, and by tlirowmg open his gardens to the poor. He
adorned Athens with many public buildings, thus giving em-
plo}'ment to the poorer citizens, and at the same time gratifying
his owTi taste. He commenced on a stupendous scale a temple
to the Olympian Jove, which remained unfuiished for centuries,
and was at length completed by the emperor Hadrian. He
covered ^vith a building the fountain Calhrrhoe, which supphed
the greater part of Athens with water, and conducted the water
through nme pipes, whence the fountaui was called Ennea-
crunus.=^ Moreover, Pisistratus was a patron of hterature, as
well as of the arts. He is said to have been the first person in
Greece who collected a librar}-, which he threw open to the
public ; and to him posterity is indebted for the collection of
the Homeric poems. f On the whole, it cannot be denied that
he made a AAdse and noble use of his power ; and it was for this
reason that Juhus Ceesar was called the Pisistratus of Rome.

§ 4. Pisistratus died at an advanced age in 527 b.c, tliirt}--
three years after his first usurpation. He transmitted the so-
vereign power to his sons, Hippias and Hipparchus, who con-
ducted the government on the same principles as their father.

* ''EvveuKgovvo^ from, evvea nine, and kqovvo^ a pipe. f See p. 43.

B.C. 614. ASSASSK^^ATION OF HIPPARCHUS. 105

Hipparchus inherited his father's Hterary tastes. He invited
several distinguished poets, such as Anacreon and Simonides, to
his court, and he set up along the highways statues of Hermes
(Mercury), with moral sentences written upon them. Thucy-
dides states that the sons of Pisistratus cultivated virtue and wis-
dom ; the people appear to have been contented with their r^e ;
and it was only an accidental circumstance which led to their
overthrow and to a change in the government.

Their fall was occasioned by the memorable conspiracy of
Harmodius and Aristogiton. These citizens belonged to an
ancient family of Athens, and were attached to each other by a
most intimate friendship. Harmodius having given offence to
Hippias, the despot revenged himself by putting a public affront
upon his sister. This indignity excited the resentment of the
two friends, and they now resolved to slay the despots, or perish
in the attempt. They communicated the plot to a few asso-
ciates, and determined to carry it into execution on the festival
of the Great Panathensea, w^hen all the citizens Vv'ere required to
attend in arms, and to march in procession from the Ceramicus,
a suburb of the city, to the temple of Athena (Minerva) on the
Acropolis, ^^lien the appointed time arrived, the conspirators
appeared armed like the rest of the citizens, but carrying con-
cealed daggers besides. Harmodius and Aristogiton had planned
to kill Hippias first, as he was arranging the order of the proces-
sion in the Ceramicus ; but upon approaching the spot where he
was standing, they were thunderstruck at beholdmg one of the
conspirators in close conversation with the despot. Believing
that they were betrayed, and resolving before they died to wreak
their vengeance upon Hipparchus, they rushed back into the
city with their daggers hid in the myrtle boughs which they
were to have carried in the procession. They found him near
the chapel called Leocorium, and killed him on the spot. Har-
modius was immediately cut down by the guards. Aristogiton
escaped for the time, but was afterwards taken, and died under
the tortures to which he was subjected in order to compel him
to disclose his accomphces. The news of his brother's death
reached Hippias before it became generally known. With ex-
traordinary presence of mind he called upon the citizens to drop
their arms, and meet him in an adjoining ground. They obeyed
without suspicion. He then apprehended those on whose per-
sons daggers were discovered, and all besides whom he had any
reason to suspect.

§ 5. Hipparchus was assassinated m b.c. 514, the fourteenth
year after the death of Pisistratus. From this time the char-
acter of the government became entirely changed. His bro-

106 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ch.\p. XL

ther's murder converted Hippias into a cruel and suspicious
tyrant. He put to death numbers of the citizens, and raised
large sums of money by extraordinary taxes. Feeling himself
unsafe at home, he began to look abroad for some place of re-
treat, in case he should be expelled ffom Athens. With this
\i^tsv, he gave his daughter in marriage to ^Eantides, son of Hip-
poclus, despot of Lampsacus, because the latter was in great
favour A\T.th Darius, king of Persia.

Meantime the growing unpopularit\^ of Hippias raised the
hopes of the powerful family of the AlcmseonidEe, who had hved
in exile ever since the thu'd and final restoration of Pisistratus
to Athens. Behevhig the favourable moment to be come, they
even ventured to uivade Attica, and established themselves in a
fortified town upon the frontier. They were, however, defeated
by Hippias with loss, and compelled to quit the comitr}\ Un-
able to effect their restoration by force, they now had recourse
to a manoeuvre w^hich proved successful.

The Alcmseonidfe had taken the contract for rebuilding the
temple at Delphi, which had been accidentally destroyed by fire
many years previously. They not only executed the work in
the best possible manner, but even exceeded what had been
required of them, employing Parian marble for the front of the
temple, instead of the coarse stone specified m the contract.
Tiiis hberality gamed for them the favour of the Delphians ; and
Chsthenes, the son of Megacles, who was now the head of the
family, secured the oracle still further by pecuniar}^ presents to
the PN'thia, or priestess. Henceforth, Avhenever the Spartans came
to consult the oracle, the answer of the priestess was always the
same, — " Athens must be liberated." This order was so often
repeated, that the Spartans at last resolved to obey, although
they had hitherto maintained a friendly connexion with the
family of Pisistratus. Their first attempt failed ; the force which
they sent uito Attica was defeated by Hippias, and its leader
slain. A second effort succeeded. Cleomenes, kmg of Sparta,
defeated the Thessalian alhes of Hippias ; and the latter, unable
to meet his enemies in the field, took refuge in the Acropohs.
Here he might have maintained himself in safety, had not liis
cliildren been made prisoners as they were being secretly carried
out of the comitry. To procure their restoration, he consented
to quit Attica in the space of five days. He sailed to Asia, and
took up his residence at Sigeum m the Troad, wliich his father
had wrested from the M}i;ilena3ans in war.

§ 6. Hippias was expelled in b.c. 510, four years after the
assassination of Hipparchus. These four years had been a time
of suffering and oppression for the Athenians, and had eliaced

B.C. 510. EXPULSION OF HIPPIAS. 107

from their minds all recollection of the former mild rule of
Pisistratus and his sons. Hence the expulsion of the family-
was hailed with delight, and their names were handed down
to posterity, with execration and hatred. For the same reason
the memory of Harmodius and Aristogiton was cherished with
the fondest reverence ; and the Athenians of subsequent genera-
tions, overlooking the four years which elapsed from their death
to the overthrow of the despotism, represented them as the hbe-
rators of their countr}'^ and the first martyrs for its liberty. Their
statues were erected in the market-place soon after the expulsion
of Hippias ; their descendants enjoyed immunity from all taxes
and pubhc burdens : and their deed of vengeance formed the
favourite subject of drinking songs. Of these the most famous
and popular has come dowTi to us, and may be thus translated :

"I'll wreath my sword in myrtle bough,
The sword tliat laid the tyrant low,
"When patriots, burning to be free,
To Athens gave equahty.

"Harmodius, hail! though reft of breath,
Thou ne'er shalt feel the stroke of death !
Tlie heroes' happy isles shall be
The bright abode allotted thee.

" I'll wreath my sword in myrtle bough,
The sword that laid Hipparchus low,
When at Athena's adverse fane
He knelt, and never rose again.

"While Freedom's name is understood.
You shall delight the wise and good ;
You dared to set your country free.
And gave her laws equality."*

v^ 7. The Lacedaemonians quitted Athens soon after Hippias
had sailed away, leavmg the Athenians to settle their oMai affairs.
The Saloiiian constitution, which had continued to exist nomi-
nally under the admuiistration of the family of Pisistratus, w^as
now revived in its full force and vigour. Chsthenes, to whom
Athens was mainly indebted for its hberation firom the despotism,
aspired to be the political leader of the state, but was opposed
by Isagoras, who was supported by the great body of the nobles.
By the Salonian constitution, the whole political power was
vested in the hands of the latter ; and Clisthenes soon found that
it was hopeless to contend against liis rival mider the existing
order of things. For this reason he resolved to introduce an

* Wellesley's Anthologia Polyglotta, p. 445.

108 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XL

important change in the constitution, and to give to the people
an equal share in the government. This is the accoimt of He-
rodotus, who says that " he took the people into partnership,
who had been before excluded from everything." It is probable
however that these reforms were not suggested simply by a love
of selfish aggrandizement ; but that he had seen the necessity of
placing the constitution on a more popular basis, and of giving a
larger number of citizens a personal interest in the welfare and
preservation of the state. However this may be, the reforms of
Clisthenes gave birth to the Athenian democracy, which can
hardly be said to have existed before tliis time.

§ 8. The first and most important reform of Clisthenes, and
that on which all the rest depended, was a redistribution of
the whole population of Attica into ten new tribes. Up to this
time the Athenian citizenship had been confined to the members
of the four Ionic tribes, into which no one could gain admission
except through means of the close corporations called gentes
and phratrise.* But there was a large body of residents in At-
tica who did not belong to these corporations, and who conse-
quently had no share in the political franchise. Clisthenes
accordingly abolished these four tribes, and established ten new
ones in their stead, in which he enrolled all the free inhabitants
of Attica, including both resident aliens and even emancipated
slaves. These ten tribes were purely local, and were divided
into a certain number of cantons or townships, called demes.f
At a later time we find 174 of these demes ; but it is not
known whether this was the original number instituted by
Clisthenes.

There is one point connected with the arrangement of the
demes which deserves mention, since it indicates singular fore-
sight and sagacity on the part of Clisthenes. The demes which
he assigned to each tribe were never all of them contiguous to
each other, but were scattered over different parts of Attica.
Ths object of this arrangement was evidently to prevent any
tribe from acquiring a local interest independent of the entire
community, and to remove the temptation of forming itself into
a political faction from the proximity of its members to each
other. This was the more necessary when we recollect that the
parties of the Plain, the Shore, and the Mountain had all arisen
from local feuds.

Every Athenian citizen was obliged to be enrolled in a deme,
and in all public documents was designated by the name of the
one to which he belonged. Each deme, like a parish in Eng-
land, administered its own affairs. It had its public meetmgs, it

* See p. 90. f ^t/juot.

B.a 510. EEFORMS OF CLISTHENES. 109

levied taxes, and was under the superintendence of an officer
called Demarchus.*

^ 9. The establishment of the ten new tribes led to a change
in the number of the Senate. It had previously consisted of 400
members, taken in equal proportions from each of the four old
tribes. It was now enlarged to 500, 50 being selected from each
of the ten new tribes. At the same time its duties and functions
were greatly increased. By the constitution of Solon its prin-
cipal business was to prepare matters for discussion in the Ec-
clesia ; but Clisthenes gave it a great share in the administration
of the state. Its sittings became constant, and the year was di-
vided into ten portions, called Prytanies,^ corresponding to a
similar division in the senate. The fifty senators of each tribe
took by turns the duty of presiding in the senate and in the ec-
clesia during one Prytany, and received during that time the
title of PrytcunesX The ordinary Attic year consisted of 12
lunar months, or 364 days, so that six of the Prytanies lasted 35
days, and four of them 36 days. But for the more convenient
despatch of business, every fifty members were divided into five
bodies of ten each, who presided for seven days, and were hence
called Proedri.k Moreover, out of these proedri a chairman,
called Epistates,\\ was chosen by lot every day to preside both in
the senate and in the ecclesia, when necessary, and to him were
entrusted during his day of office the keys of the Acropolis and
the treasury, and the public seal.

^10. The Ecclesia, or formal assembly of the citizens, was
accustomed at a later period to meet regularly four times in every
Prytany. It is not stated that this number was fixed by Chs-
thenes, and it is more probable that he did not institute such
frequent meetings ; but it cannot be doubted that it was a part
of his system to summon the Ecclesia at certain fixed periods.
By the constitution of Solon the government of the state seems to
have been chiefly vested in the archons ; and it was one of the
principal reforms of Clisthenes to transfer the political power
from their hands to the senate and the ecclesia. He accustomed
the people to the discussion and management of their own af-
fairs, and thus prepared them for the still more democratical
reforms of Aristides and Pericles. At a later time we find that
aU citizens were eligible to the office of archon, and that these
magistrates were chosen by lot, and not elected by the body of
citizens. They v/ere deprived, moreover, of most of their judi-
cial duties by the extension of the powers of the popular courts
of justice.

* Arj/Lcapxoc. f JlQwavEiat. % ^QvravelQ,

§ ligoedgoi. \ 'EirtaTdrrfg.

110 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XI.

These reforms, however, were not introduced by Clisthenes.
He continued to exclude the fourth of those classes into which
Solon had divided the citizens, from the post of archon and from
all other offices of state ; he made no change in the manner of
appointing the archons, and leit them in the exercise of im-
portant judicial duties. Hence the constitution of Clisthenes,
notwithstanding the increase of power which it gave to the
people, came to he regarded as aristocratic al in the times of
Pericles and Demosthenes.

ni. Of the other reforms of Clisthenes we are imperfectly
informed. He increased the judicial as well as the poHtical
power of the people. It is in fact douhtftd whether Solcn gave
the people any judicial hmctions at all ; and it was probably
Clisthenes who enacted that all pubhc crimes should be tried by
the whole body of citizens above thirty years of age, specially con-
voked and sworn for the purpose. The assembly thus convened
was called Helicea, and its members Heliasts.'^ "^"ith the in-
crease of the judicial functions of the people, it became necessary
to divide the Helitea mto ten distinct courts ; and this change
was probably introduced soon after the time of Chsthenes.

The new constitution of the tribes introduced a change in the
military arrangements of the state. The citizens, who were re-
quired to serve, were now marshalled according to tribes, each
of which was subject to a Strategus.j or general of its ovra..
These ten generals were elected annually by the whole body of
citizens, and became at a later time the most important officers
in the state, since they possessed the direction not only of naval
and miiitar)' affairs, but also of the relations of the city with
foreign states. Do\\ti to the time of Chsthenes, the command of
the military force had been vested exclusively in the third ar-
chon, or Polemarch ; and even after the institution of the Stra-
tegi by Chsthenes, the Polemarch stiU continued to possess a
joint right of command along "v\ith them, as will be seen when
we come to relate the battle of Marathon.

§ 12. There was another remarkable institution expressly
ascribed to Chsthenes — the Ostracism ; the real object of which
has been explained for the ffirst time by Mr. Grote. By the Os-
tracism, a citizen was banished without special accusation, triEil,
or defence for ten years, which term was subsequently reduced
to five : he was not deprived of his property' ; and at the end of
his period of exile was allowed to return to Athens, and to resume
all the pohtical rights and priA^ileges which he had previously
enjoyed. It must be recollected that the force which a Greek

B.C. 610- REFORMS OF CLISTHENES. Ill

government had at its disposal was very small ; and that it was
comparatively easy for an ambitious citizen, supported by a nu-
merous body of partisans, to overthrow the constitution and make
himself despot. The past history of the Athenians had shown
the dangers to which they were exposed from this cause ; and
the Ostracism was the means devised by Clisthenes for removing
quietly from the state a powerful party leader before he could
carry into execution any violent schemes for the subversion of
the government. Every precaution was taken to guard this in-
stitution from abuse. The senate and the ecclesia had first to
determine by a special vote whether the safety of the state re-
quired such a step to be taken. If they decided in the affirma-
tive, a day was fixed for voting, and each citizen v^'ote upon
a tile or oyster shell=^ the name of the person whom he wished
to banish. The votes were then collected, and if it was found
that 6000 had been recorded against any one person, he was
obliged to withdraw from the city within ten days ; if the num-
ber of votes did not amount to 6000, nothing was done. The
large number of votes required for the ostracism of a person
(one-fourth of the entire citizen population) was a sufficient
■guarantee that a very large proportion of the citizens considered
him dangerous to the state. It is a proof of the utility of this
institution that from the time of its establishment no further
attempt was made by any Athenian citizen to overthrow the
democracy by force.

§ 13, The reforms of Clisthenes were received with such popu-
lar favor, and so greatly increased the influence of their author,
that Isagoras saw no hope for him and his party except by calling
in the interference of Cleomenes and the Lacedaemonians. This
was readily promised, and heralds were sent from Sparta to
Athens, demanding the expulsion of Clisthenes and the rest of
the AlcmseonidsB, as the accursed family on whom rested the
pollution of Cylon's murder. Clisthenes, not daring to disobey
the Lacedaemonian government, retired voluntarily ; and thus
Cleomenes, arriving at Athens shortly afterwards with a small
force, found himself undisputed master of the city. He first
expelled 700 families pointed out by Isagoras, and then at-
tempted to dissolve the Senate of Five Hundred, and place the
government in the hands of three hundred of his friends and
partisans. This proceeding excited general indignation ; the
people rose in arms ; and Cleomenes and Isagoras took refuge
in the Acropolis. At the end of two days their provisions were
exhausted, and they were obliged to capitulate. Cleomenes and

* Ostracon {uargaKov), whence the name of Ostracism {oaTgaKtaixo^).

112 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XI.

the Lacedaemonian troops, as well as Isagoras, were allowed to
retire in safety ; but all their adherents who were captured
with them were put to death by the Athenian people. Clis-
thenes and the 700 exiled families were immediately recalled,
and the new constitution was materially strengthened by the
failure of this attempt to overthrow it.

§ 14. The Athenians had now openly broken with Sparta.
Fearing the vengeance of this formidable state, Clisthenes sent
envoys to Artaphernes, the Persian satrap at Sardis, to solicit
the Persian alUance, which was offered on condition of the
Athenians' sending earth and water to the King of Persia as a
token of their submission. The envoys promised compliance ;
but on their return to Athens, their countiymen repudiated
their proceeding with indignation. Meantime, Cleomenes was
preparing to take vengeance upon the Athenians, and to establish
Isagoras as a despot over them. He summoned the Peloponne-
sian alhes to the field, but without uiformiug them of the object
of the expedition ; and at the same time he concerted measures
wdth the Thebans and the Chalcidians of Eubcea for a simulta-
neous attack upon Attica. The Peloponnesian army, commanded
by the two kings, Cleomenes and Demaratus, entered Attica, and
advanced as far as Eleusis ; but when the allies became aware of
the object for which they had been summoned, they refused to
march farther. The power of Athens was not yet sufficiently
great to inspire jealousy among the other Greek states ; and the
Corinthians, who still smarted under the recollection of the suf-
ferings inflicted upon them by their owti despots, took the lead
in denouncmg the attempt of Cleomenes to crush the hberties
of Athens. Their remonstrances were seconded by Demaratus,
the other Spartan king ; so that Cleomenes found it necessary
to abandon the expedition and return home. The dissension of
the two kings on tliis occasion is said to have led to the enact-
ment of the law at Sparta, that both kings should never have
the command of the army at the same time.

The unexpected retreat of the Peloponnesian araiy delivered
the Athenians from their most formidable enemy, and they lost
no time in turning their arms against their other foes. March-
mg into BcBotia, they defeated the Thebans, and then crossed over
into Euboea, where they gained a decisive victor}' over the Chal-
cidians. In order to secure their dominion in Euboea, and at the
same time to provide for their poorer citizens, the Athenians
distributed the estates of the wealthy Chalcidian landowners
among 4000 of their citizens, who settled in the comitr}' under
the name of Clei'iiclii.^'

* K/,7;poi';t;oi, that is, "lot-holders.''

B.C. 508.

SUCCESSES OF THE ATHENIANS.

113

§ 15. The successes of Athens had excited the jealousy of the
Spartans, and they now resolved to make a third attempt to over-
throw the Athenian democracy. They had meantime discovered
the deception which had been practised upon them by the
Delphic oracle ; and they invited Hippias to come from Sigeum
to Sparta, in order to restore him to Athens. The experience of
the last campaign had taught them that they could not calculate
upon the co-operation of their allies without first obtaining their
approval of the project; and they therefore summoned deputies
from all their allies to meet at Sparta, in order to determine re-
specting the restoration of Hippias. The despot was present at
the congress ; and the Spartans urged the necessity of crushing
the growing insolence of the Athenians by placing over them
their former master. But their proposal was received with uni-
versal repugnance ; and the Corinthians again expressed the
general indignation at the design. " Surely heaven and earth
are about to change places, when you Spartans propose to set
up in the cities that wicked and bloody thing called a Despot.
First try what it is for yourselves at Sparta, and then force it
upon others. If you persist in a scheme so wicked, know that
the Corinthians will not second you." These vehement remon-
strances were received with such approbation by the other
allies, that the Spartans found it necessary to abandon their
project. Hippias returned to Sigeum, and afterwards proceeded
to the court of Darius.

§ 16. Athens had now entered upon her glorious career. The
institutions of Clisthenes had given her citizens a personal in-
terest in the welfare and the grandeur of their country. A spirit
of the warmest patriotism rapidly sprang up among them ; and
the history of the Persian wars, which followed almost imme-
diately, exhibits a striking proof of the heroic sacrifices which
they were prepared to make for the hberty and independence of
their state.

Coin of Athens.

Ancient Sculptures from Selinus.

CHAPTER XII.

HISTORY OF THE GREEK COLONIES.

1. Connexion of the subject with the general history of Greece. § 2.
Origin of the Greek colonies and their relation to the mother-coun-
try. § 3. Characteristics common to most of the Greek colonies.
§ 4. The JEolic, Ionic, and Doric colonies in Asia. Miletus the most
important, and the parent of numerous colonies. Ephesus. Phocsea.
§ 5. Colonies in the south of Italy and Sicily. History of Cumse.
§ 6. Colonies in Sicily. Syracuse and Agrigentum the most impor-
tant. Phalaris, despot of Agrigentum. § 7. Colonies in Magna Grse-
cia (the south of Ital}^). Sybaris and Croton. War between these
cities, and destruction of Sybaris. § 8. Epizephyrian Locri: its law-
givei', Zaleucus. Rhegium. § 9. Tarentum. Decline of the cities
in Magna Grsecia. § 10. Colonies in Gaul and Spain. Massalia.
§ 11. Colonies in Africa. Cyrene. § 12. Colonies in Epirus, Mace-
donia, and Thrace. § 13. Importance of a knowledge of the history
of the Greek colonies.

§ 1 . An account of the Greek colonies forms an important part
of the History of Greece. It has been already observed that
Hellas did not indicate a country marked by certain geographical
limits, but included the whole body of Hellenes, in whatever
part of the world they might be settled. Thus, the inhabitants
of Trapezus on the farthest shores of the Black Sea, of Cyrene
in Africa, and of Massalia in the south of Gaul, were as essential-
ly members of Hellas as the citizens of Athens and Sparta. They
all gloried in the name of Hellenes ; they all boasted of their
descent from the common ancestor Hell en ; and they all pos-

i

! Chap. XII. THE GREEK COLONIES. 115

j sessed and frequently exercised the right of contending in the
I Olympic games, and the other national festivals of Greece.
j The vast number of Greek Colonies, their wide-spread diffusion
I over all parts of the Mediterranean, wliich thus became a kind
I of Grecian lake, their rapid growth in wealth, power, and intel-
: hgence afford the most striking proofs of the greatness of this
j wonderful people. It would carry us too far to give an account
I of the origin of all these colonies, or to narrate their history at any
I length. We must content ourselves with briefly mentioning the
more important of them, after stating the causes to which they
I owed their origin, the relation in which they stood to the
! mother country, and certain characteristics which were common
I to them all.

§ 2. Civil dissensions and a redundant population were the
I two chief causes of the origin of most of the Greek colonies.*
They were usually undertaken with the approbation of the cities
from which they issued, and under the m.anagement of leaders
appointed by them. In most cases the Delphic oracle had pre-
viously given its divine sanction to the enterprise, which was
also undertaken under the encouragement of the gods of the mio-
ther-city. But a Greek colony was always considered politically
independent of" the latter and emancipated from its control. The
only connexion between them was one of iihal affection and of
common religious ties. The colonists worshipped in their new
settlement the deities whom they had been accustomed to ho-
nour in their native country ; and the sacred fire, which was con-
stantly kept burning on their public hearth, was taken by them
from the Prytaneum of the city from which they sprung. They
usually cherished a feeling of reverential respect for the mother-
city, which they displayed by sending deputations to the prin-
cipal festivals of the latter, and also by bestowing places of
honour and other marks of respect upon the ambassadors and
other ra.embers of the mother-city, when they visited the colony.
In the same spirit, they paid divine worship to the founder of
the colony after his death, as the representative of the mother-
city ; and when the colony in its turn became a parent, it usually
sought a leader from the state from which it had itself sprung.
It was accordingly considered a violation of sacred ties for a
mother-country and a colony to make war upon one another.
These bonds, however, were often insufficient to maintain a
lasting union ; and the memorable quarrel between Corinth and
her colony Corcyra will show how easily they might be severed
by the ambition or the interest of either state.

* A colony was called diroLKia ; a colonist, dnocKog ; the mother city,
fiijrg6'nro?.ic, and the leader of a colony olmaT^g.

116 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XII.

§ 3. The Greek colonies, unlike most which have been founded
in modern times, did not consist of a few straggling bands of ad-
venturers, scattered over the country in which they settled, and
only coalescing into a city at a later period. On the contrary,
the Greek colonists formed from the beginning an organized po-
litical body. Their first care upon settling in their adopted
country was to found a city, and to erect in it those public
buildings which were essential to the religious and social life of
a Greek. Hence it was quickly adorned with temples for the
worship of the gods, with an agora or place of public meeting for
the citizens, with a gymnasium for the exercise of the youth,
and at a later time with a theatre for dramatic representations.
Almost every colonial Greek city was built upon the sea-coast,
and the site usually selected contained a hill sufficiently lofty
to form an acropolis. The spot chosen for the purpose was
for the most part seized by force from the original inhabitants
of the country. The relation in which the colonists stood to the
latter naturally varied in different localities. In some places
they were reduced to slavery or expelled from the district ; in
others they became the subjects of the conquerors, or were ad-
mitted to a share of their political rights. In many cases inter-
marriages took place between the colonists and the native popu-
lation, and thus a foreign element was introduced among them
— a circumstance which must not be lost sight of, especially in
tracing the history of the Ionic colonies.

It has frequently been observed that colonies are favourable to
the development of democracy. Ancient customs and usages
cannot be preserved in a colony as at home. Men are of neces-
sity placed on a greater equality, since they have to share the
same hardships, to overcome the same difficulties, and to face
the same dangers. Hence it is difficult for a single man or for
a class to maintain peculiar privileges, or to exercise a permanent
authority over the other colonists. Accordingly, we find that a
democratical form of government was established in most of the
Greek colonies at an earlier period than in the mother-country,
and that an aristocracy could rarely maintain its ground for any
length of time. Owing to the freedom of their institutions, and
to their favourable position for commercial enterprise, many of
the Greek colonies became the most flourishing cities in the
Hellenic world ; and in the earlier period of Grecian history
several of them, such as Miletus and Ephesus in Asia, Syracuse
and Agrigentum in Sicily, and Croton and Sybaris in Italy, sur-
passed all the cities of the mother-country in power, population,
and wealth.

The Grecian colonies may be arranged in four groups : 1 . Those

Chap. XII. COLONIES IN ASIA MINOK. lit

founded in Asia Minor and the adjoining islands ; 2. Those in
the western parts of the Mediterranean, in Italy, Sicily, G-aul, and
Spain ; 3. Those in Africa ; 4. Those in Epirus, Macedonia, and
Thrace.

^ 4. The earliest Greek colonies were those founded on the west-
ern shores of Asia Minor. They Avere divided into three great
masses, each bearing the name of that section of the Greek race
with which they claimed affinity. The vEolic cities covered the
northern part of this coast ; the lonians occupied the centre,
and the Dorians the southern portion. The origin of these
colonies is lost in the mythical age ; and the legends of the
Greeks respecting them have been given in a previous part of the
present work.=^ Their pohtical history will claim our attention
when we come to relate the rise and progress of the Persian em-
pire ; and their successful cultivation of literature and the arts
will form the chief subject of our next chapter. It is sufficient
to state on the present occasion that the Ionic cities were early
distinguished by a spirit of commercial enterprise, and soon rose
superior in wealth and in power to their .^Eolian and Dorian
neighbors. Among the Ionic cities themselves Miletus was the
most flourishing, and during the eighth and seventh centuries
before Christ was the first commercial city in Hellas. In search
of gain its adventurous maruiers penetrated to the farthest parts
of the Mediterranean and its adjacent seas ; and for the sake of
protecting and enlarging its commerce, it planted numerous co-
lonies, which are said to have been no fewer than eighty. Most
of them were founded on the Propontis and the Euxine ; and of
these, Cyzicus on the former, and Sinope on the latter sea, be-
came the most celebrated. Sinope was the emporium of the
Milesian commerce in the Euxine, and became in its turn the
parent of many prosperous colonies.

Ephesus, which became at a later time the first of the Ionic
cities, was at this period inferior to Miletus in population and in
wealth. It was never distinguished for its enterprise at sea, and
it planted few maritime colonies ; it owed its greatness to its
trade with the interior, and to its large territory, which it gra-
dually obtained at the expense of the Lydians. Other Ionic
cities of less importance than Ephesus possessed a more power-
ful navy ; and the adventurous voyages of the Phocaeans deserve
to be particularly mentioned, in which they not only visited the
coasts of Gaul and Spain, but even planted in those countries
several colonies, of which Massalia became the most prosperous
and celebrated.

§ 5. The colonies of whose origin we have an historical ac-
* See p. 35.

118 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XII.

count began to be founded soon after the first Olympiad. Those
estabhshed in Sicily and the south of Italy claim our first atten-
tion, as well on account of their importance as of the priority of
their fomidation. Like the Asiatic colonies, they were of various
origin ; and the inhabitants of Chalcis in EiibcEa, of Cormth,
Megara and Sparta, and the Acheeans and Locrians were all con-
cerned in them.

One of the G-recian settlements in Italy lays claim to a much
earlier date than any other in the country. This is the Campanian
Cumse, situated near Cape Misenum, on the Tyrrhenian sea. It
is said to have been a joint colony from the iEolic Cyme in Asia,
and from Chalcis in Euboea, and to have been founded, according
to common chronology, ui B.C. 1050. This date is of course
uncertain : but there is no doubt that it was the most ancient
Grecian estabHshment in Italy, and that a long period elapsed
before any other Greek colonists were bold enough to follow m
the same track. Cumse was for a long time the most flourishing
city in Campania : and it was not till its dechne in the fifth cen-
tury before the Christian era that Capua rose into importance,

^ 6. The earliest G-recian settlement in Sicily was founded in
B.C. 735, The greater part of Sicily was then inhabited by the
rude tribes of Sicels and Sicanians. The Carthaginian settle-
ments mostly lay on the western side of the island ; but the
eastern and the southern coasts were occupied only by the Sicels
and Sicanians, who were easily driven by the Greeks into the
interior of the country. The extraordinary fertility of the land,
united with the facility of its acquisition, soon attracted nume-
rous colonists from various parts of Greece ; and there arose on
the coasts of Sicily a succession of flourishing cities, of which a
list is given below. =^ Of these, Syracuse and Agrigentum, both
Dorian colonies, became the most powerful. The former was
founded by the Corinthians in B.C. 734, and at the time of its
greatest prosperity contained a population of 500,000 souls, and
was surromided by walls twenty- two miles in circuit. Its great-
ness, however, belongs to a later period of Grecian history ; and

* 1. Naxos, the earhest, founded by the Chalcidians, b.c. 735, 2. Syra-
cuse, founded by the Corinthians, b.c. 734. 3. Leontini and Catana,
founded by Naxos in Sicily, b.c. 730. 4. Hyblse an Megara, founded by
Megara, b.c. 728. 5. Gela, founded by the Lindians in Rhodes, and by
the Cretans, b.c. 690. 6. Zancle, afterwards called Messana, founded
by the Cumseans and Chalcidians: its date is uncertain. 7. Acrae,
founded by Syracuse, b.c. 664. 8. CasmenjB, fo\mded, by Syracuse,
b.c, 644. 9, Selinus, founded by Hyblsean Megara, b.c. 630. 10.
Camarina, founded by Syracuse, B.C. 699. 11. Acragas, better known
by the Roman name of Agrigentum, founded by Gela, b.c. 582. 12.
Himera, founded bv Zancle : its date is uncertain.

I

B.C. 1-35. COLONIES IN SICILY. 119

\VQ know scarcely anything of its affairs till the usurpation of
Gelon in b.c. 485. Agrigentum was of later origin, for it was
not founded till B.C. 582, by the Dorians of Gela, which had itself
been colonized by Rhodians and Cretans, But its growth was
most rapid, and it soon rose to an extraordinary degree of pros-
perity and power. It was celebrated in the ancient world for
the magnificence of its public buildings, and within a century after
its foundation was called by Pindar " the fairest of mortal cities."
Its early history only claims our attention on account of the
despotism of Phalaris, who has obtained a proverbial celebrity
as a cruel and inhuman tyrant His exact date is uncertain ;
but he was a contemporary of Pisistratus and Croesus ; and the
commencement of his reign may perhaps be placed in b.c. 570.
He is said to have burnt alive the victims of his cruelty in a
brazen bull ; and this celebrated instrument of torture is not
only noticed by Pindar, but was in existence at Agrigentum in
later times. He was engaged in frequent wars with his neigh-
bours, and extended his power and dominion on all sides ; but
his cruelties rendered him so abhorred by the people, that they
suddenly rose against him, and put him to death. ^

ZANCLE.OI
(messana.)

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Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Sicily

* There are extant certain Greek letters attributed to Phalaris, cele-
brated on account of the literary controversy to which they gave rise
in modern times. Their genuineness was maintained by Boyle and the
contemporary scholars of Oxford ; but Bentley, in his masterly " Dis-
sertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris," in reply to Boyle, proved be-
yond question that they were the production of a sophist of a later age.

1-20 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XII.

The prosperity of the Greek cities in Sicily afterwards re-
ceived a severe check from the hostihties of the Carthaginians ;
but for two centuries and a half after the first Greek settlement
in the island they did not come into contact \Adth the latter
people, and were thus left at hberty to develop their resources
without any opposition from a foreign power.

§ 7. The Grecian colonies in Italy began to be planted at
nearly the same time as in Sicily. They eventually hned the
whole southern coast as far as Cumse on the one sea, and Ta-
rentum on the other. They even surpassed those in Sicily in
number and importance ; and so numerous and flourishing did
they become, that the south of Italy received the name of Magna
Graecia. Of these, tvi'o of the earliest and most prosperous were
Sybaris and Croton, both situated upon the gulf of Tarentum,
and both of Achaean origin. Sybaris was planted in B.C. 720,
and Croton in B.C. 710« For two centuries they seem to have
hved in harmony, and we know scarcely an}-thing of their history
till their fatal contest in B.C. 510, which ended in the ruin of
Sybaris. Dm-mg the whole of tliis period they were two of the
most flourisliing cities in all Hellas. The walls of Sybaris em-
braced a circuit of six miles, and those of Croton were not less
than t^'elve miles in circumference ; but the former, though
smaller, was the mere powerful, since it possessed a larger extent
of territory and a greater number of colonies, among which was
the distant town of Posidonia (Ptestum), whose magnificent ruins
still attest its former greatness. Several native tribes became
the subjects of Sybaris and Croton, and their dominions extended
across the Calabrian peninsula from sea to sea.

Sybaris in particular attained to an extraordinar}- degree of
wealth ; and its inhabitants were so notorious for their luxur}',
effeminacy, and debaucher}", that their name has become proverbial
for a voluptuar}^ in ancient and in modeiii times. Many of the
anecdotes recorded of them bear on their face the exaggerations
of a later age ; but their great wealth is attested by the lact, that
5000 horsemen, clothed in magnificent attire, formed a part of
the procession in certain festivals of the city, whereas Athens in
her best days could not number more than 1200 knights.

Croton was distinguished for the excellence of its physicians
or surgeons, and for the number of its citizens Avho gained prizes
at the Olympic games. Its government was an aristocracy, and
was in the hands of a senate of One Thousand persons. It Mas
in tliis city that Pythagoras settled, and foimded a fraternity, of
which an account is given in the following chapter.

The war between these two powerful cities is the most im-
portant event recorded in the histon^ of Magna GiTPcia. It arose

B.C. 664. COLONIES IN ITALY. 121

from the civil dissensions of Sybaris. The oligarchical govern-
ment was overthrown by a popular insurrection, headed by a
citizen of the name of Telys, who succeeded in making himself
despot of the city. The leading members of the oligarchical
party, 500 in number, were driven into exile ; and when they
took refuge at Croton, their surrender was demanded by Telys,
and war threatened in case of refusal. This demand excited
the greatest alarm at Croton, since the military strength of Sy-
baris was decidedly superior ; and it was only owing to the
urgent persuasions of Pythagoras that the Crotoniates resolved
to brave the vengeance of their neighbours rather than incur
the disgrace of betraying suppliants. In the war which fol-
lowed, Sybaris is said to have taken the field with 300,000 men,
and Croton with 100,000 — numbers which seem to have been
grossly exaggerated. The Crotoniates were commanded by
Milo, a disciple of Pythagoras, and the most celebrated athlete
of his time, and they were further reinforced by a body of
Spartans under the command of Dorieus, younger brother of
king Cleomenes, who was sailing along the gulf of Tarentum, in
order to found a settlement in Sicily. The two armies met on
the banks of the river Trseis or Trionto, and a bloody battle
was fought, in which the Sybarites were defeated with prodi-
gious slaughter. The Crotoniates followed up their victory by
the capture of the city of Sybaris, which they razed to the
ground ; and in order to obliterate all tr£ices of it, they turned
the course of the river Crathis through its ruins (b.c. 510). The
destruction of this wealthy and powerful city excited strong
sympathy through the Hellenic world ; and the Milesians, with
whom the Sybarites had always maintained the most friendly
connexions, shaved their heads in token of mourning.=^

§ 8. Of the numerous other Greek settlements in the south
of Italy, those of Locri, Rhegium, and Tarentum were the most
important.

Locri, called Epizephyrian, from the neighbourhood of Cape
Zephyrium, was founded by a body of Locrian freebooters from
the mother country, m b. c. 683. Their early history is memo-
rable on account of their being the first Hellenic people who
possessed a body of v^rritten laws. They are said to have suffer-
ed so greatly from lawlessness and disorder as to apply to the
Delphic oracle for advice, and were thus led to accept the ordi-
nances of Zaleucus, who is represented to have been originally
a shepherd. His laws were promulgated in B.C. 664, forty years
earlier than those of Draco at Athens. They resembled the
latter in the severity of their punishments ; but they were ob-
* In B. c. 443 the Athenians founded Thurii, near the site of Sybaris.

G

12S

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XII.

served for a long period by the Locrians, who were so averse to

any change in them, that whoever proposed a new law had to
appear in the pubHc assembly with a rope round his neck, which
was immediately tightened, if he failed to convince his fellow-
citizens of the necessity of his propositions. Two anecdotes are
related of Zaleucus, which deserve mention, though their au-
thenticity cannot be guaranteed. Hjs son had been guilty of an
offence, the penalty of which was the loss of both eyes : the
father, in order to maintain the law, and yet save his son from
total blindness, submitted to the loss of one of his ot\ti eyes.
Another ordinance of Zedeucus forbade any citizen to enter the
senate-house in arms under penalty of death. On a war suddenly
breaking out, Zaleucus transgressed his own law ; and when
his attention was called to it by one present, he repHed that he
would vindicate the law, and straightway fell upon his sword.

^^ posmoxiA.

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Map of the chief Greek Colonies in Southern Italy.

B.C. 600. COLONIES IN GAUL AND SPAIN. 12S

Rhegium, situated on the straits of Messina, opposite Sicily,
was colonized by the Chalcidians, but received a large number
of Messenians, who settled here at the close both of the first and
second Messenian wars. Anaxilas, who made himself despot of
the city about b. c. 500, was of Messenian descent ; and it was
he who changed the name of the Sicilian Z ancle into Messana,
when he seized the latter city in B.C. 494.

§ 9. Tarentum, situated at the head of the gulf which bears its
name, was a colony from Sparta, and was founded about b. c. 708.
During the long absence of the Spartans in the first Messenian
war, an illegitimate race of citizens had been born, to whom the
name of Parthenise (sons of maidens) was given. Being not only
treated with contempt by the other Spartans, but excluded from
the citizenship, they formed a conspiracy under Phalanthus, one
of their number, against the government ; and when their plot
was detected, they were allowed to quit the country and plant a
colony under his guidance. It was to these circumstances that
Tarentum owed its origin. It was admirably situated for com-
merce, and was the only town in the gulf which possessed a per-
fectly safe harbour. After the destruction of Sybaris, it became
the most powerful and flourishing city in Magna Grsecia, and
continued to enjoy great prosperity till its subjugation by the
Romans. Although of Spartan origin, it did not maintain Spar-
tan habits ; and its citizens were noted at a later time for their
love of luxury and pleasure. ^

The cities of Magna GrsBcia rapidly declined in power after
the commencement of the fifth century before the Christian era.
This was mainly owing to two causes. First, the destruction of
Sybaris deprived the Greeks of one of their most powerful cities,
and of a territory and an influence over the native population,
to which no other Greek town could succeed ; and, secondly,
they were now for the first time brought into contact with the
warlike Samnites and Lucanians, who began to spread from
Middle Italy towards the south. Cumse was taken by the Sam-
nites, and Posidonia (Psestum) by the Lucanians ; and the latter
people in course of time deprived the Greek cities of the whole
of their inland territory.

MO. The Grecian settlements in the distant countries of Gaul
and Spain were not numerous. The most celebrated was Mas-
saha, the modem Marseilles, founded by the Ionic Phocseans
in B.C. 600. It planted five colonies along the eastern coast of
Spain, and was the chief Grecian city in the sea west of Italy.
The commerce of the Massaliots was extensive, and their navy
sufiiciently powerful to repel the aggressions of Carthage. They
possessed considerable influence over the Celtic tribes in their

124 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XH.

neighbourhood, among whom they diffused the arts of civilized
hfe, and a knowledge of the G-reek alphabet and Hterature.

§ 11. The northern coast of Airica between the territories of
Carthage and Eg}^t was also occupied by Greek colonists.
About the year 650 b.c. the Greeks were for the first time
allowed to settle in Egj^pt and to carr>' on connnerce with the
country. This privilege they owed to Psammetichus, who had
raised himself to the throne of Egj-pt by the aid of Ionian and
Carian mercenaries. The Greek traders were not slow in avail-
ing themselves of the opening of tliis new and important market,
and thus became acquamted -with the neighbouring coast of
Africa. Here they founded the city of Cpene about B.C. 630.
It was a colony from the Island of Thera in the ^Egean, which
was itself a colony from Sparta. The situation of Cyrene was
well chosen. It stood on the edge of a range of hills, at the
distance of ten miles from the Mediterranean, of which it com-
manded a fine view. These hills descended by a succession of
terraces to the port of the to^n, called Apollonia. The climate
was most salubrious, and the soil was distinguished by extraor-
dinary fertihty. With these advantages Cyrene rapidly grew in
wealth and power ; and its greatness is attested by the immense
remains which still mark its desolate site. Unlike most Grecian
colonies, Cyrene was governed by kings for eight generations.
Battus, the founder of the colony, was the first king ; and his
successors bore alternately the names of Arcesilaiis and Battus.
On the death of Arcesilaiis lY., which must have happened
after b. c. 460, royalt)^ was abolished and a democratical form of
government estabhshed.

Cpene planted several colonies in the adjoining district, of
w^hich Barca, founded about b.c. 560, was the most important.

§ 12. The Grecian settlements in Epirus, Macedonia, and
Thrace claim, a few words.

There were several Grecian colonies situated on the eastern
side of the Ionian sea m Epirus and its immediate neighbour-
hood. Of these the island of CorcjTa, now called Corfu, was the
most wealthy and powerful. It was founded by the Corinthians,
about B.C. 700 ; and in consequence of its commercial activity
it soon became a formidable rival to the mother-city. Hence
a war broke out between these two states at an early period ;
and the most ancient naval battle on record was the one fought
between their fleets in b.c. 664. The dissensions between the
mother-city and her colony are frequently mentioned in Grecian
history, and were one of the immediate causes of the Pelopon-
nesian war. Notwithstandmg their quarrels, they joined in
planting four Grecian colonies upon the same line of coast —

B.a 657. COLONIES IN MACEDONIA AND THRACE.

125

Leucas, Anactorium, Apollonia, and Epidamnus : in the settle-
ment of the two former the Corinthians were the principals, and
in that of the two latter the Corcyseans took the leading part.

The colonies in Macedonia and Thrace were very numerous,
and extended all along the coast of the ^gean, of the Hellespont,
of the Propontis, and of the Euxine, from the borders of Thes-
saly to the mouth of the Danube. Of these we can only glance
at the most important. The colonies on the coast of Macedonia
were chiefly founded by Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea ; and the
peninsula of Chalcidice, with its three projecting headlands, was
covered with their settlements, and derived its name from the
former city. The Corinthians likewise planted a few colonies on
this coast, of which Potidasa, on the narrow isthmus of Pallene,
most deserves mention.

Of the colonies in Thrace, the most flourishing were Selymbria
and Byzantium, =* both founded by the Megarians, who appear as
an enterprising maritime people at an early period. The far-
thest Grecian settlement on the western shores of the Euxine
was the Milesian colony of Istria, near the southern mouth of
the Danube.

H3. The preceding survey of the Grecian colonies shows the
wide diffusion of the Hellenic race in the sixth century before
the Christian era. Their history has come down to us in such
a fragmentary and unconnected state, that it has been impos-
sible to render it interesting to the reader ; but it could not be
passed over entirely, since some knowledge of the origin and
progress of the more important of these cities is absolutely
necessary, in order to understand aright many subsequent events
in Grecian history.

* The foundation of Byzantium is placed in b.c. 657.

Coin of Cyrene, representing on the reverse the Silphium, which was the chief article
in the export trade of the city.

^•^ ^

.1^ r- a Vi

CHAPTER Xm.

mSTOET OF LJTF.R.ATTrEi:.

§ L Perieetkiii of the Greeks in Kteratore. § 2. Greek epic poetry di-
Tided into tiro elaaees^ Homeric and Hesiciie. § 3. Poems of Hesod.
§ 4. OrigJD of Gre^ lyrie poetry. § 5. Arehfloclius. f 6. Simonides
of Amoigos. § t. Tyhxua and Aleman. § 8. Arioa and SteadMMraa.
§ 9. Akaens ai^ Sapf^o. § 10. Anaereon. § IL The Seren Sages of
€tr«eeeL § 12. The tome sehool of pMloeophy. Thal&, Ananman-
dffl', and Anaxim^i^. § 13. The Qeatie school of philoeopli j. Xeno-
rfi^wa. § 14> The Pfth^ovean sehocd of phflosophy. life of
^^^onsL FoondatMm amd aappgeaaxm. of his eoeietj'in the cities
of Ib^ia C^aeoa.

\ 1. The perfectioii -wliidi the Gieds attained in literatnre and
ait is one of the moet itaikii^ features in the history of the
people. Th^ inteDectoa] actiTrty and their keen appreciatioa
of the heantifnl constantly gave birth to new £oud£ of ereatiTe
genins. There was an uninterrupted progress in the derekp-
ment of the Grecian mind fiom the earhest dawn of the histosy
of the peo^ to the dorwn&U of their pditkal independenre ;
and each succeeding age »w the pioductioa of socne of those
master ivogte of genins whidi hare been the modeJs and the
admiialkiii of all snbeeqoent time. It is one of the objects of
the prtaent woik to trace the difierent phages of tbis intellectual
growth. Ihirin^ the two oentnries and a half comprised in this
book many species of composition, in which the Greeks af^-

Chap. XIIL EPIC POETRY. HBSIOD. 127

wards became pre-eminent, were either unknown or little prac-
tised. The drama was still in its infancy, and prose writing, as
a branch of popular hterature, was only beginning to be culti-
vated ; but epic poetry had reached its culminating point at the
conunencement of this epoch, and throughout the whole period
the hTic muse shone with undiminished lustre. It is therefore
to these tw'o species of composition that our attention wiD be
more particularly directed on the present occasion.

^ 2. There were in antiquity two large collections of epic
poetry. The one comprised poems relating to the great events
and enterprises of the Heroic age, and characterised by a certain
poetical miity ; the other included works tamer ui character
and more desultoiy in their mode of treatment, containing the
genealogies of men and gods, narratives of the exploits of sepa-
rate heroes, and descriptions of the ordinary pursuits of life.
The poems of the former class passed under the name of Homer ;
while those of the latter were in the same general way ascribed
to Hesiod. The former were the productions of the Ionic and
^olic minstrels in Asia Minor, among whom. Homer stood pre-
eminent and eclipsed the brightness of the rest : the latter were
the compositions of a school of bards hi the neighbourhood of
Mount Hehcon in Boeotia, among whom in like manner Hesiod
enjoyed the greatest celebrity. The poems of both schools were
composed in the hexameter metre and in a similar dialect ; but
they differed widely in ahnost every other feature. Of the
Homericpoems, and of the celebrated controversy to which they
have given rise in modern times, we have already spoken at
length : * it therefore only remams to say a few words tipon
those ascribed to Hesiod.

§ 3. Three works have come down to ns bearing the name of
Hesiod — the " ^Yorks and Days," the " Theogony," and a descrip-
tion of the " Shield of Hercules." The first two were generally
considered in antiquity as the genuine productions of Hesiod ;
but the " Shield of Hercules" and the other Hesiodic poems
were admitted to be the compositions of other poets of his
school. Many ancient critics indeed beheved the " Works and
Days" to be the only genuine work of Hesiod, and their opinion
has been adopted by most modem scholars. Of Hesiod himself
there are various legends related by later writers ; but we
learn from his own poem that he was a native of Ascra, a
village at the foot of Mount Helicon, to wliich his father had
migrated from the ^olian C\-me in Asia Minor. He fmther tells
us that he gained the prize at Ghalcis in a poetical contest ; and
that he was robbed of a fair share of his heritage by the un-
* See Chap. V.

128 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cil\p. XIII.

righteous decision of judges who had been bribed by his brother
Perses. The latter became afterwards reduced in circumstances,
and applied to his brother for rehef ; and it is to him that
Hesiod addresses his didactic poem of the " Works and Days," in
which he lays down various moral and social maxims for the
regulation of his conduct and his life. It contains an interestuig
representation of the feelings, habits, and superstitions of the
rural population of Greece in the earher ages, and hence enjoyed
at all periods great popularity among this class. At Sparta, on
the contrary, where war was deemed the only occupation worthy
of a freeman, the poems of Hesiod were held in contempt.
Cleomenes called him the bard of the Helots, in contrast with
Homer, the delight of the warrior. Respecting the date of Hesiod
nothing certain can be affirmed. Most ancient authorities make
him a contemporary of Homer ; but modem writers usually sup-
pose him to have flourished tAvo or three generations later than
the poet of the IHad and the Odyssey.

§ 4. The commencement of (xreek l}Tic poetry as a cultivated
species of composition dates from the middle of the seventh
century before the Christian era. In the Ionic and ^olic colo-
nies of Asia Minor, and in the Doric cities of Peloponnesus, an
advancing civiHzation and an enlarged experience had called into
existence new thoughts and feelings, and supplied new subjects
for the muse. At the same time epic poetr}% after reaching its
climax of excellence in the Iliad and in the Odyssey, had fallen
into the hands of inferior bards. The national genius, however,
was still in all the bloom and vigour of its youth ; and me decay
of epic minstrelsy only stimulated it more vigorously to present
in a new style of poetry the new circumstances and feehngs of
the age. The same desire of change, and of adapting the sub-
jects of poetry to the altered condition of society, was of itself
sufficient to induce poets to vary the metre ; but the more im-
mediate cause of this alteration was the improvement of the art
of music by the Lesbian Terpajider and others in the beginning
of the seventh century b. c. The l}T:ic poems of the Greeks were
composed, not for a soHtary reader in his chamber, but to be
sung on festive occasions, either pubhc or private, with the
accompaniment of a musical instrument. Hence there was a
necessary comiexion between the arts of music and of poetry ;
and an improvement in the one led to a corresponding improve-
ment in the other.

It would be impossible to pass under review the numerous
varieties of Grecian lyric song, and to point out all the occasions
which called mto requisition the aid of the poet. It is sufficient
to state in general that no important event either in the pubhc

B.C. VOO. ARCHILOCHUS. 129

or private life of a Greek could dispense with this accompani-
ment ; and that the song was equally needed to solemnize the
worship of the gods, to cheer the march to battle, or to enliven
the festive board. The lyric poetry belonging to the brilliant
period of G-reek literature treated in this book has almost en-
tirely perished, and all that we possess of it consists of a few
songs and isolated fragments. Sufficient, however, remains to
enable us to form an opinion of its surpassing excellence, and
to regret the more bitterly the irreparable loss we have sus-
tained. It is only necessary in this work to call attention to
the most distinguished masters of lyric song, and to illustrate
their genius by a few specimens of their remains.

§ 5. The great satirist Archilochus was one of the earhest and
most celebrated of all the lyric poets. He flourished about the
year 700 b.c. His extraordinary poetical genius is attested by
the unanimous voice of antiquity, which placed him on a level
with Homer. He was the first Greek poet who composed Iambic
verses according to fixed rules ; the invention of the elegy is
ascribed to him as well as to Callinus ; and he also struck out
many other new paths in poetry. His fame, however, rests
chiefly on his terrible satires, composed in the Iambic metre,^
in which he gave vent to the bitterness of a disappointed man.
He was poor, the son of a slave-mother, and therefore held in
contempt in his native land. He had been suitor to Neobule,
one of the daughters of Lycambes, who first promised and after-
wards refused to give his daughter to the poet. Enraged at this
treatment he held up the family to public scorn, in an iambic
poem, accusing Lycambes of perjury and his daughters of the
most abandoned profligacy. His lampoons produced such an
effect that the daughters of Lycambes are said to havcvhanged
themselves through shame. Discontented at home, the poet
accompanied a colony to Thasos ; but he was not more happy
in his adopted country, which he frequently attacks in his satires.
He passed a great part of his life in wandering in other countries,
and at length fell in a battle between the Parians and Naxians.
The following lines of Archilochus, addressed to his own soul,
exhibit at the same time the higher attributes of his style, and
his own morbid philosophy : —

"My soul, my soul, care-worn, bereft of rest,
Arise ! and front the foe -witli dauntless breast ;
Take thy firm stand amidst his fierce alarms ;
Secure, with inborn valour meet his arms,

Archilochum proprio rabies armavit iambo." — ^Hor. Ars Poet. '79.

130 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIII.

Nor, conquering, mount vain-glory's glittering steep ;
Nor, conquer' d, yield, fall down at home, and weep.
Await the turns of life with duteous awe ;
Know, Revolution is great Nature's law."*

§ 6. Simonides of Amorgos, who must not be confounded with
his more celebrated namesake of Ceos, was a contemporary of
Archilochus, with whom he shares the honour of inventing the
iambic metre. He was born in Samos, but led a colony to the
neighbouring island of Amorgos, where he spent the greater part
of his hfe. He is the earhest of the gnomic poets, or moralists
in verse. The most important of his extant works is a satirical
poem " On Women," in which he describes their various cha-
racters. In order to give a livelier image of the female cha-
racter, he derives their different quahties from the variety of
their origin ; the cunning woman being formed from the fox,
the talkative woman from the dog, the uncleanly woman from
the swine, and so on. The following is a specimen of the
poem : —

"Next in the lot a gallant dame we see,
Sprung from a mare of noble pedigree.
No servile work her spirit proud can brook ;
Her hands were never taught to bake or cook ;
The vapour of the oven makes her ill ;
She scorns to empty slops or turn the mill.
No household washings her fair skin deface.
Her own ablutions are her chief solace.
Three baths a day, with balms and perfumes rare.
Refresh her tender limbs : her long rich hair
Each time she combs, and decks with blooming flowers.
No spouse more fit than she the idle hours
Of wealthy lords or kings to recreate.
And grace the splendour of their courtly state.
For men of humbler sort, no better guide
Heaven, in its wrath, to ruin can provide."f

§ 7. Tyrtseus and Alcmali were the two great lyric poets of
Sparta, though neither of them was a native of Lacedsemon.
The personal history of Tyrtseus, and his warlike songs, which
roused the fainting courage of the Spartans during the second
Messenian war, have already occupied our attention.^ Alcman
was originally a Lydian slave in a Spartan family, and was eman-
cipated by his master. He lived from about b.c. 670 to 611 ;
and most of his poems were composed in the period which fol-
lowed the conclusion of the second Messenian war. They par-

* Translated by the Marquis "Wellesley.

f Translated by Colonel Mure. ;}: See above, p. 16.

B.C. 625. SIMONIDES. ALCMAN. ARIOK 131

take of the character of this period, which was one of repose
and enjoyment after the fatigues and perils of war. Many of his
songs celebrate the pleasures of good eating and drinking ; but
the more important were intended to be sung by a chorus at the
pubhc festivals of Sparta. His description of Night is one of the
most striking remains of his genius : —

" Now o'er the drowsy earth still Night prevails.
Calm sleep the mountain tops and shady vales.
The rugged chffs and hollow glens ;
The wild beasts slumber in their dens ;
The cattle on the hill. Deep in the sea
The countless finny race and monster brood
Tranquil repose. Even the busy bee
Forgets her daily toil. The silent wood
No more with noisy hum of insect rings ;
And all the feather'd tribes, by gentle sleep subdued,
Eoost in the glade, and hang their drooping wings." *

§ 8. Although choral poetry was successfully cultivated by
Alcman, it received its chief improvements from Arion and
Stesichorus. Both of these poets composed for a trained body
of men ; while the poems of Alcman were sung by the popular
chorus.

Arion was a native of Methymna in Lesbos, and spent a great
part of his life at the court of Periander, tyrant of Corinth, who
began to reign B.C. 625. Nothing is known of his life beyond
the beautiful story of his escape from the sailors with whom he
sailed from Sicily to Corinth. On one occasion, thus runs the
story, Arion went to Sicily to take part in a musical contest.
He won the prize, and, laden with presents, he embarked in a
Corinthian ship to return to his friend Periander. The rude
sailors coveted his treasures, and meditated his murder. After
imploring them in vain to spare his life, he obtained permission
to play for the last time on his beloved lyre. In festal attire he
placed himself on the prow of the vessel, invoked the gods in
inspired strains, and then threw himself into the sea. But many
song-loving dolphins had assembled round the vessel, and one
of them now took the bard on its back, and carried him to
Tsenarum, from whence he returned to Corinth in safety, and
related his adventure to Periander. Upon the arrival of the
Corinthian vessel, Periander inquired of the sailors after Arion,
who replied that he had remained behind at Tarentum ; but
when Arion, at the bidding of Periander, came forward, the
sailors Qwned their guilt, and were punished according to their

* Translated by Colonel Mure.

132 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XUI.

desert. In. later times there existed at Tsenanim a bronze monu-
ment representing Arion riding on a dolphin. The gi-eat im-
provement in lyric poetry ascribed to Arion is the invention of
the Dithyramb. This was a choral song and dance in honour
of the god Dionysus, and existed in a rude form even at an
earlier time. Arion, however, converted it into an elaborate
composition, sung and danced by a chorus of fifty persons spe-
cially trained for the purpose. The Dithyramb is of great in-
terest in the history of poetry, since it was the germ from which
sprung at a later time the magnificent productions of the tragic
Muse at Athens.

Stesichorus was a native of Himera in Sicily. He is said to
have been born in B.C. 632, to have flourished about e.g. 608,
and to have died in b.c. 560. He travelled in many parts of
Greece, and was buried in Catana, where his grave was shown
near a gate of the city in later times. He introduced such great
improvements into the Greek chorus, that he is frequently de-
scribed as the inventor of choral poetry. He was the first to
break the monotony of the choral song, which had consisted pre-
viously of nothing more than one uniform stanza, by dividing it
into the Strophe, the Antistrophe, and the Epodus — ^the turn,
the return, and the rest.

§ 9. Alcseus and Sappho were both natives of Mytilene, in the
island of Lesbos, and flourished about e.g. 610 — 580. Their
songs were composed for a single voice, and not for the chorus,
and they were each the inventor of a new metre, which bears
their name, and is famihar to us by the well known odes of Ho-
race. Their poetry was the warm outpouring of the writers'
inmost feelings, and presents the lyric poetry of the iEolians at
its highest point.

Of the Hfe of AlcsBuswehave several interesting particulars. He
fought in the war between the Athenians and Mj^ilenaeans for
the possession of Sigeum (e.g. 606), and incurred the disgrace
of leaving his arms behind him on the field of battle. He en-
joyed, notwithstanding, the reputation of a brave and skilful
warrior, and his house is described by himself as furnished with
the weapons of war rather than with the instruments of his art. He
took an active part in the civil dissensions of his native state,
and warmly espoused the cause of the aristocratical party, to
which he belonged by birth. When the nobles were driven into
exile, he endeavoured to cheer their spirits by a number of most
animated odes, full of invectives against the popular party and
its leaders. In order to oppose the attempts of the exiled nobles,
Pittacus was unanimously chosen by the people as ^Esymnetes
pr Dictator. He held his office for ten years (b.c. 589 — 579),

B.C. 600. STESICHORUS. ALGOUS. SAPPHO. 188

and during that time he defeated all the efforts of the exiles,
and established the constitution on a popular basis. "When
AicaBus perceived that all hope of restoration to his native
country vv^as gone, he traveled into Egypt and other lands.
The fragments of his poems which remain, and the excellent
imitations of Horace, enable us to understand something of
their character. Those which have received the highest praise
are his warlike odes,* of which we have a specimen in the fol-
lowing description of his palace halls : —

" From floor to roof the spacious palace halls

Glitter with war's array ;
With burnish' d metal clad, the lofty walls

Beam like the bright noon day.
There white-plumed helmets hang from many a nail.

Above in threatening row ;
Steel-garnish' d tunics, and broad coats of mail.

Spread o'er the space below.
Chalcidian blades enow, and belts are here,

Greaves and emblazon'd shields ;
Well-tried protectors from the hostile spear

On other battle-fields.
With these good helps our work of war's begun ;
With these our victory must be won," f

In some of his poems Alcseus described the hardships of exile,
and the perils he encountered in his wanderings by land and by
sea ; $ while in others he sang of the pleasures of love and of
wine.

Sappho, the contemporary of Alcseus, whom he addresses as
" the dark-haired, spotless, sweetly smiling Sappho," was the
greatest of all the Greek poetesses. The ancient writers agree in
expressing the most unbounded admiration for her poetry ; Plato
in an extant epigram calls her the tenth Muse ; and it is related
of Solon, that, on hearing for the first time the recital of one of
her poems, he prayed that he might not see death until he had
committed it to memory. Of the events of her life we have
scarcely any information ; and the common story that, being in
love with Phaon and finding her love unrequited, she leaped
down from the Leucadian rock, seems to have been an invention
of later times. At Mytilene Sappho was the centre of a female
Uterary society, the members of which were her pupils in poe-

* " Alcsei minaces Camense." — ^Hor. Carm. iv. 9, T.
+ Translated by Colonel Mure.
if " Et te sonantem plenius aureo,
Alcsee, plectro dura navis,

Dura fugae mala, dura belli." — ^Hor. Carm. ii. 13, 26.

134 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. Xm.

try, fashion, and gallantry. Modem writers have indeed at-
tempted to prove that the moral character of Sappho was free
from all reproach, and that her tenderness was as pure as it
was glowing ; but it is impossible to read the extant fragments
of her poetry without being forced to come to the conclusion
that a female who could write such verses could not be the
pure and virtuous woman which her modem apologists pretend.
Her poems were chiefly amatory,=^ and the most important of
the fragments which have been preser^^ed is a magnificent ode
to the Goddess of Love. In several of Sappho's fragments we
perceive the exquisite taste with which she employed images
drawn from nature, of w^hich we have an example in the beau-
tiful line imitated by Byron —

" 0 Hesperus ! thou bringest all things."

§ 10. Anacreon is the last Lyric poet of this period who claims
our attention. He was a native of the Ionian city of Teos. He
spent part of his life at Samos, under the patronage of Poly-
crates, in whose praise he wrote many songs. After the death
of this despot (b.c. 522), he went to Athens, at the invitation of
Hipparchus, who sent a galley of fifty oars to fetch him. He
remained at Athens till the assassination of Hipparchus (b.c.
514), when he is supposed to have returned to Teos. The uni-
versal tradition of antiquity represents Anacreon as a consum-
mate voluptuary ; and his poems prove the truth of the tradition.
He sings of love and wane with hearty good wall, and we see in
him the luxury of the Ionian inflamed by the fervour of the poet.
His death was worthy of his life, if we may believe the account
that he was choked by a grape-stone. Only a few genuine frag-
ments of his poems have come dowai to us, for the odes ascribed
to him are now universally admitted to be spurious.

^11. Down to the end of the seventh century before Christ
literary celebrity in Greece was exclusively confined to the poets ;
but at the commencement of the following century there sprang
up in different parts of Greece a number of men who, under the
name of the Seven Sages, became distinguished for their practi-
cal sagacity and wise sayings or maxims. Their names are
differently given in the various popular catalogues ; but those
most generally admitted to the honour are Solon, Thales, Pitta-
cus, Periander, Cleobulus, Chile, and Bias. Most of these per-
sonages were actively engaged in the affairs of pubHc fife, and

* "spirat adhuc amor

Vivuntque commissi calores

.^olire fidibns puellffi." — Hor. Carrn. iv. 9, 10.

B.C. 600. THE SEVEN SAGES. 135

exercised great influence upon their contemporaries. They were
the authors of the celebrated mottoes .inscribed in later days in
the Delphian temple — " Know thyself," — " Nothing too much,"
— " Know thy opportunity," — " Suretyship is the precursor of
iTiin."

Of Solon, the legislator of Athens, and of Periander, the
despot of Corinth, we have already spoken at length ; and
Thales will presently claim our notice as the founder of Grecian
philosophy.

Pittacus has been mentioned in connection with the life of
Alcseus, as the wise and virtuous ruler of Mitylene, who re-
signed the sovereign power which his fellow-citizens had volun-
tarily confen-ed upon him, after establishing political order in
the state. The maxims attributed to him illustrate the amiable
features of his character. He pronounced " the greatest bless-
ing which a man can enjoy to be the power of doing good ;"
that " the most sagacious man was he who foresaw the approach
of misfortune ;" " the bravest man he who knew how to bear
it ;" that " victory should never be stained by blood ;" and that
" pardon was often a more effectual check on crime than pun-
ishment."

Cleobulus was despot of Lindus, in the island of Rhodes, and
is only known by his pithy sayings. He taught that " a man
should never leave his dwelling without considering well what
he was about to do, or re-enter it without reflecting on what he
had done ;" and that " it was folly in a husband either to fondle
or reprove his wife in company."

Chilo, of Sparta, had filled the office of Ephor in his native
city, and his daughter was married to the Spartan king Demara-
tus. When asked what were the three most difficult things in
a man's life, he replied : " To keep a secret, to forgive injuries,
and to make a profitable use of leisure time."

Bias, of Priene in Ionia, appears to have been the latest of the
Seven Sages, since he was alive at the Persian conquest of the
Ionian cities. The following are specimens of his maxims : he
declared " the most unfortunate of all men to be the man who
knows not how to bear misfortune ;" that " a man should be
slow in making up his mind, but swift in executing his de-
cisions ;" that " a man should temper his love for his friends by
the reflection that they might some day become his enemies, and
moderate his hatred of his enemies by the reflection that they
might some day become his friends." When overtaken by a
storm on a voyage with a dissolute crew, and hearing them offer
up prayers for their safety, he advised them rather " to be silent,
lest the gods should discover that they were at sea."

136 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIII.

§ 12. The history of Greek philosophy begins with Thales
of Miletus, who was horn about B.C. 640, and died in 550, at
the age of 90. He was the founder of the Ionic school of phi-
losophy, and to him were traced the first beginnings of geometry
and astronomy. The main doctrine of his philosophical sys-
tem was, that water, or fluid substance, was the single original
element from which every thing came and into which every
thing returned,

Anaximander, the successor of Thales in the Ionic school,
lived from B.C. 610 to 547. He was distinguished for his know-
ledge of astronomy and geography, and is said to have been the
furst to introduce the use of the sun-dial into Greece. He was also
one of the earhest Greek writers in prose, in which he composed
a geographical treatise. He is further said to have constructed
a chart or map to accompany this work ; and to this account
we may give the more credence, since in the century after his
death, at the time of the Ionic revolt, the Ionian Aristagoras
showed to the Spartan Cleomenes " a tablet of copper, upon
which was inscribed every known part of the habitable world,
the seas, and the rivers."

Anaximenes, the third in the series of the Ionian philosophers,
lived a little later than Anaximander. He endeavoured, like
Thales, to derive the origin of all material things from a single
element ; and, according to his theory, air was the source of life.
In like manner, Heraclitus of Ephesus, who flourished about
B.C. 513, regarded fire or heat as the primary form of all mat-
ter ; and theories of a similar nature were held by other phi-
losophers of this school.

A new path was struck out by Anaxagoras of Clazomense, the
most illustrious of the Ionic philosophers. Anaxagoras was bom
in B.C. 499, and consequently his life, strictly speaking, belongs
to the next period of Grecian history, but we mention him here
in order to complete our account of the Ionic School. He came
to Athens in 480 B.C., being then only in his twentieth year.
Though he inherited a considerable property from his father,
he resigned it all to his relatives, in order to devote himself
entirely to philosophy. He continued to teach at Athens for
thirty years, and numbered among his hearers Pericles, Socrates,
and Euripides. He abandoned the system of his predecessors,
and, instead of regarding some elementary form of matter as the
origin of all things, he conceived a supreme mind or intelligence,*
distinct from the visible world, to have imparted form and order
to the chaos of nature. These innovations afforded the Athe-
nians a pretext for indicting Anaxagoras of impiety, though it is
* NoOf.

B.C. 600. SCHOOI^ OF PHILOSOPHY. 137

probable that his connexion with Pericles was the real cause of
that proceeding. It was only through the influence and elo-
quence of Pericles that he was not put to death ; but he was sen-
tenced to pay a fine of five talents and quit Athens. The phi-
losopher retired to Lampsacus, where he died at the age of 72.

§ 13. The second school of Greek philosophy was the Eleatic,
which derived its name from Elea or Velia, a Greek colony on
the western coast of Southern Italy, It was founded by Xeno-
phanes of Colophon, who fled to Elea on the conquest of his
native land by the Persians. He conceived the whole of nature
to be God, and did not hesitate to denounce as abominable the
Homeric descriptions of the gods. His philosophical system
was developed in the succeeding century by his successors, Par-
menides and Zeno, who exercised great influence upon Greek
speculation by the acuteness of their dialectics.

§ 14, The third school of philosophy was founded by Pytha-
goras. The history of this celebrated man has been obscured by
the legends of later vnriters ; but there are a few important facts
respecting him which are sufliciently well ascertained. He was
a native of Samos, and was born about B.C. 580. His father was
an opulent merchant, and Pythagoras himself travelled exten-
sively in the East. His travels were greatly magnified by the
credulity of a later age, but there can be no reasonable doubt
that he visited Egypt, and perhaps also Phoenicia and Babylon.
He is said to have received instruction from Thales, Anaxi-
mander, and other of the early Greek philosophers. Of his own
philosophical views our knowledge is very limited ; since he left
nothing behind him. in writing, and the later doctrines of the
Pythagoreans were naturally attributed to the founder of the
school. It is certain, however, that he believed in the transmi-
gration of souls ; and his contemporary Xenophanes related
that Pythagoras seeing a dog beaten interceded in its behalf,
saying — " It is the soul of a friend of mine, whom I recognize
by its voice." Later writers added that Pythagoras asserted
that his own soul had formerly dwelt in the body of the Trojan
Euphorbus, the son of Panthous, who was slain by Menelaus,
and that in proof of his assertion he took down, at first sight,
the shield of Euphorbus from the temple of Hera (Juno) at
Argos, where it had been dedicated by Menelaus.=^ Pythagoras

* "habentque

Tartara Panthoiden, iterum Oreo
Demissum, quamvis clipeo Trojana refixo

Tempora testatus, nihil ultra
N'ervos atque cutem morti concesserat atvse."

• HoR. Carm. i. 28, 10.

138 HISTORY OF GEEECK Chap. XIIL

was distinguished by his knowledge of geometry and arithmetic ;
and it was probably from his teaching that the Pythagoreans
were led to regard numbers in some mysterious manner as the
basis and essence of all things. "VYe shall, however, form an er-
roneous opinion of the character of Pythagoras, if we regard him
simply as a philosopher, attaching to the word the same mean-
ing which it bore amiong the Athenians of a later age. He was in
fact more of the religious teacher than of the philosopher ; and he
looked upon himself as a being destined by the gods to reveal to
his disciples a new and a purer mode of hfe. The rehgious
element in his character made a profound impression upon his
contemporaries, and they believed him to stand in a close con-
nexion vidth the gods.

Pythagoras is said to have returned to Samos about the age of
forty, with a mind deeply impressed with his divine mission.
Finding the condition of his native country, which was then
under the despotism of Poly crates, .unfavourable to the dis-
semination of his doctrines, he migrated to Croton in Italy.
Here he met with the most wonderful success. His public
exhortations induced numbers to enrol themselves as mem-
bers of the new society which he sought to estabhsh. This
society was a kind of rehgious brotherhood, the members of
which were boimd together by pecuhar rites and observances.
There were various gradations among the members, and no can-
didates were admitted without passing through a period of pro-
bation, in which their intellectual faculties and general character
were tested. Everything done and taught in the fraternity was
kept a profound secret from all without its pale. It appears
that the members had some private signs, like Freemasons, by
which they could recognize each other, even if they had never
met before. From the secrecy in which their proceedings were
enveloped, we do not know the nature of their rehgious rites,
nor the peculiar diet to which they are said to have been sub-
jected. Some writers represent Pythagoras as forbidding aU
animal food ; but all the members camiot have been subjected to
this prohibition, since we know that the celebrated athlete Milo
was a Pythagorean, and it would not have been possible for him
to have dispensed with animal food. But temperance was strictly
enjoined ; and their whole training tended to produce great sell-
possession and master}^ over the passions. Most of the converts
of Pythagoras belonged to the noble and wealthy classes. Three
hundred of them, most attached to their teacher, formed the
nucleus of the societ}^ and were closely united to Pythagoras
and each other by a sacred vow. His doctrines spread rapidly
over Magna Grsecia, and clubs of a similar character were

B.C. 530. PYTHAGORAS. 139

established at Sybaris, Metapontum, Tarentum, and other
cities.

It does not appear that Pythagoras had originally any political
designs in the foundation of the brotherhood ; but it was only
natural that a club hke that of the Three Hundred at Croton
should speedily acquire great influence, in the conduct of public
affairs, which it uniformly exerted in favor of the oligarchical
party. Pythagoras himself also obtained great poHtical power.
He did not, it is true, hold any pubhc office, either at Croton
or elsewhere ; but he was the general of a powerful and well-
disciplined order, which appears to have paid implicit obedience
to his commands, and which bore in many respects a striking
resemblance to the one founded in modern times by Ignatius
Loyola. The influence, however, exercised by the brotherhood
upon public affairs proved its rum. The support which it lent
to the oligarchical party in the various cities, the secrecy of its
proceedings, and the exclusiveness of its spirit produced against
the whole system a wide-spread feeling of hatred.

The conquest of Sybaris by Croton (b. c. 510), of which an
account has been already given, seems to have elated the Pytha-
goreans beyond measure. The war had been undertaken
through the advice of Pythagoras himself; and the forces of
Croton had been commanded by Milo, a member of the brother-
hood. Accordingly, on the termination of the war, the Pytha-
goreans opposed more actively than ever the attempts of the
popular party to obtain a share in the government of Croton,
and refused to divide among the people the territory of the
conquered city. A revolution was the consequence. A demo-
cratical form of government was established at Croton ; and the
people now took revenge upon their powerful opponents. In an
outbreak of popular fury an attack was made upon the house in
which the leading Pythagoreans were assembled ; the house was
set on fire ; and many of the members perished. Similar riots
took place in the other cities of Magna Grsecia, in which Pytha-
gorean clubs had been formed ; and civil dissensions ensued
which, after lasting many years, were at length pacified by the
friendly mediation of the Achasans of the mother-country. The
Pythagorean order, as an active and organised brotherhood, was
thus suppressed ; but the Pythagoreans continued to exist as a
philosophical sect, and after some interval were again admitted
into the cities from which they had been expelled. There were
different accounts of the fate of Pythagoras himself; but he is
generally stated to have died at Metapontum, where his tomb
was shown in the time of Cicero.

Temple of -Sgina, restored.

CHAPTER XIV.

HISTORY OF ART.

§ 1. Perfection of Grecian art. § 2. Origin of arcliitecture. § 3. Cyclopean
vails. Treasury of Atreus. § 4. AiT-hi lecture of temples. §"0. Tliree
orders of arcliitecture, the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian. § 6. Temples
of Artemis (Diana) at Ephesus, of Hera (Juno) at Samos, of Apollo at
Delphi, and of Jove at Athens. Remains of temples at Posidonia (Paes-
tmn), Selinus, and ^gina. § 1. Origin of Sculpture. Wooden images
of the gods. Sculptured figures on architectural monuments. Lions
oyer the gate at Mycenee. § 8. Improvements in sculpture in the sixth
and fifth centuries B.C. § 9. Extant specimens of Grecian sculpture.
The Selinuntine, JEginetan, and Lycian marbles. § 10. History of
painting.

t 1. The perfection of Greek art is still more wonderful than
the perfection of Greek literatiire. In poetr}', histor}\ and
orator}', other languages have produced works w^hich may stand
comparison \\4th the master-pieces of Greek literature ; hut in
architecture and sculpture the pre-eminence of the Hellenic race
is acknowledged by the whole civilized world, and the most suc-
cessful artist of modem times only hopes to approach, and
dreams not of surpassing the glorious creations of Gi^cian art.
The art of a people is not only a most interesting branch of its
antiquities, but also an important part of its history. It forms

Chap. XIV. ARCHITECTURE. 141

one of the most durable evidences of a nation's growth in civi-
hzation and social progress. The remains of the Parthenon
alone would have borne the most unerring testimony to the in-
tellectual and social greatness of Athens, if the history of Greece
had been a blank, and the names of Pericles and Phidias un-
known.

^ 2. Architecture first claims our attention in tracing the his-
tory of Grecian art, since it attained a high degree of excellence
at a much earher period than either sculpture or painting.
Architecture has its origin in nature and in religion. The neces-
sity of a habitation for man, and the attempt to erect habita-
tions suitable for the gods, are the two causes from which the
art derives its existence. In Greece, however, as in most other
countries, architecture was chiefly indebted to religion for its
development ; and hence its history, as a fine art, is closely con-
nected with that of the temple. But before speaking of the
Grecian temples, it is necessary to say a few words respecting
the earlier buildings of the Greeks.

§ 3. The oldest works erected by Grecian hands are those
gigantic walls which are still found at Tiryns and My cense, and
other cities of Greece. They consist of enormous blocks of stone
put together wdthout cement of any kind, though they difier
from one another in the mode of their construction. In the most
ancient specimens, the stones are of irregular polygonal shapes,
and no attempt is made to fit them into one another, the gaps
being filled up with smaller stones : of this we have an example
in the walls of the citadel of Tiryns.

Wall at Tiryns.

In other cases the stones, though they are still of irregular
polygonal shapes, are skilfully hewn and fitted to one another,
and their faces are cut so as to give the whole wall a smooth

142 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XIV.

appearance. A specimen of this kind is seen in the walk of
Larissa, the citadel of Argos. In the third species the stones

WaU of the Citadel of Argos.

are more or less regular, and are laid in horizontal courses.
The walls of Mycense present one of the best examples of this
structure. (See draT\ing on p. 25.) These gigantic walls are
generally knoMTi by the name of Cyclopean, because posterity
could not beheve them to be the works of man. Modem
writers assign them to the Pelasgians ; but we know nothing
of their origin, though we may safely beheve them to belong
to the earhest periods of Greek history. In the Homeric
poems we find the cities of Greece surrounded with massive
walls ; and the poet speaks of the chief cities of the Argive
kingdom as "the walled Tirnis," and "Mycenae, the well-built
cit>^"

The only other remains which can be regarded as con-
temporary with these massive walls are those subterraneous
dome-shaped edifices usually supposed to have been the trea-
suries of the heroic kings. This, however, seems doubtful, and
many modem writers maintain them to have been the family-
vaults of the ancient heroes by whom they were erected. The
best preser\^ed monument of this kind is the one at Mycenae,
where we find so many remauis of the earhest Grecian art. This
building, generally called the Treasur}^ of Atreus, is entirely under
ground. It contains two chambers, the one upon entrance be-
ing a large vault about fifty feet in width, and forty in height,
giving access to a small chamber excavated m the sohd rock.
The building is constructed of horizontal courses of masonry^
which gradually approach and unite in the top in a closing stone.
Its principle is that of a wall resisting a supermcumbent weight,
and deri\Tng strength and coherence from the weight itself,
which is in reaht}^ the principle of the arch. The doorway of
the monument was formerly adorned with pilasters and other
ornaments in marble of different colours. It appears to have
been lined in the interior with bronze plates, the holes for the
nEiils of which are still visible in horizontal rows.

Chap. XIV.

TEMPLES.

148

§ 4. The temples of the gods were originally small in size and
mean in appearance. The most ancient were nothing but hollow
trees, in which the images of the gods were placed, since the
temple in early times was simply the habitation of the deity, and
not a place for the worshippers. As the nation grew in know-
ledge and in civihsation, the desire naturally arose of improving
and embellishing the habitations of their deities. The tree was
first exchanged for a wooden house. , The form of the temple
was undoubtedly borrowed from the common dwelhngs of men.
Among the Greeks of Asia Minor, we still find an exact con--
formity of style and arrangement between the wooden huts now
occupied by the peasantry, and the splendid temples of antiquity.

Wooden hut in Asia Minor.

The wooden habitation of the god gave way in turn to a temple
of stone. In the erection of these sacred edifices, architecture
made great and rapid progress ; and even as early as the sixth
century there were many magnificent temples erected in va-
rious parts of Hellas. Most of the larger temples received their
light from an opening in the centre of the building, and were
for this reason called hypcethral,^ or under the sky. They usually
consisted of three parts, the pronaos,f or vestibule ; the naos,t or
cella, which contained the statue of the deity, and the opistho-
domus,k or back-building, in which the treasures of the temple
were frequently kept. The form of the temples was very simple,
being either oblong or round ; and their grandeur was owing to
the beautiful combination of columns which adorned the interior
as well as the outside. These columns either surrounded the
building entirely, or were arranged in porticoes on one or more
of its fronts ; and according to their number and distribution
temples have been classified both by ancient and modern writers
on architecture. Columns were originally used simply to sup-
port the roof of the building ; and, amidst all the elaborations of
* vTvaidgo^. f TTgovaog. j^ vaog^ also called arjKog. § btnadodofio^.

144

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XIV.

a later age, this object was always kept in view. Hence we find
the column supporting a horizontal mass, technically called the

Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian Columns.

entablature. Both the column and the entablature are again
divided into three distinct parts. The former consists of the
base, the shaft, and the capital ; the latter of the architrave, the
irieze, and the cornice. The architrave is the chief beam,=^ rest-
ing on the summit of the row of columns ; the frieze rises above
the architrave, and is frequently adorned by figures in relief,
whence its Greek name ;t and above the frieze projects the cor-
nice, $ forming a handsome finish to the entablature. According
to certain differences in the proportions and embellishments of
the columns and entablature Grecian architecture was divided
into three orders, called respectively the Doric, Ionic, and Corin-
thian.

^ 5. The Doric order is the most ancient, and is marked by
the characteristics of the people from whom it derives its name.
It is simple, massive, and majestic. The column is characterised
by the absence of a base, by the thickness and rapid diminution
of the shaft, and by the simplicity and massiveness of the
capital. In the entablature, the arichitrave is in one surface and
quite plain. The frieze is ornamented by triglyphs, so called
from the three flat bands into which they are divided by the
intervening channels ; while the metopes, or the vacant spaces
between the triglyphs, are also adorned with sculptures in high

* Called by the Geeks 'ETrmriiAioy epistylium. f Zdxpopo^, zophorus.
\ Kogcjvic, coronis.

I

"Chap. XW.

TEMPLES.

145

relief. The cornice projects far, and on its under side are cut
several sets of drops, called mutules.

The Ionic order is distinguished by simple gracefulness, and
by a much richer style of ornament than the Doric. The shaft
of the column is much more slender, and rests upon a base ;
while the capital is adorned by spiral volutes. The architrave
is in three faces, the one slightly projecting beyond the other ;
there is a small cornice between the -architrave and the frieze,
and all three members of the entablature are more or less orna-
mented with mouldings.

Doric Architecture.
From Temple at Phigalia.

Ionic Architecture.
From the Erechtheum.

The Corinthian order is only a later form of the Ionic, and be-
longs to a period subsequent to the one treated in the present
book. It is especially characterized by its beautiful capital, which
is said to have been suggested to the mind of the celebrated sculp-
tor CaUimachus by the sight of a basket, covered by a tile, and
overgrown by the leaves of an acanthus, on which it had accident-
ally been placed. The earliest kno^vn example of its use through-

H

146

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chaj. XIT

out a building is in the monument of Lysicrates, conunonly called
the Lantern of Demosthenes, which was built in b.c. 335.

Corinthian Architecture. From Monument of Lysicrates.

^ 6. Passing over the earher Greek temples, we find at the be-
ginning of the sixth century B.C. several magnificent buildings
of this kind mentioned by the ancient writers. Of these two of
the most celebrated were the temple of Artemis (Diana) at
Ephesus, and the temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos. The former
w^as erected on a gigantic scale, and from its size and magni-
ficence was regarded as one of the wonders of the world. It
was commenced about e.g. 600, under the superintendence of
the arcliitects Chersiphron and his son Metagenes, of Cnossus
in Crete, but it occupied many years in building. The material
employed was white marble, and the order of architecture
adopted was the Ionic. Its length was 425 feet, its breadth

Chap. XIV. TEMPLES. 147

220 feet ; the columns were 60 feet in height, and 127 in
number ; and the blocks of marble composing the architrave
were 30 feet in length. This wonder of the world was burnt
down by Herostratus, m order to immortalise himself, on the
same night that Alexander the Great was born (b.c. 356) ; but
it was afterwards rebuilt with still greater magnificence by the
contributions of all the states of Asia Minor.

The temple of Hera (Juno) at Samos was begun about the
same time as the one at Ephesus ; but it appears to have been
finished much earlier, since it was the largest temple with which
Herodotus was acquauited. It was 346 feet in length, and 189
in breadth, and was originally built in the Doric style, but the
existing remains belong to the Ionic order. The architects were
RhoBcus, and his son Theodoras, both natives of Samos.

In the latter half of the same century the temple of Delphi
was rebuilt after its destruction by fire in b.c. 548. The sum
required for the erection of this temple was 300 talents, or about
115,000/., which had to be collected from the various cities in
the Hellenic world. The contract for the building was taken
by the Alcmseonidse, and the magnificent manner in which they
executed the work has been already mentioned. It was in the
Doric style, and the front was cased with Parian marble.

About the same time Pisistratus and his sons commenced the
temple of the Olympian Jove at Athens. It was a colossal fabric in
the Doric style, 359 feet in length by 173 in breadth, and was only
completed by the emperor Hadrian, 650 years after its foundation.

The temples mentioned above have entirely disappeared, with
the exception of a few columns ; but others erected m the sixth
and fifth centuries b.c. have withstood more successfully the
ravages of time. Of these the most perfect and the most striking
are the two temples at Posidonia, or Psestum, the colony of Sy-
baris in southern Italy, the remains of which still fill the beholder
with admiration and astonishment. The larger of the two, which
is the more ancient, is characterised by the massive simplicity
of the ancient Doric style. It is 195 feet long by 75 feet wide.
There are likewise considerable remains of three ancient tem.ples
at Selinus in Sicily, built in the Doric style. The temple of Jove
Panhellenius, in the island of ^gina, of which many columns
are still standing, was probably erected in the sixth century
B.C., and not after the Persian wars, as is stated by many
modem writers. It stands in a sequestered and lonely spot in
the north-east corner of the island, overlooking the sea and com-
manding a view of the opposite coast of Attica. It is in the
Doric style ; and the front elevation, as restored, is exhibited in
the engraving at the head of this chapter,

148 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIV.

§ 7. Sculpture, or to use a more correct expression, Statuary,
owed its origin, like arcliitecture, to religion. The only statues
in G-reece were for a long time those of the gods ; and it was not
till about B.C. 550 that statues began to be erected in honour of
men. The most ancient representations of the gods did not even
pretend to be images, but were only symbohcal signs of their
presence, and were often nothing more than unhewn blocks of
stone or simple pieces of wood. Sometimes there was a real statue
of the god, carved in wood, of which material the most ancient
statues were exclusively made.=^ The art of car^^ing m wood was
confined to certain families, and was handed down from father
to son. Such fam.ihe3 are represented in Attica by the m}i:lucal
name of Dsedalus, and in iEgina by the equally mytliical name
of Smihs, from both of whom many artists of a later age traced
their descent. The hereditary cultivation of the art tended to
repress its improvement and development ; and the carvers long
continued to copy from generation to generation the exact t}^e
of each particular god. These wooden figiures were frequently
painted and clothed, and were decorated with diadems, ear-rings,
and necklaces, and in course of time were partly covered with
gold or ivory. Statues m m.arble or metal did not begin to be
made till the sixth century b.c.

Though statuary proper, or the construction of a round
figm-e standing by itself, continued in a rude state for a long
time in Greece, yet sculptured figures on architectural monu-
ments were executed at an early period in a superior style of art.
One of the earhest specimens of sculpture still extant is the
work in relief above the ancient gate at Mycense, representing
two lions standhig on their hind legs with a kind of pillar be-
tween them. They are figured on p. 25.

§ 8. About the beginning of the sixth century b.c. a fresh
impulse was given to statuary, as well as to the other arts, by
the discovery of certain mechanical processes in the use and
application of the metals. G-laucus of Chios is mentioned as
the inventor of the art of soldering metal ;t and Rhcecus and
Theodoras of Samos, who have been already spoken of as archi-
tects, invented the art of castmg figures of bronze ui a mould.
The magnificent temples, which began to be built about the same
period, called into exercise the art of the sculptor, since the
friezes and pediments were usually adorned A\-ith figures in rehef
Dipoenus and Scyllis of Crete, who practised their art at Sicyon
about B.C. 580, were the first sculptors who obtained renown for
their statues in marble. They founded a school of art in Sicyon,

* A wooden statue was called ^oavov, from lew, "polish" or " carve."
f aid-rJQov K6X?.ijaic, Herod, i. 2.5.

I

Chap. XIV. STATUARY. 149

which long enjoyed great celebrity. The other most distin-
guished schools of art were at Sanios, Chios, ^Egina, and Argos.
The practice of erecting statues of the victors in the great public
games, which commenced about b.c. 550, was likewise of great
service in the development of the art. In forming these statues
the sculptor was not tied down by a fixed type, as in the case
of the images of the gods, and consequently gave greater play to
his inventive powers. The improvement thus produced in the
statues of men was gradually extended to the images of the
gods ; and the artist was emboldened to depart from the ancient
models, and to represent the gods under new forms of beauty
and grandeur. Nevertheless even the sculptures which belong
to the close of the present period still bear traces of the religious
restraints of an earlier age, and form a transition from the
hardness and stiffness of the archaic style to that ideal beauty
which was shortly afterwards developed in the sublime works
of Phidias.

^ 9. Among the remains of the sculpture of this period still
extant, those most worthy of notice are the reliefs in the
metopes of the temple of Selinus, the statues on the pediments
of the temple of ^gina, and the reliefs on the great monument
recently discovered at Xanthus in Lycia. The two reliefs given
on p. 114 are taken from the metopes of two temples at Selinus.
The first, belonging to the more ancient of the temples, which
was probably built about b.c. 600, represents Perseus cutting off
the head of Medusa, with the assistance of Pallas. The "work is
very rude and very inferior, both in style and execution, to the
lions over the gate at Mycenae. The second, belonging to the
more recent of the temples, probably erected in the latter half
of the fifth century, exhibits a marked improvement. It repre-
sents Actaeon metamorphosed into a stag by Artemis (Diana),
and torn to pieces by his own dogs.

Two of the statues on one of the pediments of the temple at
JEgina are represented on pp. 16, 17. These statues were dis-
covered in 1812, and are at present in the collection at Munich.
They have been restored by Thorwaldsen. The subject is Athena
(Mmerva) leading the JEacids or JEginetan heroes in the war
against the Trojans. There are traces of colour on the clothes,
arms, eye-balls, and lips, but not on the flesh ; and it appears,
from the many small holes found in the marble, that bronze
armour was fixed to the statues by means of nails. There is
great animation in the figures, but their gestures are too violent
and abrupt ; and one may still perceive evident traces of the
archaic style. The close imitation of nature is very striking.

The reliefs on the monument at Xanthus in Lycia were evi-

150 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIY.

dently executed by G-reek artists, and probably about the same
time as the ^ginetan statues. The monument consists of a
quadrangular tower of limestone on a base, and was surrounded
on four sides by marble friezes at the height of 20 feet from the
ground. On these friezes, which are now in the British Museum,
there are sculptures representing various mythological subjects ;
and, from the ends of the narrower sides containing four beau-
tiful Harpies carrjdng off maidens, the building is frequently
called the Hai-py Monument. The general character of these
sculptures is an antique simphcity of stjde, united wdth grace
and elegance of execution.

MO. Painting is not mentioned as an imitative art in the
earhest records of Grecian hterature. Homer does not speak
of any kind of paintmg, although he frequently describes gar-
ments inwoven v.dth figures. The fine arts in all countries
appear to have been mdebted to religion for their development ;
and since painting was not comiected in early times "wdth the
worship of the gods, it long remamed behind the sister arts of
architecture and sculptm-e. For a considerable period all paint-
ing consisted in colorhig statues and arcliitectural monuments,
of which we find traces in the ruins of the temples already
described. The first improvements hi painting were made in
the schools of Corinth and Sicyon ; and the most ancient speci-
mens of the art which have come down to us are found on the
oldest Corinthian vases, wliich may be assigned to the begimimg
of the sixth century e.g. About the same time painting began
to be cultivated in Asia Minor, along with architecture and
sculptm-e. The pamtings of the town of Phocsea are mentioned
on the capture of that city by Hai-pagus m b.c. 544 ; and a few
years afterwards (b.c. 508) Mandrocles, who constructed for
Darius the bridge of boats across the Bosporus, had a picture
painted representing the passage of the army and the kmg him-
self seated on a throne reviewmg the troops as they passed.
The only great painter, however, of this period, whose name has
been preserved, is Cimon of Cleonse, whose date is micertain,
but who probably must not be placed later than the time of
Pisistratus and his sons (e.g. 560-510). He introduced great
improvements into the art, and thus prepared the way for the
perfection in which it appears at the begimiing of the following
period. His works probably held the same place in the history
of painting which the ^ginetan marbles occupy in the history
of sculpture, forming a transition from the archaic stiffness of
the old school to the ideal beauty of the paintings of Polygnotua
of Thasos.

^— ^^>

Cyrus, from a bas-relief at Pasargadae .

BOOK III.

THE PERSIA]^ WARS.

B.C. 500—478.

CHAPTER XV.

THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

1, Introduction. § 2. The Assyrian Empire. § 3. The Median Empire.
§ 4. The Babylonian Empire. § 5. The Lydian Monarchy, and its in-
fluence upon the Asiatic Greeks. § 6. Conquest of the Asiatic Greeks
"by Croesus, king of Lydia. § 7. Foundation of the Persian Empire by
Cyrus, and overthrow of the Median Empire by the latter. § 8. Con-
quest of the Lydian Monarchy by Cyriis. § 9. Conquest of the Asiatic
Greeks by Harpagus, the general of Cyrus. Death of Cyrus. § 10.
Eeigns of Cambyses and of the false Smerdis, § 11. History of Poly-
crates, despot of Samos. § 12. Accession of Darius, son of Hystaspes.

162 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cbap. XV.

His organization of the Persian Empire. § 13. Invasion of Scythia
by Darius. § 14. Subjection of Thrace and Macedonia to the Per-
sian Empire.

§ 1. The period upon which we are now entering is the most
brilliant in the history of Greece. The subject has hitherto been
confined to the history of separate and isolated cities, which
were but little afiected by each other's prosperity or adversity.
But the Persian invasion produced an important change in the
relations of the Greek cities. A common danger drew them
closer together and compelled them to act in concert. Thus
Grecian history obtains a degree of unity, and consequently of
interest. The rise and progress of the Persian empire, which
produced such important results upon the Grecian states, there-
fore claim our attention ; but in order to understand the subject
aright, it is necessary to go a little further back, and to glance
at the history of those monarchies which were overthrown by
the Persians.

§ 2. From the first dawn of history to the present day the
East has been the seat of vast and mighty empires. Of these
the earliest and the most extensive was founded by the Assyrian
kings, who resided at the city of Nineveh on the Tigris. At the
time of its greatest prosperity this empire appears to have ex-
tended over the south of Asia, from the Indus on the east to
the Mediterranean sea on the west. Of its history we have
hardly any particulars ; but its greatness is attested by the una-
nimous voice of sacred and profane writers ; and the wonder-
ful discoveries which have been made within the last few years
in the earthen mounds which entomb the ancient Nineveh
afibrd unerring testimony of the progress which the Assyrians
had made in architecture, sculpture, and the arts of civilized life.
At the beginning of the eighth century before the Christian era
the power of this vast empire was broken by the revolt of the
Medes and Babylonians, who had hitherto been its subjects.
The city of Nineveh still continued to exist as the seat of an
independent kingdom, but the greater part of its dominions was
divided between the Medes and Babylonians.

§ 3. The Medes belonged to that branch of the Indo-Germanic
family inhabiting the vast space of country known by the general
name of Iran or Aria, which extends south of the Caspian and
the Oxus, from the Indus on the east to Mount Zagros on the
west — a range of mountains running parallel to the Tigris and
eastward of that river. The north-western part of this country
was occupied by the Medes, and their capital Ecbatana was
situated in a mountainous and healthy district, which was cele-
brated for the freshness and coolness of its climate in the sum-

Chap. XV. THE ASSYRIAN AND MEDIAN EMPIRES. 153

mer heats. Their language was a dialect of the Zend ; and their
religion was the one which had been founded by Zoroaster.
They worshipped fire as the symbol of the Deity, and their
priests were the Magi, who formed a distinct class or caste, pos-
sessing great influence and power in the state. The people were
brave and warlike, and under their successive monarchs they
gradually extended their dominion from the Indus on the east
to the river Halys in the centre of Asia Minor on the west,
Their most celebrated conquest was the capture of Nmeveh,
which they rased to the ground in B.C. 606.^

^ 4. The Babylonians were a Semitic people. Their territory
comprised the fertile district between the Tigris and the Eu-
phrates, and their capital, Babylon, situated on the latter river,
was one of the greatest cities in the ancient world. Herodotus,
who visited it in its decline, describes its size and grandeur in
terras which would exceed belief, if the truthfulness of the his-
torian was not above all suspicion. It was built in the form of a
square, of which each side was 15 miles in length, and it was
surrounded by walls of prodigious size, 300 feet high and 75 feet
thick. Under Nebuchadnezzar the Babylonian empire reached
its height. This monarch extended his dominions as far as the
confines of Eg}?pt. He took Jerusalem, and carried away its in-
habitants into captivity, and he annexed to his dominions both
Judea and Phoenicia. On his death, in B.C. 562, he bequeathed
to his son Labynetus (the Belshazzar of Scripture) a kingdom
which extended from the Tigris to the frontiers of Egypt and the
south of PhcBnicia.

§ 5. The Median and Babylonian empires did not include any
countries inhabited by the Greeks, and exercised only a remote
influence upon Grecian civilization. There was, however, a third
power, which rose upon the ruins of the Assyrian empire, with
which the Greeks were brought into immediate contact. This
was the Lydian monarchy, whose territory was originally confined
to the fertfle district eastward of Ionia, watered by the Cayster
and the Hermus. The capital of the monarchy was Sardis, which
was situated on a precipitous rock belonging to the ridge of
Mount Tmolus. Here three dynasties of Lydian kings are said
to have reigned. Of the two first we have no account, and it is
probable that, dovra to the commencement of the third of these
dynasties, Lydia formed a province of the Assyrian empire.
However this may be, the history of Lydia begins only with the
accession of Gyges, the founder of the third dynasty ; and it

* According to Herodotus, there were four Median kings: — 1. Deioees,
the founder of the empire, who reigned b.c. '710-65'7 ; 2. Phraortes, b.c.
657-635 ; 3. Cyaxai'es, b.c. 635-595 ; 4. Astyages, B.C. 595-569.

154 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XY.

cannot be a mere accident that the beginning of liis reign is
nearly coiacident wdth the dechne of the Assyrian, empire and
the foundation of the independent monarchies of the Babylonians
and Medes.^

Under Gyges and his successors Sardis became the centre of a
powerful and civilized nionarchy ; and the existence of such a
state in close proximity to the Greek cities in Ionia exercised an
important iafluence upon the latter. The Lydians were a wealthy
and industrious people, carrying on an extensive commerce, prac-
tising manufactures and acquainted with various arts. The
Lydians are said to have been the first people to coin money of
gold and siLver : and of the former metal they obtained large
quantities in the sands of the river Pactolus, which flowed do^n
from Moimt Tmolus towards the Hermus. From them the Ionic
Greeks derived various improvements in the useful and the
ornamental arts, especially in the weaving and dyeing of fine
fabrics, in the processes of m.etallurgy, and in the style of their
music. The gTo^i:h of the Lydian monarchy in wealth and
civilization was attended with another advantage to the Grecian
cities on the coast. As the territory of the Lydians did not
originally extend to the sea, the whole of their commerce with
the Mediterranean passed through the Grecian cities, and was
carried on in Grecian ships. This contributed greatly to the
prosperity and wealth of Miletus, Phocsea. and the other Ionian
cities.

§ 6. But while the Asiatic Greeks were indebted for so much
of their grandeur and opulence to the Lydian monarchy, the
increasing power of the latter eventually deprived them of their
pohtical independence. Even Gyges had endeavoured to reduce
them to subjection, and the attempt was renewed at various
times by his successors ; but it was not till the reign of Croesus,
the last king of Lydia, who succeeded to the throne in e.g. 560,
that the xVsiatic Greeks became the subjects of a barbarian
power. This monarch succeeded in the enterprise in which his
predecessors had failed. He began by attacking Ephesus, and
reduced in succession all the other Grecian cities on the coast.
His rule, however, was not oppressive ; he appears to have been
content with the payment of a moderate tribute, and to have
permitted the cities to regulate their own afiairs. He next
turned his arms towards the east, and subdued all the nations
in Asia Minor west of the river Halys, with the exception of the
Lycians and CiUcians. The fame of Crcesus and of his countless

* According to Herodotus, there were five Lydian kings : — 1. Gyges,
-who reigned B.C. Tie-eYS; 2. Ardys, b.c. 678-629; 3. t^adyattes, b.c.
629-61t; 4. Alvattes, b.c. 617-560 To. Croesus, b.c. 560-546. *

Chap. XV. THE BABYLOMAN AND LYDIAN EMPIRES. 166

treasures now resounded through Greece. He spoke the Greek

language, welcomed Greek guests, and reverenced the Greek
oracles, which he enriched with the most munificent offerings.
The wise men of Greece were attracted to Sardis by the fame
of his power and of his wealth. Among his other visitors he is
said to have entertained Solon ; but the celebrated story of the
interview between the Athenian sage and the Lydian monarch,
which the stern laws of chronology compel us to reject, has
already been narrated in a previous part of this work.*

CrcBsus deemed him.self secure from the reach of calamities,
and his kingdom appeared to be placed upon a firm and last-
ing foundation. His own subjects were submissive and obe-
dient ; and he was closely coimected with the powerful monarchs
of Media, Babylon, and Egypt. Astyages, the king of Media,
whose territories adjoined his own, was his brother-in-law ; and
he had formed an alliance and friendship with Labynetus, king
of Babylon, and Amasis, king of Egypt. The four kings seemed
to have nothing to fear either from internal commotions or ex-
ternal foes. Yet within the space of a few years their dynasties
were overthrown, and their territories absorbed in a vast empire,
founded by an adventurer till then unknown by name.

§ 7. The rise and fall of the great Asiatic monarchies have been
characterized by the same features in ancient and modern times.
A brave and hardy race, led by its native chief, issues either
from the mountains or from the steppes of Asia, overruns
the more fertile and cultivated parts of the continent, con-
quers the effeminate subjects of the existing monarchies, and
places its leader upon the throne of Asia. But the descendants
of the new monarch and of the conquering race give way to
sensuality and sloth, and fall victims in their turn to the same
bravery in another people, which had given the sovereignty to
their ancestors. The history of Cyrus, the great founder of the
Persian empire, is an illustration of these remarks. It is true
that the earlier portion of his life is buried under a heap of
fables, and that it is impossible to determine whether he was
the grandson of the Median king, Astyages, as is commonly
stated ; but it does not admit of doubt, that he led the warlike
Persians from their mountainous homes to a series of conquests,
which secured him an empire extending from the ^Egean to the
Indus, and from the Caspian and the Oxus, to the Persian Gulf
and the Indian Ocean.

The Persians were of the same race as the Modes, spoke a
dialect of the same language, and were adherents of the same
religion. They inhabited the mountainous region south of Media,
* Page 100.

166 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XV.

which abounds in several well-watered valleys, and slopes gra-
dually down to the low grounds on the coast of the Persian gulf.
While the Modes became enervated by the corrupting influences
to which they were exposed, the Persians preserved in their
native mountains their simple and warlike habits. They were
divided into several tribes, partly agricultural and partly no-
madic ; but they were all brave, rude, and hardy, clothed in
skins, drinking only water, and ignorant of the commonest lux-
uries of life. Cyrus led these fierce warriors from their moun-
tain fastnesses, defeated the Medes in battle, took Astyages
prisoner, and deprived him of the throne. The other nations,
included in the Median empire, submitted to the conqueror ;
and the sovereignty of Upper Asia thus passed from the Medes
to the Persians. The accession of Cyrus to the empire is placed
in B.C. 559.

§ 8. This important revolution excited alike the anger, the
fears and the hopes of Croesus. Anxious to avenge his brother-
in-law, to arrest the alarming growth of the Persian power, and
to enlarge his own dominions, he resolved to attack the new
monarch. But before embarking upon so perilous an enterprize
he consulted the oracles of Amphiaraus, and of Apollo at Delphi,
in whose veracity he placed the most unbounded confidence.
The reply of both oracles was, that " if he should make war upon
the Persians, he would destroy a mighty monarchy," and they
both advised him to make allies of the most powerful among the
Greeks. Understanding the response to refer to the Persian
enapire, and not, as the priests explained it after the event, to
his own, he had no longer any hesitation in commencing the
war. In obedience to the oracles he first sent to the Spartans
to solicit their alliance, which was readily granted, but no troops
were sent to his immediate assistance. He then crossed the
Halys at the head of a large army, laid waste the country of the
Syrians of Cappadocia, and took several of their towns. Cyrus
lost no time in coming to the help of his distant subjects. The
two aiinies met near the Pterian plain in Cappadocia, where a
bloody, but indecisive battle was fought. As the forces of Croe-
sus were inferior in number to those of the Persian king, he
thought it more prudent to return to Sardis, and collect a large
army for the next campaign. Accordingly he despatched en-
voys to Labynetus, Amasis, and the Lacedaemonians, requesting
them to send auxiliaries to Sardis in the course of the next five
months ; and meantime he disbanded the mercenary troops who
had followed him into Cappadocia.

Cyrus anticipated his enemy's plan ; he waited till the Lydian
king had re-entered his capital and dismissed his troops ; and

B.C. 569. CYRUS. 151

he then marched upon Sardis with such celerity that he ap-
peared under the walls of the city before any one could give
notice of his approach. Croesus was thus compelled to fight
without his allies ; but he did not despair of success ; for the
Lydian cavalry was distinguished for its efficiency, and the
open plain before Sardis was favourable for its evolutions. To
render this force useless, Cyrus placed in front of his line the
baggage camels, which the Lydian horses could not endure either
to see or to smell. The Lydians, however, did not on this ac-
count decline the contest ; they dismounted from their horses,
and fought bravely on foot ; and it was not till after a fierce
combat that they were obliged to take refuge within the city.
Here they considered themselves secure, till their allies should
come to their aid ; for the fortifications of Sardis were deemed
impregnable to assault. There was, however, one side of the
city which had been left unfortified, because it stood upon a
rock so lofty and precipitous, as to appear quite inaccessible.
But on the fourteenth day of the siege a Persian soldier, having
seen one of the garrison descend this rock to pick up his helmet
which had rolled down, climbed up the same way, followed by
several of his comrades. Sardis was thus taken, and Croesus
with all his treasures fell into the hands of Cyrus (b.c. 546).
The Lydian king was condemned to be burnt alive ; but his life
was afterwards spared by the conqueror ; and he became the
confidential adviser both of Cyrus and his son Cambyses.

^ 9. The fall of Croesus was followed by the subjection of the
Greek cities in Asia to the Persian yoke. As soon as Sardis had
been taken, the lonians and ^Eolians sent envoys to Cyrus, ofiJer-
ing to submit to him on the same terms as they had obtained
from Croesus. But the Persian conqueror, who had in vain at-
tempted to induce them to revolt from the Lydian king at the
commencement of the war, sternly refused their request, except
in the case of Miletus. The other G-reeks now began to prepare
for defence, and sent deputies to Sparta to solicit assistance.
This was refused by the Spartans ; but they despatched some of
their citizens to Ionia to investigate the state of affairs. One of
their number, exceeding the bounds of their commission, re-
paired to Cyrus at Sardis, and warned him " not to injure any
city in Hellas, for the Lacedaemonians would not permit it."
Astonished at such a message from a people of whom he had
never heard, the conqueror inquired of the Greeks who stood
near him, " Who are these Lacedaemonians, and how many are
they in number that they venture to send" me such a notice ?"
Having received an answer to his question, he said to the Spar-
tan, " I was never yet afraid of men, who have a place set apart

158 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XV.

in the middle of their city, where they meet to cheat one another
and forswear themselves. If I live, they shall have troubles of
their own to talk about apart from the lonians." This taunt
of Cyrus was levelled at G-recian habits generally ; for to the
rude barbarian, buying and selling seemed contemptible and dis-
graceful.

Cyrus soon afterwards quitted Sardis to prosecute his con-
quests in the East, and left the reduction of the Greek cities,
and of the other districts in Asia Minor, to his lieutenants. The
G-reek cities offered a brave, but ineffectual resistance, and
were taken one after the other by Harpagus, the Persian general.
The inhabitants of Phoceea and Teos preferred expatriation to
slavery ; they abandoned their homes to the conqueror ; and
sailed away in search of new settlements. The Phocseans, after
experiencing many vicissitudes of fortune, at length settled in
the south of Italy, where they founded Elea. The Teians took
refuge on the coast of Thrace, where they built the city of Ab-
dera. All the other Asiatic Greeks on the mainland were en-
rolled among the vassals of Cyrus : and even the inhabitants of
the islands of Lesbos and Chios sent in their submission to Har-
pagus, although the Persians then possessed no fleet to force
them to obedience. Samos, on the other hand, maintained its
independence, and appears soon afterwards as one of the most
powerful of the Grecian states. After the reduction of the
Asiatic Greeks, Harpagus marched against the other districts of
Asia Minor, which still refused to own the authority of Cyrus.
They were all conquered without any serious resistance, with the
exception of the Lycians, who, finding it impossible to maintain
their freedom, set fire to their chief town, Xanthus ; and while
the women and children perished in the flames, the men sallied
forth against the enemy and died sword in hand.

While Harpagus was thus employed, Cyrus was making still
more extensive conquests in Upper Asia and Assyria. The most
important of these was the capture of the wealthy and populous
city of Babylon, which he took by diverting the course of the
Euphrates, and then marching into the city by the bed of the
river (b. c. 538). Subsequently he marched against the nomad
tribes in Central Asia, but was slain in battle, while fighting
against the Massagetse, a people dwelling beyond the Araxes.
He perished in b. c. 529, after a reign of thirty years, leaving
his vast empire to his son, Cambyses.

§ 10. The love of conquest and of aggrandizement, which had
been fed by the repeated victories of Cyrus, still fired the Per-
sians. Of the four great monarchies, which Cyrus had found in
all their glory, when he descended with his shepherds from the

B.C. 529. CAMBYSEa 159

Persian mountains, there yet remained one which had not been
destroyed by his arms. Amasis continued to occupy the throne
of Egypt in peace and prosperity, while the monarchs of Media,
Lydia, and Babylon had either lost their lives, or become the
vassals of the Persian king. Accordingly, Cambyses resolved to
lead his victorious Persians to the conquest of Egypt. While
making his preparations for the invasion, Amasis died after a
long reign, and was succeeded by his son, Psammenitus, who in-
herited neither the abilities nor the good fortune of his father.
The defeat of the Egyptians in a single battle, followed by the
capture of Memphis with the person of Psammenitus, decided
the fate of the country. Cambyses resided some time in Egypt,
which he ruled with a rod of iron. His temper was naturally
violent and capricious ; and the possession of unlimited power
had created in him a state of mind bordering upon frenzy. The
idolatry of the Egyptians and their adoration of animals excited
the indignation of the worshipper of fire ; and he gave vent to
his passions by wanton and sacrilegious acts against the most
cherished objects and rites of the national religion. Even the
Persians experienced the effects of his madness ; and his brother
Smerdis was put to death by his orders. This act was followed
by important consequences. Among the few persons privy to
the murder was a Magian, who had a brother bearing the same
name as the deceased prince, and strongly resembling him in
person. Taking advantage of these circumstances, and of the
alarm excited among the leading Persians by the frantic tyranny
of Cambyses, he proclaimed his brother as king, representing
him as the younger son of Cyrus. Cambyses heard of the revolt
whilst in Syria ; but as he was mounting his horse to march
against the usurper, an accidental wound from his sword put an
end to his life, b.c. 522.

As the younger son of Cyrus was generally believed to be alive,
the false Smerdis was acknowledged as king by the Persians, and
reigned without opposition for seven months. But the leading
Persian nobles had never been quite free from, suspicion, and
they at length discovered the imposition which had been prac-
tised upon them. Seven of them now formed a conspiracy to
get rid of the usurper. They succeeded in forcing their way
into the palace, and in slaying the Magian and his brother in
the eighth month of their reign. One of their number, Darius,
the son of Hystaspes, ascended the vacant throne, e.g. 521.

§ 11. During the reign of Cambyses, the Grreek cities of Asia
remained obedient to their Persian governors. The subjection
of the other cities had increased the power and influence of
Samos, which, as we have already seen, had maintained its inde-

160 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XV.

pendence, when the neighbouring islands of Lesbos and Chios
had submitted to the Heutenant of Cyrus. At the beginning of
the reign of Cambyses, Samos had reached under its despot,
Polycrates, an extraordinary degree of prosperity, and had be-
come the most important naval power in the world. The
ambition and good fortune of this enterprizing despot were alike
remarkable. He possessed a hundred ships of war, with which
he conquered several of the islands, and even some places on the
mainland ; and he aspired to nothing less than the dominion of
Ionia, as well as of the islands in the ^gean. The Lacedaemo-
nians, who had invaded the island at the invitation of the Sa-
mian exiles for the purpose of overthrowing his government,
were obliged to retire after besieging his city in vain for forty
days. Every thing which he undertook seemed to prosper ; but
his uninterrupted good fortune at length excited the alarm of
his ally Amasis. According to the tale related by Herodotus,
the Egyptian king, convinced that such amazing good fortune
would sooner or later incur the envy of the gods, wrote to Poly-
crates, advising him to throw away one of his most valuable pos-
sessions, and thus inflict some injury upon himself. Thinking
the advice to be good, Polycrates threw into the sea a favourite
ring of matchless price and beauty ; but unfortunately it was found
a few days afterwards in the belly of a fine fish, which a fisher-
man had sent him as a present. Amasis now foresaw that the
ruin of Polycrates was inevitable, and sent a herald to Samos to
renounce his alliance. The gloomy anticipations of the Egyp-
tian monarch proved well founded. In the midst of all his
prosperity, Polycrates fell by a most ignominious fate. Oroetes,
the satrap of Sardis, had for some unknown cause conceived a
deadly hatred against the Samian despot. By a cunning stra-
tagem, the satrap allured him to the mainland, where he was
immediately arrested and hanged upon a cross (b.c. 522). Like
many other Grecian despots, Polycrates had been a patron of
literature and the arts, and the poets Ibycus and Anacreon found
a welcome at his court. Many of the great works of Samos — the
vast temple of Hera (Juno), the mole to protect the harbour, and
the aqueduct for supplying the city with water, carried through
a mountain seven furlongs long — were probably executed by him.
M2. The long reign of Darius forms an important epoch in
the Persian annals. After putting down the revolts of the Ly-
dian satrap Oroetes, of the Medes, and of the Babylonians, he set
himself to work to organize the vast mass of countries which
had been conquered by Cyrus and Cambyses. The difference of
his reign from those of his two predecessors was described by
the Persians, in calling Cyrus the father, Cambyses the master,

B.C. 622. DARIUS. 161

and Darius the retail-trader, — an epithet implying that he
was the first to introduce some order into the administration
and finances of the empire. He divided his vast dominions into
twenty provinces, and appointed the tribute which each was to
pay to the royal treasury. These provinces were called satrapies,
from the satrap or governor, to whom the administration of each
was entrusted. Darius was also the first Persian king who coined
money ,- and the principal gold and silver coin of the Persian
mint was called after him the Daric He also connected Susa
and Ecbatana with the most distant parts of the empire by a
series of high roads, along which were placed, at suitable inter-
vals, buildings for the accommodation of all who travelled in the
khig's name, and relays of couriers to convey royal messages.

^13. Although Darius devoted his chief attention to the con-
solidation and organization of his empire, he was impelled by his
own ambition, or by the aggressive spirit of the Persians, to seek
to enlarge still further his vast dominions. For that purpose
he resolved to attack Scythia, or the great plain between the
Danube and the Don, which was then inhabited by numerous
nomad and savage tribes. His army was collected from all parts
of the empire; his fl.eet of 600 ships was furnished exclusively
by the Asiatic Greeks. To the latter he gave orders to sail up the
Danube, and throw a bridge of boats across the river, near the
point where the channel begins to divide. "With his land forces
the king himself marched through Thrace, crossed the Danube by
the bridge, which he found finished, and then ordered the Greeks
to break it down and follow him into Scythia. His plan seems
to have been to have marched back into Asia round the north-
ern shore of the Black Sea, and across the Caucasus. But being
reminded by one of the Grecian generals that he was embarking
upon a perilous enterprise, and might possibly be compelled to
retreat, he thought it more prudent to leave the bridge standing
under the care of the Greeks who had constructed it, but told
them that if he did not return within sixty days, they might
break down the bridge, and sail home. The king then left them,
and penetrated into the Scythian territory. The sixty days had
already passed away, and there was yet no sign of the Persian
army. But shortly afterwards the loruans, who still continued
to guard the bridge, were astonished by the appearance of a
body of Scythians, who informed them that Darius was in full
retreat, pursued by the whole Scythian nation, and that his only
hope of safety depended upon that bridge. They urged the
Greeks to seize this opportmiity of destroying the whole Persian
army, and of recovering their own liberty by breaking down the
bridge. Their exhortations were warmly seconded by the A the-

162 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XV.

nian Miltiades, the despot of the Thracian Chersonesus, and the

future conqueror of Marathon. The other rulers of the Ionian
cities Avere at first disposed to follow liis suggestion ; but as soon
as Histiseus of Miletus reminded them that their sovereignty
depended upon the support of the Persian kuig, and that his
ruin would uivolve their own, they changed their muideand
resolved to preserve the bridge. After endurmg great priva-
tions and sufieruigs, Darius and his army at length reached the
Danube, and crossed the bridge in safety. Thus the selfisimess
of these Grecian despots threw away the most favourable oppor-
tumt}^ that ever presented itself, of dehvering their native cities
from the Persian yoke

§ 14. Not\\dthstandhig the failure of his expedition against
the Scythians, Darius did not abandon his plans of conquest.
E.eturnuig hmiself to Sardis, he left Megabazus with an army of
80,000 men to complete the subjugation of Tlu'ace, and of the
Greek cities upon the Hellespont. He gave to Histiteus the
to'\;\Ti of Myrcinus, near the StrjTiion, which the Ionian prince
had asked as a reward for his important service in the Scythian
campaign. Megabazus experienced httle difficult)' in executmg
the orders of his master. He not only subdued the Thracian
tribes, but crossed the Strj-mon, conquered the Pseonians, and
penetrated as far as the frontiers of Macedonia. He then sent
heralds into the latter coimtry to demand earth and water, as
the customar}' symbols of submission. These were immediately
granted by Amyntas, the reigning monarch, B.C. 510 ; and thus
the Persian domuiions were extended to the borders of Thessaly.

"V\Tiile Megabazus was engaged in the conquest of the Paso-
nians, he had noticed that Histiseus was collecting the elements
of a power, which might hereafter prove formidable to the Per-
sian sovereignty. Myrcmus commanded the navigation of the
StrjTiion, and consequently the commerce with the interior of
Thrace ; and the importance of this site is shoA^ii by the rapid
growth of the town of Amphipolis, which the Athenians founded
at a later time in the same localit}\ On his return to Sardis,
Megabazus communicated his suspicions to Darius. The Persian
king, perceiving that the apprehensions of his general were not
■\;\dthout foundation, summoned Histiseus to his presence, and,
under the pretext that he could not bear to be deprived of the
company of his friend, proposed that he should accompany him
to Susa. Histiseus had no alternative but compliance, and with
unwilhng steps followed the monarch to his capital. This appa-
rently trivial circumstance was attended with important conse-
quences, as we shall presently see, to the Persian empire, and to
the whole Hellenic race.

Behistun rock on which are inscribed the exploits of Darius.

CHAPTER XVL'

THE IONIC REVOLT.

§ 1. Introduction. § 2. Kaxian exiles apply for aid to Aristagoras.
§ 3. Expedition of Aristagoras and the Persians against Naxos. Its
failure. § 4. Revolt of Miletus and the other Greek cities of Asia.
§ 5. Aristagoras solicits assistance from Sparta and Athens, which is
granted by the latter. § 6. Burning of Sardis by the Athenians and
lonians. § 7. Death of Aristagoras and Histieeus. § 8. Defeat of the
Ionian fleet at Lade. § 9. Capture of Miletus and termination of the
revolt.

^ 1. Before setting out for Susa, Darius had appointed his
brother Artaphernes satrap of the western provinces of Asia
Minor, of which Sardis continued to be the capital, as in the time
of the Lydian monarchy. The Grecian cities on the coast were
nominally allowed to manage their own affairs ; but they were
governed for the most part by despots, who were in reality the
instruments of the Persian satrap, and were maintained in their
power by his authority. Miletus, which was now the most flourish-
ing city of Ionia, was ruled by Aristagoras, the son-in-law of His-
tiseus, since Darius had allowed the latter to entrust the sovereign-
ty to his son-in-law during his absence. For a few years after
the return of the king to Upper Asia, the Persian empire enjoyed
the profound calm which often precedes a storm. It was the
civil dissensions of one of the islands of the ^gean which first
disturbed this universal repose, and lighted up a conflagration
which soon enveloped both Greece and Asia.

164 HISTOEY OF GREECK Chap. XYI.

^ 2. About the year B.C. 502, the oligarchical party in Naxos,
one of the largest and most flourisliuig of the Cyclades, were
driven out of the island by a rising of the people. The exiles
applied for aid to Aristagoras, who lent a ready ear to their re-
quest ; knowing that if they were restored by his means, he should
become master of the island. But his own forces were not equal
to the conquest of the Ts axians, since they possessed a large na^T,
and could bring 8000 heaA"}'-armed infantry into the field. Ac-
cordingly, he went to Sardis to secure the co-operation of Arta-
phernes, holding out to the satrap the prospect of amiexing not
only Naxos and the rest of the Cyclades, but even the large and
valuable island of Euboea, to the dominions of the Great Kmg.
He represented the enterprize as one certain of success, if a hun-
dred ships were granted to liim, and offered at the same time to
defray the expense of the armament. Artaphernes gave his cor-
dial approval to the scheme ; and as soon as the king's consent
was obtained, a fleet of 200 ships was equipped and placed at
the disposal of Aristagoras. The forces were under the command
of Megabates, a Persian noble of high rank.

Taking the Naxian exiles on board, Aristagoras sailed from
Miletus towards the Hellespont (b.c. 501). To divert the suspi-
cions of the jN^axians, a report was spread that the armament
was destined for a different quarter ; but upon reaching Chios,
Megabates cast anchor off the western coast, waiting for a fair
wind to cany them straight across to Naxos. Bemg anxious that
the ships should be in readiness to depart, as soon as the order
was given, Megabates made a personal inspection of the fleet,
and discovered one of the vessels left v^-ithout a single man on
board. Licensed at this neglect, he sunmioned the captain of the
ship, and ordered him to be put in chains with his head project-
ing through one of the port-holes of his own vessel. It happened
that this man was a friend and guest of Aristagoras, who not
only set the authority of Megabates at defiance by releasmg the
prisoner, but hisisted that the Persian admhal held a subordhiate
command to himself. The pride of Megabates could not brook
such an msult. As soon as it was night he sent a message to the
Naxians to warn them of their danger. Hitherto the jSTaxians
had had no suspicion of the object of the expedition ; but they
lost no time in carrying their property into the city and making
every preparation to sustain a long siege. Accordmgly, when the
Persian fleet reached iSTaxos, they experienced a vigorous resist-
ance ; and at the end of four months they had made such little
way in the reduction of the city, that they v\'ere compelled to
abandon the enterprize and return to Miletus.

^ 4. Aristagoras was now threatened with utter ruin. Hav-

B.C. 500. THE IONIC REVOLT. 165

ing deceived Artaphemes, and incurred the enmity of Mega-
bates, he could expect no favour from the Persian government,
and might be called upon at any moment to defray the expenses
of the armament. In these difficulties he began to think of
exciting a revolt of his countrymen ; and while revolving the
project, he received a message from his father-in-law, Histiseus,
urging him to this very step. Afraid of trusting any one with
so dangerous a message, Histiseus had shaved the head of a
trusty slave, branded upon it the necessary words, and, as soon
as the hair had grown again, sent him off to Miletus. His only
motive for urging the lonians to revolt was his desire of es-
caping from captivity at Susa, thinking that Darius would set him
at liberty, in order to put down an insurrection of his country-
men. The message of Histiseus fixed the wavering resolution of
Aristagoras. He forthwith called together the leading citizens
of Miletus, laid before them the project of revolt, and asked
them for advice. They all approved of the scheme, with the
exception of Hecatseus, who deserves to be mentioned on account
of his celebrity as one of the earliest Greek historians. Having
determined upon revolt, the next step was to induce the other
Greek cities in Asia to join them in their perilous enterprize.
As the most effectual means to this end, it was resolved to seize
the persons of the Grecian despots, many of whom had not yet
quitted the fleet which had recently returned from Naxos. Aris-
tagoras laid down the supreme power in Miletus, and nominally
resigned to the people the management of their own affairs.
The despots were seized, and a democratical form of government
established throughout the Greek cities in Asia and in the neigh-
bouring islands. This was followed by an open declaration of
revolt from Persia (b.c. 500).

§ 5. The insurrection had now assumed a formidable aspect ;
and before the Persians could collect sufficient forces to cope
with the revolters, Aristagoras resolved to cross over to Greece,
in order to solicit assistance from the more powerful states in
the mother-country. He first went to Sparta, which was now
admitted to be the most powerful city in Greece. In an inter-
view with Cleomenes, king of Sparta, he brought forth a brazen
tablet, on which were engraved the countries, rivers, and seas of
the world. After dwelling upon the wealth and fertility of Asia,-
he traced on the map the route from Ephesus to Susa, and de-
scribed the ease with which the Spartans might march into the
very heart of the Persian empire, and obtain possession of the
vast treasures of the Persian capital. Cleomenes demanded three
days to consider this proposal ; and when Aristagoras returned
on the third day, he put to him the simple question, how far it

IfiC HISTORY OF GREECE. Chaf. XVJ.

was trom the sea to Susa ? Aristagoras, A^ithout considering
the drift of the question, answered that it was a journey of three
months. " Milesian stranger," exclaimed Cleomenes, " quit Sparta
before sunset : you are no friend to the Spartans, if you want
them to undertake a three months' journey from the sea." Still,
however, Aristagoras did not despair, but went as a supphant
to the king's house, to see if he could accomphsh by money what
he had failed to do by eloquence. He first offered Cleomenes
ten talents, and then gradually raised the bribe to fifty ; and per-
haps the king, with the usual cupidit}^ of a Spartan, might have
pelded, had not his daughter Gorge, a child of eight years old,
who happened to be present, cried out, " Fly, father, or tliis
stranger \\dll corrupt you." Cleomenes accepted the omen, and
broke up the inter^-iew. Aristagoras quitted Sparta forthwith.

Disappointed at Sparta, Aristagoras repaired to Athens, then
the second city in G-ieece. Here he met with a ver}' different
reception. Athens was the mother-city of the Ionic states ; and
the Athenians were disposed to sympathize with the lonians
as their kuismen and colonists. They were moreover incensed
against Artaphernes, who had recently commanded them to
recall Hippias, unless they wished to provoke the hostihty of
Persia. Accordingly they lent a ready ear to the tempting pro-
mises of Aristagoras, and voted to send a squadron of twenty
ships to the assistance of the lonians. " These ships," says He-
rodotus, " were the beginning of mischiefs between ^e Greeks
and barbarians."

§ 6. In the follo^\Tllg year (b.c. 500) the Athenian fleet crossed
the JEgean. They were joined by live 'ships firom Eretria in
Eubcea, which the Eretrians had sent to discharge a debt of gra-
titude for assistance which they had received from the Milesians
in their war with Chalcis. Upon reaching the coast of Asia,
Aristagoras planned an expedition into the interior. Disem-
barking at Ephesus, and being reinforced by a strong body of
lonians, he marched upon Sardis. Artaphernes was taken un-
prepared ; and not having sufficient troops to man the walls, he
retired into the citadel, leavmg the town a prey to the inva-
ders. Accordingly, they entered it unopposed ; and, while en-
gaged in pillage, one of the soldiers set fire to a house. As most
of the houses were built of wickerwork and thatched with
straw, the flames rapidly spread, and in a short time the whole
cit}^ was in flames. The inhabitants, driven out of their houses
by this accident, assembled m the large market-place in the city ;
and perceivmg their numbers to be superior to those of the
enemy, they resolved to attack them. Meantime reinforcements
came pouring in from all quarters ; and the lonians and Athe-

B.C. 500. THE lOXIC REVOLT. 167

nians, seeing that their position was becoming more danger-
ous every hpm% abandoned the city and began to retrace their
steps. But before they could reach the walls of Ephesus, they
were overtaken by the Persian forces and defeated with great
slaughter. The lonians dispersed to their several cities ; and
the Athenians hastened on board their ships and sailed home.

The burning of the capital of the ancient monarchy of Lydia
was attended with important consequences. When Darius heard
of it, he burst into a paroxysm of rage. It was against the ob-
scure strangers wdio had dared to invade his dominions and bum
one of his capitals, that his wrath was chiefly directed. " The
Athenians/' he exclaimed, " who are they?''' Upon being in-
formed, he took liis bow, shot an arrow high into the air, saying,
" G-rant me, Jove, to take vengeance upon the Athenians :" and
he charged one of his attendants to remind him thrice every day
at diim^er, '•' Sire, remember the Athenians." His first care, how-
ever, was to put do^ATi the revolt, which had now assumed a
more formidable aspect than ever. The insurrection spread to
the Greek cities in Cyprus as well as to those on the Hellespont
and the Propontis ; and the Carians waraily espoused the cause
of the lonians.

§ 7 . A few months after the burning of Sardis the revolt had
reached its height, and seemed to promise permanent independ-
ence to the Asiatic Greeks. But they were no match for the
whole po\^r of the Persian empire, which was soon brought
against them. A Phcenician fleet conveyed a large Persian force
to C)^rus, which was soon obliged to submit to its former
masters ; and the generals of Darius carried on operations with
vigour against the Carians, and the Greek cities in Asia. Aris-
tagoras now began to despair, and basely deserted his country-
men, whom he had led into peril. CoUecting a large body of
Milesians, he set sail for the Thracian coast, where he was slain
under the walls of a town to wliich he had laid siege.

Soon after his departure, his father-in-law, Histiseus, came
down to Ionia. Darius had at first been incHned to suppose
that Histiaeus had secretly instigated the lonians to revolt ; but
the artful Greek not only succeeded in removing suspicion from
himself, but persuaded Darius to send him into Ionia, m order
to assist the Persian generals in suppressing the rebelhon. But
Artaphemes was not so easily deceived as his master, and plainly
accused Histiseus of treachery when the latter arrived at Sardis.
" I wiU tell you how the facts stand," said Artaphernes to His-
tiseus ; "it was you who made this shoe, and Aristagoras has put
it on." Finding himself unsafe at Sardis, he escaped to the
island of Chios ; but he was regarded with suspicion by all

168 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chav. XVI.

parties. The Milesians refused to admit tlieu* former despot
into their town ; and the lonians in general would not receive
him as their leader. At length he obtained eight galleys from
Lesbos, with which he sailed towards Byzantium, and carried on
piracies as well against the Grecian as the barbarian vessels.
This unprincipled adventurer met with a traitor's death. Having
landed on the coast of Mysia to reap the standing corn round
Atarneus, he was surprized by a Persian force and made prisoner.
Being carried to Sardis, Artaphernes at once caused him to be
crucified, and sent his head to Darius, who ordered it to be ho-
nourably buried, condemnmg the ignomhiious execution of the
man who had once saved the life of the Great King.

§ 8. The death of Histiseus happened after the subjection of
the lonians ; and their fall now claims our attention. In the
sixth year of the revolt (b.c. 495), when several Grecian cities
had already been taken by the Persians, Artaphernes resolved to
besiege Miletus by sea and by land, since the captm'e of this city
was sure to be followed by the submission of all the others.
For this purpose he concentrated near Miletus all his land-forces,
and ordered the PhcBuician fleet to sail towards the city. While
he was making these preparations, the Pan-Ionic council assem-
bled to deliberate upon the best means of meeting the threaten-
ing danger. As they had not sufficient strength to meet the
Persian army in the field, it was resolved to leave Miletus to its
own defences on the land side, and to embark all their forces on
board their ships. The fleet was ordered to assemble at Lade,
then a small island near Miletus, but now joined to the coast
by the alluvial deposits of the Mseander. It consisted of 353
ships, while the Phoenician fleet numbered 600 sail. But not-
withstanding their numerical superiority, the Persian generals
were afraid to risk an engagement with the combined fleet of the
lonians, whose nautical skill was well known to them. They
therefore ordered the despots, who had been driven out of the
Grecian cities at the commencement of the revolt, and were now
servmg in the Persian fleet, to endeavour to persuade their coun-
trymen to desert the common cause. Each of them accordingly
made secret overtures to his fellow-citizens, promising them
pardon if they submitted, and threatening them with the severest
punishment in case of refusal. But these proposals were all una-
nimously rejected.

Meantime great want of discipHne prevailed in the Ionian
fleet. There was no general commander of the whole arma-
ment ; the men, though eager for Hberty, were impatient of re-
straint, and spent the gTcater part of the day in unprofitable
talk under the tents thev had erected on the shore. In a council

15. C. 495. ISUBJUGATION OF lOKlA. 169

of the commanders, Dionysius of Phocsea, a man of energy and
ability, pointed out the perils which they ran, and promised
them certain victory if they would place themselves under his
guidance. Being intrusted with the supreme command, Diony-
sius ordered the men on board the ships, and kept them con-
stantly engaged in practising all kinds of nautical manoeuvres.
For seven days in succession they endured this unwonted work
beneath the burning heat of a sununer's sun ; but on the eighth
they broke out into open mutiny, and asked, " why they should
any longer obey a Phocscan braggart, who had brought only three
ships to the common cause?" Leaving their ships, they again
dispersed over the island and sought the shade of their pleasant
tents. There was now less order and discipline than before.
The Samian leaders became alarmed at the prospect before
them ; and repenting that they had rejected the proposals made
to them by their exiled despot, they re-opened communications
with him, and agreed to desert during the battle.

The Persian commanders, confident of victory, no longer hesi-
tated to attack the Ionian fleet. The Greeks, not suspecting
treacher}^ drew up their ships in order of battle ; but just as the
two fleets were ready to engage, the Samian ships sailed away.
Their example was followed by the Lesbians, and as the panic
spread, by the greater part of the fleet. There was, however,
one brilliant exception. The hundred ships of the Chians, though
left almost alone, refused to fly, and fought with distinguished
bravery against the enemy, till they were overpowered by su-
perior numbers.

§ 9. The defeat of the Ionian fleet at Lade decided the fate
of the war. The city of Miletus was soon afterwards taken by
storm, and was treated with signal severity. Most of the males
were slain ; and the few who escaped the sword were carried
with the women and children into captivity, and were finally
settled at Ampe, a town near the mouth of the Tigris. The fall
of this great Ionic city excited the liveliest sympathy at Athens.
In the following year the poet Phrynichus, who had made the
capture of Miletus the subject of a tragedy, and brought it upon
the stage, was sentenced by the Athenians to pay a fine of a
thousand drachmae "for having recalled to them their own mis-
fortunes."

The other Greek cities in Asia and the neighbouring islands,
which had not yet fallen into the hands of the Persians, were
treated with equal severity. The islands of Chios, Lesbos and
Tenedos were swept of their inhabitants ; and the Persian fleet
sailed up to the Hellespont and Propontis, carrying with it
fije and sword. The inhabitants of Byzantium and Chalcedon.

I

170

HISTORY OF OREECK

CHAf. XYJ.

did not await its arrival, but sailed away to Mesembria ; and the
Athenian Miltiades only escaped falling into the power of the
Persians by a rapid flight to Athens,

The subjugation of Ionia was now complete. This was the
third time that the Asiatic Greeks had been conquered by a
foreign power ; first, by the Lydian Croesus ; secondly, by the
generals of Cyrus ; and lastly, by those of Darius. It was from the
last that they suffered most ; and they never fully recovered their
former prosperity. As soon as the Persians had satiated their
vengeance, Artaphemes introduced various regulations for the
government of their countr)^ Thus he caused a new survey of
the comitry to be made, and fixed the amount of tribute which
each district was to pay to the Persian government ; and his
other measures were calculated to heal the wounds which had
been lately inflicted vidth such barbarity upon the Greeks.

Ruins of an Ionic Temple in Lycia.

The Plain and Tumulus of Marathon.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE BATTLE OF MARATHON.

1. Expedition of Mardonius into Greece. § 2. Preparations of Darius
for a second invasion of Greece. Heralds sent to the leading Grecian
states to demand earth and water. § 3. Invasion of Greece by the
Persians under Datis and Artaphernes. Conquest of the Cyclades and
Eretria. § 4. Preparations at Athens to resist the Persians. History of
Miltiades. § 6. Debate among the ten Athenian Generals. Resolution
to give battle to the Persians. § 6. Battle of Marathon. § V. Move-
ments of the Persians after the battle. § 8. Effect of the battle of
Marathon upon the Athenians. § 9. Glory of Miltiades. § 10. His
unsuccessful expedition to Paros. § 11. His trial, condemnation, and
death. § 12. History of ^gina. § 13. War between Athens and
^gina. § 14. Athens becomes a maritime power. § 15, Rivalry of
Themistocles and Aristides. Ostracism of the latter.

^ 1. Darius had not forgotten his vow to take vengeance upon
Athens. Shortly after the suppression of the Ionic revolt, he
appointed Mardonius to succeed Artaphernes in the government
of the Persian provinces bordering upon the ^gean. Mardonius
was a Persian noble of high rank, who had lately married the
king's daughter, and was distinguished by a love of glory. Da-
rius placed at his command a large armament, with injunctions
to bring to Susa those Athenians and Eretrians who had in-
sulted the authority of the Great King. Mardonius lost no time
in crossing the Hellespont, and commenced his march through
Thrace and Macedonia, subduing, as he went along, the tribes

172 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVII.

which had not yet submitted to the Persian power. Meanwhile
he ordered the fleet to double the promontory of Mount Athos,
and join the land forces at the head of the Gulf of Therma. But
one of the hurricanes, which frequently blow off this dangerous
coast, overtook the Persian fleet, destroyed three hundred vessels,
and drowned or dashed upon the rocks twenty thousand men.
Mardonius himself was not much more fortunate. In his passage
through Macedonia, he was attacked at night by the Brygians,
an independent Thracian tribe, who slaughtered a great portion
of liis army. He remained in the country long enough to reduce
this people to submission ; but his forces were so weakened, that
he could not proceed farther. He led liis army back across the
Hellespont, and returned to the Persian court, covered with
shame and grief. Thus ended the first expedition of the Per-
sians agamst the Grecian states in Europe (e.g. 492).

§ 2. The failure of this expedition did not shake the resolution
of Darius. On the contrary, it only made him the more anxious
for the conquest of Greece ; and Hippias was constantly near
him to keep alive his resentment against Athens. He began
to make preparations for another attempt on a still larger scale,
and meantime sent heralds to most of the Grecian states to de-
mand from each earth and water as the symbol of submission.
This he probably did in order to ascertain the amount of resist-
ance he was likely to experience. Such terror had the Persians
inspired by their recent conquest of Ionia, that a large number
of the Grecian cities at once complied with the demand. But
at Athens and at Sparta the heralds met with a very difierent
reception. So indignant were the citizens of these states at the
insolent demand, that the Athenians cast the herald into a deep
pit, and the Spartans threw him into a well, bidding him take
earth and water from thence.

§ 3. Among the states which had yielded submission to the
envoy of Darius, was the island of iEgma, then the first maritime
power in Greece. It was, however, as much hatred of the Athe-
nians, as fear of the Persian monarch, which had led the ^gi-
netans, to take this step. They had been at war for some years
past with the Athenians, and were now ready to avail themselves
of the Persian power for the purpose of crushing their obnoxious
rival. The xA.thenians, on the other hand, sent ambassadors to
Sparta, accusing the ^ginetans of having betrayed the common
cause of Greece by giving earth and water to the barbarians,
and calling upon Sparta, as the leading state of Hellas, to punish
the offenders. This proceeding deserves particular notice. It
is the first time in Grecian histor}' that the Greeks are re-
presented as having a common political cause, and recognizing

B.C. 492. MARDONIUS INVADES GREECE. 173

the leadership of one state The imminent danger to which
they were exposed from the Persians brought about this union,
and led them to recognize the supremacy of Sparta, a position
which this state continued to enjoy from this time forth till the
end of the Persian war.

The complaints of the Athenians met with immediate atten- ^
tion at Sparta. Cleomenes, one of the Spartan kings, forthwith
crossed over to ^gina, and was proceeding to arrest and carry
away some of the leading citizens, when Demaratus, the other
king, privately encouraged the ^ginetans to defy the authority
of his colleague. Thus baffled in his object, Cleomenes returned
to Sparta, vowing vengeance against Demaratus. It appears
that there had always been some doubts respecting the legiti-
macy of the latter Of these suspicions Cleomenes now resolved
to avail himself, and instigated Leotychides, the next heir to the
crown, to attack publicly the legitimacy of Demaratus. The
question was referred to the Delphic oracle ; and through the
influence of Cleomenes, the priestess declared that his colleague
was illegitimate. Leotychides thus succeeded to the throne,
and Demaratus descended into a private station. Shortly after-
wards Demaratus received a gross affront from the new king at
a public festival , whereupon he quitted Sparta in wrath, and
crossed over to Darius, who received him graciously, and loaded
him with favors and presents.

Cleomenes now returned to ^gina, accompanied by Leoty-
chides. The iEginetans did not dare to oppose any resistance
to their joint demand, and surrendered to them ten of their
leading citizens, whom Cleomienes deposited as hostages in the
hands of the Athenians.

{ 3. Meanwhile Darius had completed his preparations for the
invasion of Greece. In the spring of b. c. 490, a vast army was
assembled in Cilicia, and a fleet of 600 galleys, together with
many transports for horses, was ready to receive them on board.
The command was given to Datis, a Median, and Artaphernes,
son of the satrap of Sardis of that nam,e, and a nephew of Da-
rius. Their instructions were generally to reduce to subjection
all the Greek cities, which had not already given earth and
water ; but more particularly to burn to the ground the cities of
Athens and Eretria, and to carry away the inhabitants as slaves.
They were furnished with fetters for binding the Grecian pri-
soners ; and before the end of the year Darius fully expected to
see at his feet the men who had dared to burn the city of Sardis.
The possibility of failure probably never occurred either to the
king himself, or to any of the soldiers engaged in the expedition.

Having taken their men on board, Datis and Artaphernes first

lU HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVII.

sailed to Samos ; and, warned by the recent disaster of Mardo-
nius in doubling the promontor}^ of Mount Atlios, they resolved
to sail straight across the ^gean to Euboea, subduing on their
way the Cyclades. They first resolved to attack Naxos, which
ten years before had gallantly repelled a large Persian force com-
manded by Megabates and Aristagoras of Miletus. But the
Naxians did not now even venture to wait the arrival of the
Persians, but fled to the mountains, abandoning their town to
the invaders, who burnt it to the ground. The other islands of
the Cyclades yielded a ready submission ; and it was not till
Datis reached Euboea that he encountered any resistance. Eretria
defended itself gallantly for six days, and repulsed the Persians
with loss ; but on the seventh the gates were opened to the be-
siegers by the treachery of two of its leading citizens. The city
was razed to the ground, and the inhabitants were put m chains,
according to the command of the Persian monarch.

Datis had thus easily accomplished one of the two great ob-
jects for which he had been sent into Greece, He now pro-
ceeded to execute his second order. After remaining a few
days at Eretria, he crossed over to Attica, and landed on the
ever memorable plain of Marathon, a spot which had been
pomted out to him by the despot Hippias, who accompanied the
Persian army.

§ 4. It is now time to turn to Athens, and see what prepara-
tions had there been made to meet the threatening danger.
While the Persian army was on its passage across the ^gean,
ten generals had been elected for the year, according to the
regular custom, one for each tribe. Among these generals were
three men, whose names have acquired immortal fame, — Mil-
tiades, Themistocles, and Aristides. Of the two latter we shall
have occasion to speak more fully presently ; but Miltiades
claims our immediate attention. Miltiades had been the despot
of the Chersonesus, whither he had been sent from Athens by
Hippias about the year 516 B.C., to take possession of the inhe-
ritance of his rmcle, who bore the same name. As ruler of the
Chersonesus, he had distinguished himself by his bravery and
decision of character. We have already seen that he accom-
panied Darius in his invasion of Scythia, and recommended the
Ionian despots to break down the bridge of boats across the
Danube and leave Darius to his fate. While the Persian gene-
rals were engaged in suppressing the Ionic revolt, he took pos-
session of Lemnos and Imbros, expelled the Persian garrisons and
Pelasgian inhabitants, and handed over these islands to the Athe-
nians. He had thus committed two great offences against the
Persian monarch ; and accordingly when the Phoenician fleet

B.a 490. SECOND PERSIAN INVASION. lYS

appeared iii the Hellespont after the extinction of the Ionic
revolt, he sought safety in flight, and hastily sailed away to
Athens with a small squadron of five ships. He was hotly pur-
sued by the Phoenicians, who were most eager to secure his
person as an acceptable offering to Darius. They succeeded in
taking one of his ships, commanded by his son Metiochus, but
Miltiades himself reached Athens in safety. Soon after his
arrival, he was brought to trial on account of his despotism in
the Chersonesus. Not only was he honourably acquitted at the
time, probably on account of the recent service he had rendered
to Athens by the conquest of Lemnos and Imbros, but such con-
fidence did his abilities mspire, that he was elected one of the
ten generals of the republic on the approach of the Persian fleet.

§ 5. As soon as the news of the fall of Eretria reached Athens,
the courier Phidippides was sent to Sparta to solicit assistance.
Such was his extraordinary speed of foot that he performed this
journey of 150 miles in 48 hours. The Spartans promised their
aid ; but their superstition rendered their promise ineffectual,
since it wanted a few days to the full moon, and it was contrary
to their religious customs to commence a march during this
interval. The reason given by the Spartans for their delay
does not appear to have been a pretext ; and this instance is
only one among many of that blind attachment to ancient forms
which characterize this people throughout the whole period of
their history. »

Meantime, the Athenians had marched to Marathon, and were
encamped upon the mountains which surrounded the plain.
Upon learning the answer which Phidippides brought from
Sparta, the ten generals were divided in opinion as to the best
course to be pursued. Five of them were opposed to an imme-
diate engagement with the overwhelming number of Persians,
and urged the importance of waiting for the arrival of the Lace-
daemonian succours. Miltiades and the remaining four contended,
on the other hand, that not a moment should be lost in fighting
the Persians, not only in order to avail themselves of the pre-
sent enthusiasm of the people, but still more to prevent treachery
from spreading among their ranks, and paralyzing all united
effort. The momentous decision, upon which the destinies of
Athens, and indeed of all Greece hung, depended upon the cast-
ing-vote of Calhmachus, the Polemarch ; for down to this time
the third Archon was a colleague of the ten generals.* To him
Miltiades now addressed himself with the utmost earnestness,
pointing out the danger of delay, and that only a speedy and
decisive victory could save them from the treacherous attempts
* See above, p. 91.

176

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XVIL

of the friends of Hippias within the city. The arguments of
Miltiades were warmly seconded by Themistocles and Aristides.
Callimachus felt their force, and gave his vote for the battle.
The ten generals commanded their army in rotation, each for
one day ; but they now agreed to surrender to Miltiades their
days of command, in order to invest the whole power in a single
person.

§ 6. While the Athenians were preparing for battle, they re-
ceived unexpected assistance from the little town of Platsea, in
BoBotia. Grateful to the Athenians for the assistance which they
had rendered them against the Thebans, the whole force of
Plateea, amounting to 1000 heavy-armed men, marched to the
assistance of their allies and joined them at Marathon. Their
arrival at this crisis of the fortunes of Athens made a deep and
abiding impression upon the Athenian people, and was recol-
lected with grateful feelings down to the latest times. The
Athenian army numbered only 10,000 hoplites, or heavy-armed
soldiers ; there were no archers or cavalry, and only some slaves
as light-armed attendants. Of the number of the Persian army
we have no trustworthy account, but the lowest estimate makes
it consist of 110,000 men.

The plain of Marathon lies on the eastern coast of Attica, at
the distance of twenty-two miles from Athens by the shortest
road. It is in the form of a crescent, the horns of which consist
of two promontories running into the sea, and forming a semi-
circular bay. This plain is about six miles in length, and in its
widest or central part about two in breadth. Near each of the
horns at the northern and southern extremities of the plain are
two marshes. The uninterrupted flatness of the plain is hardly
relieved by a single tree ; and on every side towards the land
there rises an amphitheatre of rugged limestone mountains, se-
parating it from the rest of Attica.

A. A Athenian army.

Battle of Marathon.
B B Persian army.

c c Persian fleet.

B.C. 490. BATTLE OF MAEATHOK 171

On the day of battle the Persian army was drawn up along
the plain about a mile from the sea, and their fleet was ranged
behind them on the beach. The native Persians and Sacians,
the best troops in the army, were stationed in the centre, which
was considered the post of honour. The^ Athenians occupied
the rising ground above the plain, and extended from one side
of the plain to the other. This arrangement was necessary in
order to protect their flanks by the mountains on each side,
and to prevent the cavalry from passing round to attack them
in rear. But so large a breadth of ground could not be occu-
pied with so small a number of men, without weakening some
portion of the line. Miltiades, therefore, drew up the troops
in the centre in shallow files, and resolved to rely for success
upon the stronger and deeper masses of his wings. The right
wing, which was the post of honour in a Grecian army, was
commanded by the Polemarch Callimachus ; the hophtes were
arranged in the order of their tribes, so that the members of the
same tribe fought by each other's side ; and at the extreme left
stood the Platseans.

Before the hostile armies join in conflict, let us try to realize
to our minds the feelings of the Athenian warriors on this event-
ful day. The superiority of the Greeks to the Persians in the
field of battle has become so famihar to our minds by the glo-
rious victories of the former, that it requires some efibrt of the
imagination to appreciate in its full extent the heroism of the
Athenians at Marathon. The Medes and Persians had hitherto
pm'sued an almost uninterrupted career of conquest. They had
rolled over country after country, each successive wave engulph-
ing some ancient dynasty, some powerful monarchy. The
Median, Lydian, Babylonian, and Egyptian empires had all
fallen before them ; and latterly the Asiatic Greeks, many of
whose cities were as populous and powerful as Athens itself,
had been taught by a bitter lesson the folly of resistance to
these invincible foes. Never yet had the Medes and Persians
met the Greeks m the field and been defeated. " For hitherto,"
says Herodotus, " the very name of Medes had struck terror into
the hearts of the Greeks ; and the Athenians were the first to
endure the sight of their armour, and to look them in the face
on the field of battle."

It must, therefore, have been with some trepidation that the
Athenians nerved themselves for the conflict. Miltiades, anx-
ious to come to close quarters as speedily as possible, ordered his
soldiers to advance at a running step over the mile of ground
which separated them from the foe. Raising the war-cry, they
rushed down upon the Persians, who awaited them with aston-

178 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XVII.

ishment and scorn, thinking them to he httle short of madmen
thus to hurry to certain destruction. They were quickly unde-
ceived : and the hattle soon raged fiercely along the whole hne.
Both the Athenians' wings were successful, and drove the ene-
my hefore them towards the shore and the marshes. But the
Athenian centre was hroken hy the Persians and Sacians, and
compelled to take to flight. Miltiades thereupon recalled his
wings from pursuit, and rallying his centre, charged the Persians
and Sacians. The latter could not "withstand this combmed at-
tack. The hattle had already lasted some hours, and the rays
of the settmg sun streamed full in the faces of the enemy. The
rout now became general along the whole Persian hne ; and they
fled to their ships, pursued by the Athenians.

"The flying Mede, his shaftless broken bow;
The fiery Greek, his red pursuing spear ;
MouBtains above, Earth's, Ocean's plain belo-w,
Death in the front, destruction in the rear !
Such Tvas the scene."

The Athenians tried to set fire to the Persian vessels on the
coast, but they succeeded in destroying only seven of them, for
the enemy here fought with the courage of despair. Thus ended
the battle of Marathon.

The Persians lost 6400 men in this memorable engagement:
of the Athenians only 192 fell. The aged despot Hippias is
said to have perished m the battle, and the brave Polemarch
Callimachus was also one of the slain. Among the Athenian
combatants were the poet ^schylus and his brother Cpiaegirus ;
the latter of whom, while seizing one of the vessels, had his
hand cut ofi'by an axe, and died of the wound.

^ 7. The Persians had no sooner embarked than they sailed
towards Cape Smiium. At the same tune a bright shield was
seen raised aloft upon one of the momitauis of Attica. Tliis
was a signal given by some of the partisans of Hippias to invite
the Persians to surprise Athens, wliile the army was still ab-
sent at Marathon. Miltiades, seeing the direction taken by the
Persian fleet, suspected the meaning of the signal, and lost no
time in marching back to Athens. He arrived at the harbour
of Phaleram only just in time. The Persian fleet was already
in sight ; a few hours more would have made the -victory of
Marathon of no avail. But when the Persians reached the
coast, and beheld before them the very soldiers from whom they
had so recently fled, they did not attempt to land, but sailed
away to Asia, carrjing with them their Eretrian prisoners.

§ 8. The departure of the Persians was hailed at Athens with
one unanimous burst of heart-felt joy. "Whatever traitors there

B.C. 490. RETREAT OF THE PERSIANS. ITO

may have been in the city, they did not dare to express their
feehngs amidst the general exultation of the citizens. Marathon
became a magic word at Athens. The Athenian people in suc-
ceeding ages always looked back upon this day as the most
glorious in their annals, and never tired of hearing its praises
sounded by their orators and poets. And they had reason to be
proud of it. It was the first time that the Greeks had ever de-
feated the Persians in the field. It was the exploit of the Athe-
nians alone. It had saved not only Athens but all Greece. If
the Persians had conquered at Marathon, Greece must, in all
hkelihood, have become a Persian province ; the destinies of the
world would have been changed ; and oriental despotism might
still have brooded over the fairest comitries of Europe.

Such a glorious victory had not been gained, so thought the
Athenians, without the special interposition of the gods. The
national heroes of Attica were beheved to have fought on the
side of the Athenians ; and even m the time of Pausanias, six
hundred years afterwards, the plain of Marathon was believed to
be haunted with spectral warriors, and every night there might
be heard the shouts of combatants and the snorting of horses.

The one hundred and ninety-two Athenians who had perished
in the battle, were buried on the field, and over their remains a
tumulus or mound was erected, which may still be seen about
half a mile from the sea. Their names were mscribed on ten
pillars, one for each tribe, also erected on the spot ; and the
poet Simonides described them as the champions of the common
independence of Greece : —

"At Marathon for Greece the Athenians fought;
And low the Medians' gilded power they brought."*

§ 9. Miltiades, the hero of Marathon, was received at Athens
with expressions of the warmest admiration and gratitude. His
trophies are said to have robbed Themistocles of his sleep ; and
the eminent services which he had rendered to his country were
also acknowledged in subsequent generations. A separate mon-
ument was erected to him on the field of Marathon ; his figure
occupied one of the prominent places in the picture of the
battle of Marathon, which adorned the walls of the Poecile, or
Painted Porch, of Athens ; and the poet gave expression to the
general feelings in the fines : —

" Miltiades, thy victories
Must every Persian own ;
And hallo w'd by thy prowess lies
The field of Marathon."f

* Translated by SterUng. •(• "Welueslet's Anthologia, p. 263.

180 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XVIL

It would have been fortunate for his glory if he had died on
the field of Marathon. The remainder of his history is a rapid
and melancholy descent from the pinnacle of glory to an igno-
minious death.

§ 10. Shortly after the battle, Miltiades requested of the Athe-
nians a fleet of seventy ships, without telling them the object
of his expedition, but only promising to enrich the state. Such
unbounded confidence did the Athenians repose in the hero of
Marathon, that they at once complied with his demand. This
confidence Miltiades abused. In order to gratify a private ani-
mosity against one of the leading citizens of Paros, he sailed to
this island, and laid siege to the town. Paros was one of the
most flourishing of the Cyclades, and the town was strongly
fortified. The citizens repelled all his attacks ; and he had be-
gun to despair of taking the place, when he received a message
from a Parian woman, a priestess of the temple of Demeter
(Ceres), promising that she would put Paros in his power, if
he would visit by night a temple from which all male persons
were excluded. Catching at this last hope, he repaired to the
appointed place. He leaped over the outer fence, and had nearly
reached the sanctuary, when he was seized with a panic terror,
and ran away ; but in getting back over the fence he received a
dangerous injury on his thigh. He now abandoned all hope of
success, raised the siege and returned to Athens.

Ml. Loud was the indignation against Miltiades on his re-
turn. He was accused by Xanthippus, the father of Pericles,
of having deceived the people, and was brought to trial. His
wound had already begun to show symptoms of gangrene. He
was carried into court on a couch, and there lay before the
assembled judges, while his friends pleaded on his behalf. They
could offer no excuse for his recent conduct, but they reminded
the Athenians of the inestimable services they had received
from the accused, and urged them in the strongest terms to
spare the victor of Marathon. The judges were not insensible
to this appeal ; and instead of condemning him to death, as the
accuser had demanded, they commuted the penalty to a fine of
fifty talents, probably the cost of the armament. He was un-
able immediately to raise this sum, and died soon afterwards of
his wound. The fine was subsequently paid by his son Cimon.
Later writers relate that Miltiades died in prison ; but Herodo-
tus does not raiention his imprisonment, and we may therefore
hope that the hero of Marathon was spared this further in-
dignity.

The melancholy end of Miltiades must not blind us to his
offence, and ought not to lead us to charge the Athenian people

B.C. 489. WAR BETWEEN ATHENS AND ^GINA. 181

with ingratitude and fickleness. The Athenians did not forget
his services at Marathon, and it was their gratitude towards him
which alone saved him from death. He had grossly abused the
public confidence, and deserved his pmiishment. A state which
should give impmiity to a criminal on account of previous ser-
vices would soon cease to exist.

§ 12. Soon after the battle of Marathon, a war broke out be-
tween Athens and ^gina, wliich continued dow^i to the invasion
of G-reece by Xerxes. Tliis war is of great importance in
Grecian history, since to it the Athenians were indebted for
their nav}^, which enabled them to save Greece at Salamis as
they had aheady done at Marathon.

The rocky island of ^gma is situated in the Saronic gulf
about twelve miles from the coast of Attica, and contains only
about 41 square Enghsh miles. But, notwithstanding its small
extent, it is one of the most celebrated of the Grecian islands.
In the mythical ages it was the residence of ^Eacus, king of the
Myrmidons, from whom Acliilles and some of the most illus-
trious Grecian heroes were descended. In historical times it
was inhabited by a wealthy and enterprizing Dorian people, who
carried on an extensive commerce with all parts of the Hellenic
world. It is said that silver money was first coined m ^gina,
by Phidon, tyrant of Argos ; ^ and we know that the name of
.ZEginetan was given to one of the two scales of weights and
measures current throughout Greece. The wealth, which its
citizens acquired by commerce, was partly devoted to the en-
couragement of art, which was cultivated in this island with
great success during the half century preceding the Persian war.
Indeed, during this period ^gma held a prominent rank among
the Grecian states, and possessed the most powerful nsivj in all
Greece.

§ 13. There had been an ancient feud between Athens and
^gina, which first broke out into open hostihties a few years
after the expulsion of Hippias from Athens. About the year
506 B.C. the Thebans, who had been defeated by the Athenians,!
applied for aid to JEgina. This was immediately granted ; and
the iEginetans immediately attacked the Athenian territory,
\^dthout making any formal declaration of war. Of the details
of this contest, we have no information ; and we lose sight of
-(Egina for the next few years.

In the year before the battle of Marathon ^Egina is mentioned
among the Grecian states which gave earth and water to the
envoys of Darius. It was, probably, as much hatred of the

* Respecting this statement, see p. 69,
f Seep. 112.

182 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVII.

Athenians as fear of the Persians, which led the JEginetans to
submit to Darius, hoping to crush their obnoxious rivals with
the help of the Great King. The Persians, however, were not
yet in Greece ; and the Athenians lost no time in sending an em-
bassy to Sparta, accusing the -Slginetans of having betrayed the
common cause of Hellas, and calling upon the Spartans, as the
protectors of Grecian liberty, to pmiish the offenders. This re-
quest met with prompt attention ; and Cleomenes, one of the
Spartan kings, forthwith crossed over to ^gina. He was pro-
ceeding to arrest and carry away some of the leading citizens,
when Demaratus, the other Spartan king, privately encouraged
the ^ginetans to defy the authority of his colleague. This
was the second important occasion on which Demaratus had
thwarted the plans of his colleague ; and Cleomenes returned to
Sparta, firmly resolved that Demaratus should not have a third
opportunity.

It appears that there had always been doubts respecting the
legitimacy of Demaratus. Cleomenes now persuaded Leoty-
chides, the next heir to the crovm, to lay claim to the royal
dignity, on the ground that Demaratus was disqualified by his
birth. The Spartans referred the question to the Delphic oracle ;
and at the secret instigation of Cleomenes, the priestess de-
clared that his colleague was illegitimate. Leotychides thus
ascended the throne, and Demaratus descended into a private
station. Shortly afterwards, the deposed monarch received a
gross affront from the new king at a public festival, whereupon
he quitted Sparta in WTath, and repaired to the Persian court,
where we shall subsequently find him among the coimsellors of
Darius.

Cleomenes now returned to ^gina, accompanied by Leoty-
chides. The ^ginetans did not dare to resist the joint demand
of the two Spartan kings, and surrendered to them ten of their
leading citizens, whom Cleomenes deposited as hostages in the
hands of the Athenians.

H4. After the battle of Marathon, the ^ginetans endeavoured
to recover these hostages ; and the refusal of the Athenians to
give them back led to a renewal of the war, which M'as pro-
secuted -with, great activity on both sides. It was now that
Themistocles came forward with his celebrated proposition,
which converted Athens into a maritime power. Hitherto the
Athenians had not possessed a navy ; and Themistocles clearly
saw that without a powerful fleet it would be impossible for his
countrymen to humble their rival. But his views extended stiU
further. He well knew that Persia was preparing for another
and still more formidable attack upon Greece ; and he had the

B.C. 485. THEMISTOCLES AND ARISTIDES. 183

sagacity to perceive that a large and efficient fleet would be the
best protection against the barbarians. Influenced by these two
motives, and also impressed with the conviction that the very
position of Athens fitted it to be a maritime and not a land
power, he urged the Athenians at once to build and equip a
numerous and powerful fleet. The Athenians were both able
and willing to follow his advice. There was at this time a large
surplus in the public treasury, arising from the produce of the
valuable silver mines at Laurium. These mines, which belonged
to the state, were situated in the southern part of Attica, near
Cape Sunium, in the midst of a mountainous district. It had
been recently proposed to distribute this surplus among the
Athenian citizens ; but Themistocles persuaded them to sacrifice
their private advantage to the public good, and to appropriate
this money to building a fleet of 200 ships. The immediate
want of a fleet to cope with the ^Eginetans probably weighed
with the Athenian people more powerfully than the prospective
danger from the Persians. " And thus," as Herodotus says, " the
^Eginetan war saved G-reece by compelling the Athenians to
make themselves a maritime power." Not only were these two
hundred ships built, but Themistocles also succeeded about the
same time in persuading the Athenians to pass a decree that
twenty new ships should be built every year.

§ 15. Of the internal history of Athens during the ten years
between the battles of Marathon and Salamis we have little
information. We only know that the two leading citizens of
this period were Themistocles and Aristides. These two emi-
nent men formed a striking contrast to each other. Themis-
tocles possessed abilities of the most extraordinary kind. In
intuitive sagacity, in ready invention, and in prompt and daring
execution, he surpasses almost every statesman whether of an-
cient or of modern times. With unerring foresight he divined
the plans of his enemies ; in the midst of difficulties and per-
plexities, not only was he never at a loss for an expedient, but
he always adopted the right one ; and he carried out his schemes
with an energy and a promptness which astonished both friends
and foes. But these transcendant abilities were marred by a
want of honesty. In the exercise of power he was accessible to
bribes, and he did not hesitate to employ dishonest means for
the aggrandizement both of Athens and of himself. He closed
a glorious career in disgrace and infamy, an exile and a traitor.

Aristides was inferior to Themistocles in ability, but was in-
comparably superior, not only to him but to all his contempo-
raries, in honesty and integrity. In the administration of pubUc
affairs he acted with a single eye to the public good, regardless

184 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVII.

of party ties and of personal friendships. His uprightness and
justice were so universally acknowledged, that he received the sur-
name of the Just. But these very virtues procured him enemies,
Not only did he incur the hatred of those whose currupt prac-
tices he denounced and exposed, but many of his fellow-citizens be-
came jealous of a man whose superiority was constantly proclaim-
ed. We are told that an unlettered countryman gave his vote
against Aristides at the ostracism, simply on the ground that he
was tired of hearing him always called the Just.

Between men of such opposite characters as Themistocles and
Aristides, there could not be much agreement. In the manage-
ment of public affairs they frequently came into collision ; and
they opposed each other with such violence and animosity, that
Aristides is reported to have said, " If the Athenians were wise,
they would cast both of us into the barathrum." After three or
four years of bitter rivalry, the two chiefs appealed to the ostra-
cism, and Aristides was banished.

Aristides had used all his efforts to prevent the Athenians
from abandoning their ancient habits, and from converting their
state from a land into a maritime power. There can be no
doubt that he viewed such a change as a dangerous innovation,
and thought that the sailor would not make so good an Athenian
citizen as the heavy-armed soldier. It was fortunate, however,
for the liberties of Grreece, that the arguments of his rival pre-
vailed. Aristides was a far more virtuous citizen than Themis-
tocles ; but their country could now dispense with the former
much better than with the latter.

Bust of Miltiades.

View of Thermopylae.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE BATTLES OF THEMOPYL^ AND ARTEMISIUM.

§ 1. Death of Darius and accession of Xerxes. § 2. Preparations for the
invasion of Greece. § 3. Abridge thrown across the Hellespont, and a
canal cut through the Isthmus of Mount Athos. § 4. Xerxes sets out
from Sardis. Order of the march. § 5. Passage of the Hellespont. § 6.
ITumbering of the army on the plain of Doriscus. § 7. Continuation of
the march from Doriseus to Mount Olympus. § 8. Preparations of the
Greeks to resist Xerxes, Congress of the Grecian states at the Isthmus
of Corinth. § 9. Patriotism of the Athenians. Kesolution of the Greeks
to defend the pass of Tempe, which is afterwards abandoned. § 10. De-
scription of the pass of Thermopylae. § 11. Leonidas sent with 300
Spartans and a small body of Peloponnesians to defend the pass of
Thermopylae. § 1 2. Attack and repulse of the Persians at Thermopylae.
§ 13. A Persian detachment cross the mountains by a secret path in
order to fall upon the Greeks in the rear. § 14. Heroic death of Leoni
das and his comrades. § 15. Monuments erected to their honour. § 16.
Proceedings of the Persian and Grecian fleets. § lY. The Persian
fleet overtaken by a terrible storm. § 18. First battle of Artemisium.
§ 19. Second storm. § 20. Second battle of Artemisium. Retreat
of the Grecian fleet to Salamis.

§ 1. The defeat of the Persians at Marathon served only to in-
crease the resentment of Darius. He now resolved to collect
the vv^hole forces of his empire, and to lead them in person

186 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVIII.

against Athens. For three years, busy preparations were made
throughout his vast dominions. In the fourth year his atten-
tion was distracted by a revolt of the Egyptians, who had always
borne the Persian yoke with impatience ; and before he could
reduce them to subjection he was surprized by death, after a
reign of thirty-seven years (b.c. 485).

The death of Darius was a fortunate event for Greece. It
deprived the Persians of an able ruler, who possessed an ex-
tensive knowledge of men and of affairs, and it gave the Athe-
nians time to form the navy, which proved the salvation of
Greece. Xerxes, the son and successor of Darius, was a man of
little ability and less experience. Being the favourite son of
Atossa, the daughter of the great Cyrus, he had received the
education of an eastern despot, and been surrounded with slaves
from his cradle. In person he was the tallest and handsomest
man amidst the vast hosts which he led against Greece ; but
there was nothing in his mind to correspond to this fair exterior.
His character was marked by faint-hearted timidity and childish
vanity. Such was the monarch upon whom now devolved the
execution of the schemes of Darius.

Xerxes had not inherited his father's animosity against Greece,
and at first appeared ready to abandon the enterprize. But he
was surrounded by men who urged him to prosecute his father's
plans. Foremost among these was Mardonius, who was eager
to retrieve his reputation, and to obtain the conquered country
as a satrapy for himself The powerful family of the Thessalian
Aleuadse and the exiled Pisistratids from Athens warmly se-
conded the views of Mardonius, exaggerating the fertility and
beauty of Greece, and promising the monarch an easy and a glo-
rious victory. They also inflamed his ambition with the prospect
of emulating the military glory of his father Darius, and of his
grandfather Cyrus, and of extending his dominions to the farthest
limits of the world. The only one of his counsellors, who urged
him to adopt a contrary course, was his uncle Artabanus ; but
his advice was rejected, and Xerxes finally determined upon the
invasion of Greece.

§ 2. The subjugation of the Egyptians, however, claimed his
immediate attention. This was efiected without much difficulty
in the second year of his reign (b.c. 484) ; and he was now at
liberty to march against Greece. Darius had nearly completed
his preparations for the invasion of Greece at the time of his
death ; and the forces which he had collected were considered b)
this prudent monarch sufficient for the purpose. The new king
was anxious to make a still more imposing display of his power.
He was not satisfied with collecting a military power sufficient for

B.C. 485. ACCESSION OF XERXES. 187

the conquest of Europe ; he also resolved to gratify his vanity
and love of ostentation, hy gathering together the most numerous
armament which the world had ever seen. Accordingly, for four
years more the din of preparation sounded throughout Asia.
Troops were collected from every quarter of the Persian empire,
and were ordered to assemble at Critalla, in Cappadocia. As
many as forty-six different nations composed the land-force, of
various complexions, languages, dresses, and arms. Among them
might be seen many strange and barbarous tribes, — nomad hordes
of Asiatics, armed with a dagger and a lasso, with which they
entangled their enemy, — Libyans, whose only arms were wooden
staves, with the end hardened in the fire, — and Ethiopians, from
the Upper Nile, with their bodies painted half white and half
red, clothed with the skins of lions and panthers, and armed
with arrows tipped with a point of sharp stone instead of iron.
The fleet was furnished by the Phoenicians and lonians, and
other maritime nations subject to the Persian monarch. Im-
mense stores of provisions were at the same time collected from
every part of the empire, and deposited at suitable stations along
the line of march as far as the confines of Greece.

§ 3. "While these vast preparations were going on, two great
works were also undertaken, which would at the same time both
render the expedition easier, and bear vdtness to the grandeur and
might of the Persian king. These were the construction of a bridge
across the Hellespont, and the cutting of a canal through the
isthmus of Mount Athos. The first of these works was entrusted
to Phoenician and Egyptian engineers. The bridge extended from
the neighbourhood of Abydos, on the Asiatic coast, to a spot
between Sestus and Madytus on the European side, where the
strait is about an English mile in breadth. After it had been
completed, it was destroyed by a violent storm, at which Xerxes
was so enraged, that he not only caused the heads of the chief
engineers to be struck off, but in his daring impiety commanded
the " divine" Hellespont to be scourged, and a set of fetters
cast into it. Thus having given vent to his resentment, he
ordered two bridges to be built in place of the former, one for
the army to pass over, and the other for the baggage and beasts
of burthen. The new work consisted of two broad causeways
alongside of one another, each resting upon a row of ships,
which were moored by anchors, and by cables fastened to the
sides of the channel.

The voyage round the rocky promontory of Mount Athos had
become an object of dread to the Persians, from the terrible
shipwreck which the fleet of Mardonius had suffered on this dan-
gerous coast. It was to avoid the necessity of doubling this

188 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVIII.

cape that Xerxes ordered a canal to be cut through the isthmus
which connects the peninsula of Mount Athos with the mainland.
This work employed a number of men for three years. It was
about a mile and a half long, and sufficiently broad and deep for
two triremes to sail abreast. The traces of this canal, which are
still distinctly visible, sufficiently disprove the assertion of many
writers, both ancient and modern, that the cutting through of
Mount Athos is a mere fiction.^

^ 4. At the end of the year 481 B.C., all the preparations were
completed for the invasion of Greece. Xerxes spent the winter
at Sardis ; and early in the spring of the fo]loA\dng year (480) he
set out from the Lydian capital in all the pomp and splendour of
a royal progress. The vast host was divided into two bodies of
nearly equal size, between which ample space was left for the
Great King and his Persian guards. The baggage led the way, and
was followed by one half of the army, without any distinction of
nations. Then after an intei'val came the retinue of the King.
First of all marched a thousand Persian horsemen, followed by an
equal number of Persian spearmen, the latter carrying spears with
the pomts downwards, and ornamented at the other end with
golden pomegranates. Behind them walked ten sacred horses,
gorgeously caparisoned, bred on the Xissean plain of Media;
next the sacred car of Jove, drawn by eight white horses ; and
then Xerxes himself in a chariot, drawn by Nissean horses. He
was followed by a thousand spearmen and a thousand horsemen,
corresponding to the two detachments which immediately pre-
ceded him. They were succeeded by ten thousand Persian in-
fantry, call the " Immortals," because their number was always
maintained. Nine thousand of them had their spears orna-
mented with pomegranates of silver at the reverse extremity ;
while the remaining thousand, who occupied the outer ranks,
carried spears similarly adorned with pomegranates of gold.
After the "Immortals" came ten thousand Persian cavalry, who
formed the rear of the royal retinue. Then, after an mterval of
two furlongs the other half of the army followed.

§ 5. In this order the multitudinous host marched from Sardis
to Abydos, on the Hellespont. Here a marble throne was erected
for the monarch upon an eminence, from which he surveyed all
the earth covered wdth his troops, and all the sea crowded with
his vessels. His heart swelled within him at the sight of such a

* Juvenal speaks of it as a specimen of Greek mendacity : —

" creditur olim
Yelificatus Athos, et qiiidquid Grsecia mendax
Audet in historia."

B.C. 480. MARCH OF XEKXES. 189

vast assemblage of human beings ; but his feelings of pride and
pleasure soon gave way to sadness, and he burst into tears at the
reflection, that in a hundred years not one of them would be alive.
At the first rays of the rising sun the army commenced the
passage of the Hellespont. The bridges were perfumed with
frankincense and strewed with myrtle, while Xerxes himself
poured libations into the sea from a golden censer, and turning
his face towards the east, offered prayers to the Sun, that he
might carry his victorious arms to the farthest extremities of
Europe. Then throwing the censer into the sea, together with
a golden bowl and a Persian scimitar, he ordered the Immortals
to lead the way. The army crossed by one bridge, and the
baggage by the other ; but so vast were their numbers that they
were seven days and seven nights in passing over, without a mo-
ment of intermission. The speed of the troops was quickened
by the lash, which was constantly employed by the Persians to
urge on the troops in the battle as well as during the march.*

§ 6. Upon reaching Europe, Xerxes continued his march along
the coast of Thrace. Upon arriving at the spacious plain of
Doriscus, which is traversed by the river Hebrus, he resolved to
number both his land and naval forces. The mode employed for
numbering the foot-soldiers was remarkable. Ten thousand
men were first numbered, and packed together as closely as they
could stand ; a line was drawn, and a wall built round the place
they had occupied, into which all the soldiers entered succes-
sively, till the whole army was thus measured. There were
found to be a hundred and seventy of these divisions, thus
making a total of 1,700,000 foot. Besides these, there were
80,000 horse, and many war-chariots and camels, with about
20,000 men. The fleet consisted of 1207 triremes, and 3000
smaller vessels. Each trireme was manned by 200 rowers and
30 fighting men ; and each of the accompanying vessels carried
8 men, according to the calculation of Herodotus. Thus the
naval force amounted to 517,610. The whole armament, both
military and naval, which passed over from Asia to Doriscus,
would accordingly consist of 2, 317, 610 men. Nor is this all. In
his march from Doriscus to Thermopylae, Xerxes received a still
further accession of strength. The Thracian tribes, the Macedo-
nians, and the other nations in Europe whose territories he tra-
versed, supplied 300,000 men, and 120 triremes containing an
aggregate of 24, 000 men. Thus when he reached Thermopylae
the land and sea forces amounted to 2,641,610 fighting men.

* "Whips made of the hide of the hippopotamus were used by Ibrahim
Pasha to flog the Arabs into battle during the Egyptian invasion of
Greece in 1827.

190 HISTORY OF GHEECR Chap. XVIII.

This does not include the attendants, the slaves, the crews of
the provision ships, &c., which, according to the supposition of
Herodotus, were more in number than the fighting men ; but
supposmg them to have been equal, the total number of male
persons who accompanied Xerxes to Thermopylae, reaches the
astounding figure of 5,283,220 I

Such are the vast numbers given by Herodotus ; but they
seem so incredible, that many writers have been led to impeach
the veracity of the historian. But it camiot be doubted that
Herodotus had received his account from persons who were pre-
sent at Doriscus, and that he has faithfully recorded the numbers
that had been related to him. It is probable, however, that
these numbers were at first grossly exaggerated in order to
please Xerxes himself, and were still further magnified by the
Greeks to exalt their own heroism in overcoming such an enor-
mous host. The exact number of the invading army cannot be
determined ; but we may safely conclude from all the circum-
stances of the case, that it was the largest ever assembled at any
period of history.

§ 7. From Doriscus Xerxes continued his march along the
coast through Thrace and Macedonia. The principal cities
through which he passed had to furnish a day's meal for the
immense host, and for this purpose had made preparations many
months beforehand. The cost of feedmg such a multitude
brought many cities to the brink of ruin. The island of Thasos
alone, which had to undertake this onerous duty on account of
its possessions on the mainland, expended no less a sum than 400
talents, or nearly 100,000/. in our money ; and a witty citizen of
Abdera recommended his countrymen to return thanks to the
gods, because Xerxes was satisfied with one meal in the day. At
Acanthus, Xerxes was gratified by the sight of the wonderful
canal, which had been executed by his order. Here he parted
for the first time from his fleet, which was directed to double
the peninsulas of Sithonia and Pallene, and wait his arrival at
the city of Therma, wliich is better kno\Nai by its later name of
Thessalonica. In his march through the wild and woody country
between Acanthus and Therma, his baggage-camels were attacked
by lions, which then existed in this part of Emope.* At Therma
he rejoined his fleet, and continued his march along the coast
till he reached Mount Olympus, separating Macedonia from the
country properly called Hellas. The part of Europe through
which he had hitherto marched, had been already conquered by
Megabazus and Mardonius, and yielded implicit obedience to the

* The figure of a lion seizing a bull is found on the reverse of the
coins of Acanthus. See p. 3.

B.C. 480. PREPARATIONS OF THE GREEKS. 191

Persian monarch. He was now for the first time about to leave
his own dominions and tread upon the Hellenic soil.

§ 8. The mighty preparations of Xerxes had been no secret in
Greece ; and while he was passing the winter at Sardis, a congress
of the Grecian states was summoned to meet at the isthmus of
Corinth. This congress had been convened by the Spartans and
Athenians, who now made a vigorous effort to unite the mem-
bers of the Hellenic race in one great league for the defence of
their hearths and their homes. But in this attempt they failed.
The salvation of Greece appeared to depend upon its unanimity,
and this unanimity could not be obtained. Such was the terror
inspired by the countless hosts of Xerxes, and so absurd did it
seem to offer resistance to his superhuman power, that many of
the Grecian states at once tendered their submission to him,
when he sent to demand earth and water, and others at a greater
distance refused to take any part in the congress.

Taking a glance at the Hellenic world, we shall be astonished
to see how small a portion of the Greeks had the courage to
resist the Persian despot. The only people, north of the isthmus
of Corinth, who remained faithful to the cause of Grecian liberty,
were the Athenians and Phocians, and the inhabitants of the
small Boeotian towns of Plataea and Thespiee. The other people
in northern Greece were either partizans of the Persians, like the
Thebans, or were unwilling to make any great sacrifices for the
preservation of their independence.

In Peloponnesus, the powerful city of Argos stood sullenly
aloof The Argives had never forgotten that they were once the
ruling people in Peloponnesus. They had made many attempts
to resist the growing power and influence of Sparta ; but about
five years before the battle of Marathon (b.c. 495), they had been
efiectually humbled by the great victory which the Spartan
king Cleomenes had gained over them, and in which as many
as six thousand of their citizens perished. They therefore con-
templated the invasion of Xerxes with indifference, if not with
pleasure, and were more willing to submit to the sovereignty of
the Persian monarch than to the supremacy of their hated rivals.
The Achaeans likewise took no part in the contest, probably from
hatred to the Dorians, who had driven their ancestors from their
homes.

From the more distant members of the Hellenic race no assist-
ance was obtained. Envoys had been sent by the congress at
Corinth to Crete, Corcyra, and Syracuse. The Cretans excused
themselves under pretence of an oracle. The Corcyrseans pro-
mised their aid, and despatched a fleet of sixty vessels, but with
Btrict orders not to double Cape Malea, till the result of the

192 HISTORY OF GKEECR Chap. XVIII.

contest should be known. Gelon, the ruler of Syracuse, offered
to send a powerful armament, provided the command of the
allied forces was entrusted to liim ; but the envoys did not ven-
ture to accept a proposal, which would have placed both Sparta
and Athens under the control of a Sicilian despot.

^ 9. The desertion of the cause of Grecian independence by so
many of the Greeks did not shake the resolution of Sparta and
of Athens. The Athenians, especially, set a noble example of
an enlarged patriotism. They became reconciled to the /Kgi-
netans, and thus gamed for the common cause the powerful navy
of their rival. They readily granted to the Spartans the supreme
command of the forces by sea as well as by land, although they
furnished tv.'o-thirds of the vessels of the entire fleet. Their
illustrious citizen Themistocles was the soul of the congress.
He sought to enkindle m the other Greeks some portion of the
ardour and energy, which he had succeeded in breathing into
the Athenians. The confederates bound themselves to resist
to the death ; and, in case of success, to consecrate to the
Delphian god a tenth of the property of every Grecian state
which had surrendered to the Persians without being compelled
by irresistible necessity.

The congress had now to fix upon the spot where they should
offer resistance to the Persians. The Thessahans, who dreaded
the return of the Aleuadse to their cities, urged the congress to
send a body of men to guard the pass of Tempe, which forms
the entrance to northern Greece. They promised to take an
active part in the defence ; adding, that if the request was re-
fused, they should be obhged to make terms w4th the Persians.
Accordingly a body of 10,000 men was sent into Thessaly under
the command of the Spartan Eusenetus and the Athenian The-
mistocles. The pass of Tempe is a long and narrow defile in
Mount Olympus, through which the river Peneus forces its way
into the sea. On each side, steep and inaccessible mountains
rise to a great height, and in some parts approach so closely as
to leave scarcely sufficient space for a road. It is impossible for
an army to force its way through this pass, if defended by a re-
solute body of men ; but upon arriving at the spot the Grecian
commanders perceived that it would be easy for the Persians to
land troops in their rear ; and they learnt at the same time that
there was another passage across Mount Olympus, a little farther
to the west. For these reasons they considered it necessary to
abandon this position, and return to the isthmus of Corinth.
Their retreat was followed by the submission of the whole of
Thessaly to Xerxes.

HO. After Tempe, the next spot in Greece most convenient

B.C. 480.

BATTLE OF THERMOPYLJ^.

193

for defence against an invading army is the pass of Thermo-
pylae. This celebrated pass lies between the lofty and preci-
pitous mountains of (Eta, and an inaccessible morass forming
the edge of the Malian gulf It is about a mile in length. At
each of its extremities the mountams approach so near the
morass, as to leave barely room for the passage of a single car-
riage. These narrov/ entrances were called Pylse, or the Gates.
The northern, or, to speak more properly, the western Gate, was
close to the town of Anthela, where the Amphictyonic council
held its autumnal meetings ; while the southern, or the eastern
Gate, was near the Locrian town of Alpeni. The space between
the gg.tes was -wdder and m.ore open, and was distinguished by
its hot springs, from which the pass derived the name of Ther-
mopylae, or the " Hot-Gates." This pass was as defensible as
that of Tempe, and in one important respect possessed a decided
superiority over the latter. The island of Euboea is here sepa-
rated from the mainland by a narrow strait, which in one part is
only two miles and a half in breadth ; and accordingly it is easy,
by defending this part of the sea with a fleet, to prevent an
enemy from landing troops at the southern end of the pass.

Plan of Thermopylae.

§11. The Greeks, therefore, resolved to make a stand at Ther-
mopylse, and to defend at the same time both the pass and the
Euboean strait. The whole allied fleet, under the command of
the Spartan Eurybiades, sailed to the north of Eubcea, and took
up its station ofl' that portion of the northern coast of the
island, which faces Magnesia and the entrance to the Thessalian
gulf, and which was called Artemisium, from a neighbouring

K

194 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVIII.

temple of Artemis (Diana). It was, however, only a small land-
force that was sent to the defence of Thermopylse. When the
arrival of Xerxes at Therma became known, the Greeks were upon
the point of celebratmg the Olympic games, and the festival of
the Carnean Apollo, which was observed with great solemnity at
Sparta and in the other Doric states. The Peloponnesians could
not make up their minds to neglect these sacred games, even
when the dreaded enemy was almost at their doors. They there-
fore resolved to send forward only a small detachment, which
they thought would be sufficient to maintain the pass till the
festivals were over, when they would be able to march against
Xerxes with all their forces. The connnand of this body was
entrusted to the Spartan king Leonidas, the younger brother
and successor of Cleomenes. It consisted of 300 Spartans, with
their attendant Helots, and nearly 3000 hoplites from the other
Peloponnesian states. In their march through Boeotia they were
joined by 7000 Thespians, who were warmly attached to the
cause of Grecian independence, and also by 400 Thebans, whom
Leonidas compelled the Theban government to furnish much
against its will. On their arrival at Thermopylse, their forces
were still further augmented by 1000 Phocia,ns, and a body of
Opuntian Locrians, so that their numbers were not much short
of 7000 men.

It was now that Leonidas learnt for the first time, that there
was an unfrequented path over Mount CEta, by which a foe
might penetrate into southern Greece without marching through
Thermopylse. This path, commencing near Trachis, ascended
the northern side of the mountain called Anopsea, along the
torrent of the Asopus, crossed one of the ridges of Mount (Eta,
and descended on the southern side near the termination of the
pass at the Locrian tovv'n of Alpeni. Leonidas was informed of
the existence of this path by the Phocians ; and, at their own
desire, he posted them at the summit, to defend it against the
enemy. The Spartan king took up his station, wdth the re-
mainder of his troops, within the pass of Thermopyla3. He ren-
dered his position still stronger by rebuilding across the northern
entrance a wall, which had been erected in former days by the
Phocians, but which had been suffered to fall into ruins. Hav-
ing thus made all his arrangements, Leonidas calmly awaited
the approach of the Persian host. But the majority of the men
did not share the calmness of their general; and so great became
their alarm at the smallness of their numbers, when the multi-
tudinous forces of Xerxes began to draw near, that the Pelopon-
nesians were anxious to abandon their present position and
make the isthmus of Corinth their point of defence. It was only

B.C. 480. BATTLE OF THERMOPYL^. 196

the personal influence of Leonidas, seconded by the indignant
remonstrances of the Phocians and Locrians, which prevailed
■upon them to contmue faithful to their post. At the same time
he despatched messengers to the various cities, urging them to
send him immediately reinforcements.

§12. Meanvv^hile Xerxes had arrived within sight of Thermo-
pylae. He had heard that a handful of desperate men, com-
manded by a Spartan, had determined to dispute his passage,
but he refused to believe the news. He was still more asto-
nished when a horseman, whom he had sent to reconnoitre,
brought back word that he had seen several Spartans outside
the wall in front of the pass, some amusing themselves with
gymnastic exercises, and others combing their long hair. In
great pei-plexity, he sent for the Spartan king Demaratus, who
had accompanied him from Persia, and asked him the meaning
of such madness. Demaratus replied, that the Spartans M-ould
defend the pass to the death, and that it was their practice to
dress their heads with peculiar care when they were going to
hazard their lives. Xerxes still could not believe that they
were mad enough to resist his mighty host, and delayed his
attack for four days, expecting that they would disperse of their
own accord. Later writers related, that Xerxes sent to them to
deliver up their arms. Leonidas desired him "to come and take
them." One of the Spartans being told that "the Persian host
was so prodigious, that their arrows would conceal the zan :" —
" So much the better," (he replied,) " we shall then fight in the
shade."

At length, upon the fifth day, Xerxes ordered a chosen body
of Medes to advance against the presumptuous foes and bring
them into his presence. Remembering their former glory as the
masters of Asia, and anxious to avenge their defeat at Marathon,
the Medes fought with bravery ; but their superior numbers
were of no avail in such a narrow space, and they were kept at
bay by the long spears and steady ranks of the Greeks. After
the combat had lasted a long time with heavy loss to the Medes,
Xerxes ordered his ten thousand "Immortals" to advance. But
these were as unsuccessful as the former. Xerxes beheld the
repulse of his troops from a lofty throne which had been provided
for him, and was seen to leap thrice from his seat in an agony
of fear or rage.

§ 13. On the foUovidng day the attack was renewed, but with
no better success ; and Xerxes was beginning to despair of forcing
his way through the pass, when a Malian, of the name of Ephi-
altes, betrayed to the Persian king the secret of the path across
the mormtains. Overjoyed at this discovery, a strong detach-

196 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVlll.

merit of Persians was ordered to follow the traitor. They set
out at nightfall, and at daybreak had nearly reached the summit,
where the Phocians were stationed. In Greece the dawn of day
is distinguished by a peculiar stillness ; and the universal silence
was first broken by the trampling of so many men upon the
leaves, with which the sides of the mountains were strewed. The
Phocians flew to arms, and anxious for their own safety, became
unmindful of the important trust which had been committed to
them, abandoned the path, and took refuge on the highest part
of the ridge. The Persians, without turning aside to pursue
them, continued their march along the path, and began to de-
scend the southern side of the mountain.

Meantime Leonidas and his troops had received ample notice
of the impending danger. During the night deserters from the
enemy had brought him the news ; and their intelligence was
confirmed by his own scouts on the hills. In the council of
war, which was forthwith summoned by Leonidas, opinions were
divided ; the majority recommended that they should retire
from a position which could no longer be defended, and reserve
their lives for the future safety of Greece. But Leonidas refused
to retreat. As a Spartan he was bound by the laws to conquer
or to die in the post assigned to him ; and he was the more
ready to sacrifice his life, since an oracle had declared that either
Sparta itself or a Spartan king must perish by the Persian arms.
His threo hundred comrades were fully equal to the same heroism
which actuated their king ; and the seven hundred Thespians re-
solved to share the fate of this gallant band. He allowed the
rest of the allies to retire, with the exception of the four hun-
dred Boeotians, whom he retained as hostages.

§ 14. Xerxes delayed his attack till the middle of the day,
when it was expected that the detachment sent across the
mountain would arrive at the rear of the pass. But Leonidas
and his comrades, only anxious to sell their lives as dearly as
possible, did not wait behind the wall to receive the attack of
the Persians, but advanced into the open space in front of the
pass, and charged the enemy with desperate valour. Numbers
of the Persians were slain ; many were driven into the neigh-
bouring sea; and others again were trampled to death by the
vast hosts behind them. Notwithstanding the exhortations of
their officers, and the constant use of the lash, it was with diffi-
culty that the barbarians could be brought to face this handful
of heroes. As long as the Greeks could maintain their ranks
they repelled every attack ; but when their spears were broken,
and they had only their swords left, the enemy began to press
in between them. Leonidas was one of the first that fell, and

B.C. 480. BATTLE OF THERMOPYL^. 197

around his body the battle raged fiercer than ever. The Persians
made the greatest efforts to obtain possession of it ; but foui"
times they were driven back by the Greeks with great slaughter.
At length, thinned in numbers, and exhausted by fatigue and
wounds, this noble band retired within the pass, and seated
themselves on a hillock behind the wall. Meanwhile the de-
tachment which had been sent across the mountains, began to
enter the pass from the south. The Thebans seized the oppor-
tunity of begging quarter, proclaiming that they had been forced
to fight against their will. Their lives were spared ; and the
detachment marched on through the pass. The surviving heroes
were now surrounded on every side, overwhelmed with a shower
of missiles and killed to a man.

§15. On the hillock, where the Greeks made their last stand,
a marble lion was set up in honour of Leonidas. Two other
monuments were also erected near the spot. The inscription on
the first recorded "that four thousand Peloponnesians had here
fought with three hundred myriads (or three millions) of foes."
The second, which was destined for the Spartans alone, contained
the memorable words : —

" Go, tell the Spartans, thou that passest by,
That here obedient to their laws we lie."*

Both of these epigrams were probably written by the poet Si-
monides, who also celebrated the glory of the heroes of Ther-
mopylsB in a noble ode, of which the following fragment is still
extant : —

"Of those who at Thermopylae were slain,
Glorious the doom, and beautiful the lot ;
Their tomb an altar : men from tears refrain
To honour them, and praise, but mourn them not.
Such sepulchre nor drear decay,

ISTor all-destroying time shall waste ; this right have they.
Within their grave the home-bred glory
Of Greece was laid ; this witness gives
Leonidas the Spartan, in whose story
A wreath of famous virtue ever lives, "f

§ 16. "While Leonidas had been fighting at Thermopylae, the
Greek fleet had also been engaged with the Persians at Artemi-
sium. The Greek ships assembled off the northern coast of
Euboea were 271 in number, commanded, as has been mentioned
above, by the Spartan Eurybiades. The Athenian squadron
was led by Themistocles and the Corinthian by Adimantus ; but

* "£2 ^elv', ayyiX'kELv LaKedaiiiovioLg, ore ryde

Kecfzeda, rolg Ketvuv j5jj/LiaGt Treidofievoi.
f Translated by Sterling.

198 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XVUL

of the other conunande]^ we have no mention. Three vessels
W'ere sent ahead to watch the movements of the Persians.*" Off
the island of Sciathus they were captured by a squadron of ten
Persian vessels, which had in like manner been despatched by
the Persian admiral to obtain intelligence. As soon as the
Greeks at Artemisium heard of this disaster, and of the speedy
approach of the whole Persian fleet, they were seized with a
panic, such as had taken possession of the soldiers of Leonidas
upon the advance of the land force of the Persians. But Eury-
biades did not possess the same influence over his men as the
Spartan king ; and the whole fleet abandoned theh position, and
sailed up the chaimel between Euboea and the mainland to Chal-
cis, where the straits, being only fort}- yards across, might easily
be defended by a few siiips. This retreat was equivalent to an
abandonment of the whole scheme of defence, as it gave the Per-
sians full hbert}- to land troops in the rear of the defenders of
Thermopylae. But now a mightier power than that of man came
forward, and saved the Greeks in spite of themselves.

§ 17. The Persian admiral, ha^-ing learnt from the ten ships
sent on the look out that the coast v,-as clear, set sail ffom the
gulf of Therma, and arrived in one day at almost the southern
comer of Magnesia. Along the greater part of this coast the
high and precipitous rocks of Mount Pel ion hne the water's
edge ; but there is an open beach for a short distance between
the to^-n of Casthansea and the promontor}- of Sepias. Here
the Persian admiral determined to pass the night ; but o^^ing
to the vast number of his ships, only a small portion of them
could be dra'^Ti up on shore ; the remainder rode at anchor eight
lines deep. In this position they were overtaken on the follow-
ing moiTQng by a sudden hiuTicane, which blew upon the shore
with irresistible fury. The ships were torn from their anchor-
age, driven against one another, and dashed against the cliffs.
For three days and three nights the tempest raged without
intermission ; and when on the fomth day calm at length re-
turned, the shore was seen strewed for many miles vdih wrecks
and corpses. At least four hundred ships of war were destroyed,
together with a coimtless number of transports, stores, and
treasm-es. The remainder of the fleet doubled the southern pro-
monton' of Magnesia, and cast anchor at Aphetae at the en-
trance to the Pagassean gulf.

^18. The news of tiiis terrible disaster, which report had

magnified mto the entire desti-uction of the Persian fleet, revived

the spirits of the Greeks at Chalcis. They now sailed back with

the utmost speed to their former station at Artemisium, which

* See Appendix.

B.C. 480. BATTLE OF ARTEMISIUM. 199

is opposite Aphetae, at the distance of only a few miles. But
great was their surprise at seeing that the Persians still pos-
sessed such an overwhelming number of ships. The sight
again struck them with alanni ; and they were on the point of
returning to Chalcis, when the Euhoeans sent one of their citi-
zens to Themistocles, with an offer of thirty talents, on condition
that he should induce the Greek commanders to remain and
hazard a battle in defence of the island. There can be no doubt
that Themistocles had already urged his associates in command
to defend the Eubcean strait against the enemy, and he therefore
readily undertook the commission offered him by the Euboeans.
In all periods of their history the Greeks seldom had sufficient
principle to resist a bribe ; and Themistocles was now enabled
to accomplish by money what he had failed to do by argument.
By giving five talents to the Spartan Eurybiades, three to the
Corinthian Adimantus, and presents to the other conunanders,
he prevailed upon them to remain.

While the Greeks were thus brought with difficulty to face
the enemy, the Persian fleet was animated with a very different
spirit. They felt confident of victory, and their only fear was
lest the Greeks should escape them. In order to prevent this,
they sent a squadron of 200 ships, with instructions to sail round
Eubcea and cut off the retreat of the Greeks. Themistocles had
now succeeded in inspiring his comrades with sufficient courage
to sail forth and offer battle to the enemy. But being anxious
to acquire some experience of the nautical evolutions of the
enemy, before they ventured upon a decisive engagement, they
waited till it was nearly dusk. Their ships were drawn up in a
circle, with their sterns pointed inwards ; and they seemed to be
waiting the attack of the enemy, who began to close in upon them
on every side. But suddenly, at a given signal, they rowed out
in all directions, and attacked the enemy's ships, of which they
took or disabled no fewer than thirty. The Persians were not
prepared for such boldness, and were at first thrown into con-
fusion ; but they soon rallied, and began to inflict considerable
damage upon the Greeks, when night put an end to the contest,
and each fleet returned to its former station, — the Greeks to
Artemisium, and the Persians to Aphetse.

§ 19. This auspicious commencement raised the courage of
the Greeks, and gave them, greater confidence in their own
strength. They were still further encouraged by the events of
the following night. It seemed as if the gods had come to fight
on their side. For, although it was the middle of summer, at
which season rain rarely falls in Greece, another terrific storm
burst upon the Persians. All night long it blew upon the coast

200 HISTOEY OF GREECK Chap. XYIII.

at Aphetse, thus causing little inconvenience to the Greeks upon
the opposite shore. The main body of the Persian fleet sus-
tained considerable damage ; and the squadron which was sailing
round Euboea was completely destroyed. The greater part of
the eastern side of this island is an unbroken Hue of precipitous
Tocks, "v^ith scarcely a ravme in wliich even a boat can be hauled
up. The squadron was overtaken by the storm ofi^ one of the
most dangerous parts of the coast, called "the Hollows," and
was driven upon the rocks and broken to pieces.

The tidings of this second disaster to the Persian fleet reached
the Greeks on the followmg day ; and while they were congra-
tulating themselves upon the visible interposition of the gods in
their favor, they were animated to still greater confidence by the
arrival of fifty-three fresh Athenian ships. "VTith this reinforce-
ment they sailed out in the afternoon, and destroyed seme Cilician
ships at their moorings ; but the Persian fleet had suflered too
much from the storm in the preceding night to engage m battle.

§ 20. Indignant at these insults, and dreading the anger of
Xerxes, the Persians prepared to make a grand attack upon the
following day. Accordingly, about noon they sailed towards
Artemisium in the form of a crescent. The Greeks kept near
the shore, that they might not be surrounded, and to prevent
the Persians from bringing their whole fleet into action. The
battle raged furiously the whole day, and each side fought with
determmed valour. The Egj'ptians distmguished themselves
most among the Persians, and the Athenians among the Greeks.
Both parties suflered severely ; and though the Persians lost a
greater number of ships and men, yet so many of the Greek ves-
sels were disabled that they found it would be impossible to re-
new the combat.

Under these circumstances the Greek commanders saw that
it would be necessary to retreat ; and their determination was
hastened by the intelligence which they now received, that
Leonidas and his companions had fallen, and that Xerxes was
master of the pass of Thermopyl^. They forthwith sailed up
the Euboean channel, the Corinthians leading the van and the
Athenians brmging up the rear. At the various landing-places
along the coast Themistocles set up inscriptions, calling upon
the lonians not to fight against their fathers. He did this in
the hopes either of 'detaching some of the lonians from the
Persians, or at any rate of making them objects of suspicion to
Xerxes, and thus preventing the monarch from employing them
in any unportant service. Ha^-ing sailed through the Eubcean
strait, the fleet doubled the promontory of Sunium. and did not
stop till it reached the island of Salamis.

A Greek Warrior. From an Ancient Vase.

CHAPTER XIX.

THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS.

§ 1. Results of the battle of Thermopylae. § 2. Alarm and flight of the
Athenians. § 3. March of the Persians and attempt upon Delphi. § 4.
Taking of Athens and arrival of the Persian fleet. § 5. Dissensions and
debates of the Greeks. § 6. Stratagem of Themistocles. Arrival of
Aristides. § 7. Position of the hostile fleets. Preparations for the
combat. § 8. Battle of Salamis. § 9. Defeat and flight of Xerxes.
§ 10. Pursuit of the Greeks. § 11. Homeward march of Xerxes.
§ 12. The Greeks celebrate their victory. § 13. Carthaginian ex-
pedition to Sicily. Defeat and death of Hamilcar.

§ 1 . The apathy of the LacedsBmonians in neglecting to provide
a sufficient defence against the advancing host of Xerxes seems
altogether unaccountable ; nor is it easy to understand why the
Athenians themselves did not send a single troop to aid in de-
fending Thermopylae. The heroic and long sustained resistance
of the handful of men who perished in that pass, as well as the
previous battle of Marathon, clearly proves that a moderately
numerous force, together with ordinary military precautions,
would have sufficed to arrest the onward march of the Persians.
But the small body to which that duty was assigned was alto-
gether inadequate to the occasion. The forcing of the pass

202 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIX.

annihilated the chief defence of southern Greece. Many of the
Grecian states which before were wavering now declared for
the invader, and sent contmgents to his army ; whilst his fleet
was also strengthened by reinforcements firom Carystus, and the
Cyclades.

The Athenians were now threatened with inevitable destruc-
tion. The Peloponnesians had utterly neglected their promise
of assembling a force in Bceotia for the protection of Attica ;
and there was consequently nothing to prevent the Persians
from marching straight to Athens. The isolated position of the
Peloponnesians had probably influenced them in their selfish
policy ; at all events, on the news of the defeat at Thermopylge,
they abandoned Attica and the adjoining states to their fate,
whilst they strained every nerve to secure themselves by forti-
fying the isthmus of Corinth. It is true that in this selfish
proceeding they overlooked the fact that their large extent of
coast could not be thus secured from the descent of the Persian
fleet. But after all, the greatest as well as the most pressing
danger arose from the army of Xerxes. At sea, the Greeks and
the Barbarians were much more nearly matched ; and if the
multitudinous land-forces of the Persian monarch were once
arrested in their progress, and compelled to retreat, there was
perhaps little reason to dread that his fleet, composed mostly
of auxiliaries, would be able to make any permanent impression
on the Peloponnesus, or indeed to remam upon the coast of
Greece.

§ 2, The Athenians, relying upon the march of a Pelopon-
nesian army into Boeotia, had taken no measures for the se-
curity of their famihes and property, and beheld with terror
and dismay the barbarian host in full march towards their city.
Fortunately, the Grecian fleet, on retiring from Artemisium, had
stopped at Salamis on its way to Troezen, where it had been
ordered to re-assemble ; and, at the entreaties of the Athenians,
Eurybiades consented to remain for a time at Salamis, and
to assist the Athenian citizens in transporting their families
and effects. It was thus by accident, and not from any precon-
certed military plan, that Salamis became the station of the
Grecian fleet.

In six days, it was calculated Xerxes would be at Athens — a
short space to remove the population of a whole city ; but fear
and necessity work wonders. Before it had elapsed, all who
were willing to abandon their homes had been safely transported,
some to iEgina, the greater part to Troezen, where they met with
an hospitable reception ; but many could not be induced to
proceed farther than Salamis. It was necessary for Themistocles

B.C. 480. THE ATHENIANS ABANDON THEIR CITY. 208

to use all his art and all his eloquence on this occasion. Those
who were deaf to the voice of reason were assailed with the
terrors of superstition. On a first interrogation the oracle of
Delphi warned the Athenians to fly to the ends of the earth,
since nothing could save them from destruction. In a second
response the Delphian god was more obscure but less alarming.
" The divine Salamis would make women childless" — yet " when
all was lost, a wooden wall should still shelter the Athenians."
In the interpretation of Themistocles, by whom these words had
perhaps been suggested, they clearly indicated a fleet and a naval
victory as the only means of safety. As a further persuasion it
was declared that the Sacred Serpent, which haunted the temple
of Athena Polias, on the Acropolis, had deserted the sanctuary ;
and could the citizens hesitate to follow the example of their
guardian deity ?

In some, however, superstition, combined with love of their
ancient homes, worked in an opposite direction. The oracle
which declared the safety of the Athenians to lie in their wooden
walls might admit of another meaning ; and a few, especially
among the aged and the poor, resolved to shut themselves up in
the Acropolis, and to fortify its accessible or western front with
barricades of timber. Not only in them, but even in those who
had resolved to abandon Athens, the love of country grew
stronger in proportion as the danger of losing it became more
imminent. The present misery extinguished past dissensions.
Themistocles proposed a decree revoking all sentences of banish-
ment, and specially included in it his opponent and rival Aristides.
The rich and the aristocratic assisted the city both by their ex-
ample and their money. The Hippeis, or knights, headed by
Cimon, the sonof Miltiades, marched in procession to the Acropolis
to hang up their bridles in the temple of Athena, and to fetch
from thence some consecrated arms more suitable for that naval
service for which they were about to abandon their ancient habits
and privileges. The senate of the Areopagus not only exerted
its public authority in order to provide funds for the equipment
of the fleet and the support of the poorer emigrants, but con-
tributed to those objects by the private munificence of its mem-
bers. The fund was increased by the policy of Themistocles.
Under the pretext that the Gorgon's head had been removed
from the statue of Athena, he directed that the baggage of each
departing citizen should be searched, and appropriated to the
service of the state the private treasures which were about to
be exported.

§ 3. While these things were passing at Athens, the Persian
army was in full march towards the city. Xerxes was surprised

204 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XIX.

to find that the Olympic games stUl deterred the Peloponnesians
from opposmg liis progress ; nor was his astonishment dimi-
nished on learning that the prize, which occasioned so much ex-
citement and emulation, was a simple wreath of the wild olive.
Of the states which lay between ThermopylEe and Attica, the
Phocians alone refused to submit to the Persians. Under the
conduct of the Thessahans, the Persian army poured into Phocis,
but found only deserted towns ; several of which, however, they
plundered and destroyed. The same fate attended Thespise and
Platsea, the only towns of Boeotia which dechned to acknowledge
the conqueror.

On his march towards Athens, Xerxes sent a detachment of his
army to take and plunder Delphi. But this attempt proved un-
successful. The god of the most renowned oracle of the Hel-
lenic world vindicated at once the majesty of his sanctuary and
the truth of his predictions. He forbade the Delphians to re-
miove the treasures wliich enriched and adorned his slirine, and
encouraged by divine portents the handful of priests and citizens
who ventured to remain and defend his temple. The sacred
arms preserved in the imier cell, and which it was sacrilege to
touch, were miraculously conveyed outside the door, as if the god
himself interfered to arm his defenders. As the Persians clrmbed
the rugged path at the foot of Mount Parnassus, leading up to the
shrine, and had akeady reached the temple of Athena Pronsea,
thunder was heard to roll, and two crags suddenly detaching
themselves from the mountain, rolled down upon the Persians,
and spread dismay and destruction in their ran-ks. Seized with
a sudden panic, they turned and fled, pursued, as they said, by
two warriors of superhuman size and prowess, who had assisted
the Delphians in defending their temple. The Delphians them-
selves confirmed the report, averring that the two waniors were
the heroes Phylacus and Autonoiis. Herodotus, when he visited
Delphi, saw in the sacred enclosure of Athena Proneea the iden-
tical crags which had crushed the Persians ; and near the spot
may still be seen large blocks of stone which have rolled down
from the mountain.

§ 4. On. arriving before Athens, Xerxes found the Acropolis
occupied by a handful of desperate citizens, whom the Pisis-
tratids in his suite in vain exhorted to surrender. The nature
of the Acropolis might indeed have inspired them with reason-
able hopes of successful resistance, had the disparity of force
been less enormous. Rising abrupt and craggy to the height of
150 feet above the level of the town, its summit presents a space
of about 1000 feet in length, from east to west, and 500 in
breadth, from north to south. On even,- side except the west it

B.C. 480. THE PERSIANS OCCUPY ATHENS. 206

is nearly inaccessible, and in the few places where access seemed
practicable, it was defended by an ancient fortification called
the Pelasgic wall. The Persian army took up a position on the
Areopagus (Mars' Hill), over against the north-western side of
the iicropolis, whence they endeavoured to destroy the wooden
fortifications which had been erected, by shooting against them
arrows furnished with burning tow. But even after the destruc-
tion of these barricades, the Athenians managed to keep their
assailants at bay by rolling down huge stones upon them as they
attempted to mount the western ascent. At length some of the
besiegers ventured to climb up the precipitous rock, on the
northern side, by the cave of Aglaurus, where no guard was
stationed. They gained the summit unperceived, thus taking
the little garrison in the rear. Confusion and despair now
seized upon the Athenians. Some threw themselves down from
the rock, others took refuge in the inner temple ; while the
Persian host, to whom the gates had been thrown open by their
comrades, mounted to the attack, pillaged and burnt the tem-
ples and houses on the Acropolis, and put its defenders to the
sword.

Thus was the oracle accomplished which had foretold that
Athens should fall before the might of Persia. But in the very
midst of her ashes and desolation, a trivial portent seemed to
foreshadow the resurrection of her power. The Athenians in
the train of Xerxes, whilst sacrificing in the Acropolis, observed
with astonishment that the sacred olive tree, which grew in the
temple of Athena, had, in the two days which had elapsed suice
the fire, thrown out a fresh shoot a cubit in length.

About the same time that the army of Xerxes took possession
of Athens, his fleet arrived in the bay of Phalerum. Its strength
is not accurately known, but at the lowest estimate must have
exceeded 1000 vessels. The combined Grecian fleet at Salamis
consisted of 366 ships ;^ a larger force than had assembled at
Artemisium, yet far inferior to that of the Persians. Of these
ships 200 were Athenian ; the remainder consisted of the con-
tingents of the allies, among which that of the Corinthians
was the most numerous after the Athenian, namely, forty ves-
sels.

Xerxes went down to inspect his fleet, and held a council of
war as to the expediency of an immediate attack upon the
Greeks. The kings of Sidon and Tyre, together with the other
assembled potentates, probably with the view of flattering
Xerxes, were for an immediate battle. One voice alone broke

* According to Herodotus ; but ^schylus reckons them at 310 only.

206 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XIX.

the unanimity of the meeting. Artemisia, queen of Halicar-
nassus, in Caria, deprecated the pohcy of fighting in the narrow
strait of Salamis, where the numerous force of Xerxes would be
an incumbrance rather than a help. She urged that if the army
were marched towards Peloponnesus, the Peloponnesian ships
would withdraw from the Grecian fleet, in order to protect their
own homes. She is likewise represented as having drawn a
comparison between the maritime skill of the Greeks and Per-
sians, very little flattering to the latter. But these representa-
tions, though received with good temper, were disregarded by
Xerxes, and orders were issued for an attack on the following
morning. At the same time the army was commanded to march
towards Peloponnesus.

§ 5. At this critical juncture dissension reigned in the Grecian
fleet. In the council of war which had been summoned by
Eurybiades, Themistocles urged the assembled chiefs to remain
at Salamis, and give battle to the Persians in the narrow straits,
where the superior numbers of the Persians would be of less
consequence. The Peloponnesian commanders, on the other
hand, were strongly opposed to remaining in their present posi-
tion. They were of opinion that the fleet should be removed to
the isthmus of Corinth, and thus be put in communication with
their land-forces. The news of the taking of Athens, which
arrived during the debate, gave force to these counsels. The
majority came to a vote in favour of retreat ; but the approach
of night obliged them to remain till the following morning.

It was with gloomy thoughts that Themistocles retired from
the council. Upon reachmg his own ship, a friend named
Mnesiphilus, to whom he communicated the decision, urged him
to make one more attempt to detam the Peloponnesians. Late
as it was, he immediately proceeded to the ship of Eurybiades,
where urging with more freedom, and in greater detail than he
had been able to use in the council, all the arguments agamst
the separation of the fleet, he succeeded in persuading Emy-
biades to convoke another assembly. He also used all his efforts
privately with the different commanders to induce them to alter
their opinion. But he elicited nothing but anger and reproach.
When the council met, the Peloponnesian commanders loudly
expressed their dissatisfaction at seeing a debate re-opened which
they had deemed concluded. Adimantus, especially the Co-
rinthian admiral, broke out into open rebukes and menaces.
"Themistocles," he exclaimed, "those who rise at the public
games before the signal are whipped." " True," replied Themis-
tocles, " but they who lag behind it never win a croMii." An-
other incident in this discussion has been immortalized by

B.C. 480. DISSENSIONS AMONG THE GREEKS. 207

Plutarch. It is related by this writer that Euryhiades, incensed
by the language of Themistocles, lifted up his stick to strike him,
whereupon the Athenian exclaimed, " Strike, but hear me I"*

Themistocles repeated his arguments and entreaties, but with-
out effect. Adimantus, with unfeeling insolence, even denied
his right to vote ; since, Athens being in the hands of the Per-
sians, he represented no free Grecian city. Stung by this re-
mark, Themistocles reminded the assembly that he was at the
head of 200 well manned ships ; a force with which he could
easily procure for himself a city, and even a better city than
Corinth. Prophecies, he observed, had promised to Athens the
town of Siris in Italy ; it only remained for the Athenians to
sail thither and take possession of it. Meanwhile, let the as-
sembly consider what the G-recian fleet would be without the
Athenian contingent.

This menace silenced his opponents. Euryhiades, half con-
vinced before, hesitated no longer ; and without taking the votes
of the assembly, issued orders for the fleet to remain and fight
at Salamis. The Peloponnesians obeyed, indeed, the orders of
their commander. The following morning discovered them en-
gaged in preparing their ships for action ; but with an evident
reluctance, soon increased to open discontent by messages re-
ceived from home. These represented the distress and terror
of their countrymen, engaged in fortifying the isthmus against
the overwhelming force of Xerxes. Of what use was it to at-
tempt the defence of Attica, already in the hands of the Per-
sians ? Surely it would be much better for the Peloponnesian
seamen to return and defend their native and yet unconquered
country ; where, even if worsted at sea, they might transfer
their services to the land.

^ 6. Incited by these representations, the very men who had
found fault with a second council, now clamoured for a third. It
met, and was characterized by the same turbulence and the same
dissensions as the former councils. The malcontents, though
representing only a small proportion of the naval force, had a
numerical superiority of votes ; and Themistocles, perceiving that
the decision of the assembly would be against him, determined
to effect his object by stratagem. Among his slaves was an
Asiatic Greek named Sicinnus, whom he had intrusted with the
education of his children ; a man of address and ability, and per-
fectly acquainted with the Persian tongue. Themistocles secretly

* This memorable story, however, is not in accordance with the nar-
rative of Herodotus, in which it is Adimantus, and not Euryhiades, to
whom Themistocles had given offence, and who opposes the Athenian
with so much vehemence.

208 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XIX.

despatched this man with a message to Xerxes, representing the
dissensions which prevailed in the Grecian fleet, and how easy a
matter it would he to surround and vanquish an armament both
small and disunited. Themistocles himself was described by
Sicinnus as favourable to the Persian cause ; nor, to judge from
his subsequent conduct, might the wily Athenian, in the present
desperate situation of affairs, have been altogether indisposed to
stand favourably in the sight of Xerxes. However this may be,
Xerxes, already well inclined to strike a blow, readily adopted
the suggestion, and ordered his captains to close up the straits
of Salam.is at both ends.

It has been already stated that the Persian fleet was stationed
in the bay of Phalerum, a harbour on the Attic coast, a few
miles eastward of the entrance of the straits which divided the
island of Salamis from Attica. This entrance, as well as that
on the north-western side, leading into the bay of Eleusis, is
exceedingly narrow, being in parts not more than a quarter of a
mile in breadth. Towards the middle, however, it expands;
and on the side of Salamis, forms a bay or harbour, on which
the town of Salamis is situated, and where the Grecian fleet was
stationed. Dm'ing the night the fleet of Xerxes moved from
Phalerum northwards along the coast, and took up a position
on the Attic side of the straits, which they lined through their
whole extent, while portions blocked up both the northern and
southern outlets of the straits.

Meanwhile the debate of the Grecian leaders continued long
after nightfall. Themistocles had employed every art to pro-
tract the discussion, in order to gain time for the effect of his
stratagem ; and when at last the assembly broke up, it was
only on the understanding that the debate should be resumed
before daybreak.

Scarcely had the council re-assembled, when Themistocles was
summoned from it by a message that somebody wished to speak
to him. It was Aristides, who, in the sixth year of an unjust
banishment, had returned to serve his ungrateful country, and to
assist, but not to share the triumph of a rival. His rival had,
indeed, proposed, and his country had ratified, the revocation of
the sentence ; though to an ordinar)^ man the repentance might
have seemed suspicious, and the atonement of little value,
which recalled him to his native land, or, more properly speak-
ing, which restored him to his exiled countrymen, only to share
in their dangers and distresses. But no such reflections found
a place in the mind of Aristides. He was occupied only with
his country's welfare, and his first address to Themistocles was
that their ancient rivalry should for the future be exerted only

B.C. 480. BATTLE OF SAL AMIS. 209

in their country's cause. He then communicated the fact that
the Grecian fleet was completely surrounded by that of the Per-
sians ; and related that it was only by favour of the darkness
that his own vessel had contrived to elude them. Themistocles,
having thus learned the success of his stratagem, expressed his
satisfaction, and desired Aristides to communicate the news of
their situation to the council, which would not be disposed to
believe it from his own lips. But even from the lips of Aristides
such unwelcome intelligence found but little credit, till it was
confirmed by the arrival of a Tenian ship, which had deserted
from the enemy.

§ 7. At length the day began to dawn which was to decide the
fate of Greece. As the veil of night rolled gradually away, the
Persian fleet was discovered stretching as far as the eye could
reach along the coast of Attica Its right wing, consisting of
Phoenician and Cyprian vessels, was drawn up towards the bay
of Eleusis, whilst the lonians occupied the left, towards Pirseus
and the southern entrance of the straits. On the low and bar-
ren island of Psyttaleia, adjacent to that point, a detachment
of choice Persian troops had been landed. As the Grecian fleet
was concentrated in the harbour of the town of Salamis, it was
thus surrounded, as it were, in a net by the Persians. Xerxes,
who attributed the disasters at Artemisium to his own absence,
had caused a lofty throne to be erected upon one of the project-
ing declivities of Mount JSgaleos, opposite the harbour of Sala-
mis, whence he could survey the combat, and stimulate by his
presence the courage of his men ; whilst by his side stood scribes,
prepared to record the names both of the daring and the backward.

" A king sate on the rocky brow

"VYhicli looks o'er sea-born Salamis ;
And ships, by thousands, lay below,

And men in nations ; — all were his !
He counted them at break of day —
And when the sun set where were they?"

The Grecian commanders lost no time in preparing to meet
their multitudinous opponents. The Athenians were posted in
the left wing, and consequently opposed to the Phoenicians on the
Persian right. The Lacedaemonians and the other Peloponnesians
took their station on the right, and the ^Eginetans and EubcEans
in the centre. Animated by the harangues of Themistocles and
the other leaders, the Greek seamen embarked with alacrity,
encouraging one another to deliver their country, their wives and
children, and the temples of their gods, from the grasp of the bar-
barians. Just at this juncture a favourable omen seemed to pro-

210

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XIX.

mise them success. When Eury blades gave the order for the fleet
to remain and fight at Salamis, a trireme had been despatched to
^gina to invoke the assistance of vEacus, and the ^acid heroes
Telamon and Ajax. As the G-reeks were on the point of embark-
ing, the trireme returned from the mission just in time to take
her place in the line of battle.

I I

. §1

s- IS.

e
.2- ^ ii . i

a 'j3 c <» o, -2 -a

B.C. 480. BATTLE OF SALA:MIS. 211.

§ 8. As the trumpets sounded, the Greeks rowed forward to
the attack, hurhiig into the still morning air the loud war Psean
reverberated shrilly from the cliffs of Salarnis, and not unan-
swered by the Persians. But suddenly a panic appeared to
seize the Grecian oarsmen. They paused — ^backed astern — and
some of the rearward vessels even struck the ground at Salamis.
At this critical juncture a supernatural portent is said to have
re-animated the drooping courage of the Greeks. A female figure
was seen to hover over the fleet, uttering loud reproaches at
their flight. E,e-animated by the vision, the Greeks again rowed
forward to the attack. History has preserved to us but few
details of the engagement, which, indeed, soon became a scene of
confusion too intricate to be accurately observed ; but the names
of those who first grappled with the enemy have not been left
unrecorded. The Athenian captains, Aminias and Lycomedes,
the former a brother of the poet ^Eschylus, were the first to bring
their ships into action ; Democritus, a Naxian, was the third.
The Persian fleet, with the exception of some of the Ionic con-
tingents, appears to have fought with alacrity and courage. But
the very numbers on which they so confidently relied, proved
one of the chief causes of their defeat. They had neither concert
in action, nor space to manoeuvre ; and the confusion was aug-
mented by the mistrust with which the motley nations compos-
ing the Persian armament regarded one another. Too crowded
either to advance or to retreat, their oars broken or im-peded by
collision with one another, their fleet lay like an inert and lifeless
mass upon the water, and fell an easy prey to the Greeks. A
single incident will illustrate the terror and confusion which
reigned among the Persians. Artemisia, although, as we have
related, averse to giving battle, distinguished herself in it by
deeds of daring bravery. At length she turned and fled, pur-
sued by the Athenian trierarch, Aminias. Full in her course
lay the vessel of the Carian prince, Damosithymus of Calyndus.
Instead of avoiding, she struck and sunk it, sending her country-
man and all his crew to the bottom. Aminias, believing from
this act that she was a deserter from the Persian cause, suffered
her to escape. Xerxes, who from his lofty throne beheld the
feat of the Halicarnassian queen, but who imagined that the
sunken ship belonged to the Greeks, was fiUed with admiration
at her courage, and is said to have exclaimed — " My men are be-
come women, my women men I"

^ 9. The number of ships destroyed and sunk is stated at 40
on the side of the Greeks, and 200 on that of the Persians, ex-
clusive of those which were captured with all their crews. Be-
sides this lovss at sea, Aristides succeeded in inflicting on the

212 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XIX.

Persians another on land. It has heen akeady stated that some
chosen Persian troops had been landed at Psyttaleia, in order to
assist such Persian ships, or destroy such Grecian ships as might
be forced upon the island. "\Alien the rout of the Persian fleet
"v^'as completed, Aristides landed on the island vriih a body of
Hoplites, defeated the Persians, and cut them to pieces to a man.

Bomidless were the rage and vexation of Xerxes, as he con-
templated the flight and destruction of his fleet. Some Phoeni-
cian crews, which were unlucky enough to be forced ashore close
at the despot's feet, felt the full weight of his displeasure. In
vain they sought to throw the blame of the defeat on the Ionic
Greeks ser\'ing under the Persian flag. Xerxes, who, besides
the feat of Arte&iisia, had observed a very daring act of valour
performed by a Samothracian vessel, treated the Phoenicians as
dastardly calumniators, and ordered them to be beheaded.

Notwithstanding tliis signal defeat and loss, the Persian fleet
was still formidable by its numbers, whilst their land-force had
sufiered hardly any loss. The Greeks themselves did not regard
the \-ictor}- as decisive, and prepared to renew the combat. But
from this necessit}' they were reheved by the pusillanimit}- of
Xerxes. Passmg at once from oversveening confidence to ujirea-
sonable distrust, the Persian monarch became anxiously soh-
citous even about his own personal safet}'. He no longer relied
on the capabihty of his ships to protect his retreat over the
Hellespont, especially as his ovra conduct had ahenated a consi-
derable part of liis fleet. The Phoenicians, alarmed by the threats
which rage and fear caused Xerxes to utter agamst them, stole
away in the night and sailed homewards. The whole care of the
Persian monarch was now centered on securing his retreat by
land. The best troops were disembarked from the ships, and
marched towards the Hellespont, in order to secure the bridge,
whilst the fleet itself was ordered to leave Phalermn and make
for Asia.

These dispositions of Xerxes were prompted by Alardonius.
As the adviser of the expedition, Mardonius felt all the danger
of responsibiht}^ for its failure, especially if the personal safety
of his sovereign should be at all endangered. ATith adroit flat-
ter}" he consulted at once the fears and the vanity of Xerxes, and
his ovm personal mterests. He represented to his master that
the defeat, after all, was but slight, and had fallen entirely upon
the foreign auxiliaries ; that having attained one of the great ob-
jects of the expedition by the capture of Athens, he might now
retire with honour, and even \\ith gloiy ; and that for the rest
he (Mardonius) would undertake to complete the conquest of
Greece ^ith 300,000 men. Xerxes readilv listenexl to this advice,

B.C. 480. RETREAT OF XERXES. 213

which accorded so well with his own inclinations, and which was
supported by his courtiers, as well as by Glueen Artemisia.

s^ 10. When the Greeks learned that the Persian fleet had left
Phalerum, they immediately sailed in pursuit of it. Themis-
tocles and the Athenians are represented, but probably on no
sufficient ground, as anxious to push on to the Hellespont, and
cut off the retreat of the Persians, and as having been restrained
only by the more prudent counsels of Eurybiades and the Pelo-
ponnesians. The moment was chosen by Themistocles to send
a second message to Xerxes of a much more questionable cha-
racter than the first. Sicinnus was again despatched to inform
the Persian monarch that Themistocles, out of personal friend-
ship for him, had restrained the Greeks from destroying the
bridge over the Hellespont, and thus cutting off his retreat. In
this communication it is impossible to believe that Themistocles
can have had anything but his own personal interest in view.
He was well aware that the Persian cause was far from de-
sperate ; and even if the Greeks should prove victorious in the
end, he may have been anxious to secure a safe retreat for him-
self, if he should be detected in his guilty practices.

The Greeks pursued the Persian fleet as far as the island of
Andros, but without success. To punish those islands which
had sided with Xerxes was a natural and justifiable act, which
the large naval force under the command of Themistocles en-
abled him to execute ; but he abused the same means in order to
gratify his private rapacity. The Andrians, indeed, were too
poor to be robbed ; and though Themistocles threatened them
with two great gods — Persuasion and Necessity — they found
themselves protected, as they said, by two others equally effi-
cient— Poverty and Helplessness. But in other quarters he
succeeded better. From Carj^stus, Paros, and other places, he
privately extorted bribes by engaging to preserve them from
attack ; and after a short time employed in the vain attempt to
wring something from Andros, the Grecian fleet returned to
Salamis,

Ml. Meanwhile Xerxes pursued his homeward march through
BoBotia into Thessaly. In the latter country Mardonius selected
the forces with which he proposed to conclude the war, consist-
ing chiefly of Persians, Medes, Sacse, and Bactrians, to the number
of 300,000 men. But as autumn was now approaching, and as
60,000 of these troops were to escort the march of Xerxes as far
as the Hellespont, Mardonius resolved to postpone all further
operations till the spring.

After forty-five days' march from Attica, Xerxes again reached
the shores of the Hellespont, -wdth a force greatly diminished by

214 HISTORY OF GREECL". Chap. XIX.

femine and pestilence. The sufferings of his army were exag-
gerated by ^schylus, and by later poets and moralists, who de-
lighted m heightening the contrast between the proud magni-
ficence of the monarch's advance, and the ignominious humi-
liation of his retreat. Many of these statements cannot be
accepted as historical facts ; although there can be no doubt that
great numbers perished from want of provisions, and the diseases
which always follow in the path of famine. On the Hellespont
Xerxes found his fleet, but the bridge had been washed away by
storms. Landed on the shores of Asia, the Persian army at
length obtained abundance of provisions, and contracted new
maladies by the sudden change from privation to excess. Thus
terminated this mighty but unsuccessful expedition. Two thou-
sand years later, still more barbarous eastern hordes were des-
tined to find a settlement on the lair shores of Greece. But
Greece had then worked out her appointed task, and had trans-
mitted her arts, her hterature, and her civilization, to the nations
of western Europe.

§ 12. Among the Greeks nothmg now remained to be done
but to celebrate their victory after the national fashion by the
distribution of rewards. To the jEginetans was adjudged the
chief prize for valour, whilst the Athenians carried ofi^the second.
Amongst individual combatants, the ^jEginetan, Polycritus, and
the Athenians, Eumenes and Aminias, obtained the first rank.
The deities also received their share of honour. Three Phoeni-
cian triremes were dedicated respectively to Athena at Sunium,
to Poseidon at the Corinthian isthmus, and to the Salaminian
hero, Ajax. The shrine of the Delphian Apollo was also still
further enriched by the offerings of grateful superstition.

Having distributed the rewards of valour, the Greek com-
manders undertook the more difficult task of assigning the prizes
of wisdom and conduct. Upon the altar of Poseidon, at the
isthmus of Corinth, AT."liither the Grecian fleet had now repaired,
each chief deposited a ticket inscribed with two names, of those
whom he considered entitled to the first and second prizes. But
in this adjudication vanity and self-love defeated their own
objects. Each commander had put down his own name for tlie
first prize ; for the second, a great majority preponderated in
favour of Themistocles. But since the first prize thus remained
undecided, and as the second could not, consequently, be adju-
dicated, the Athenian leader reaped no benefit from these votes.
From the Spartans, however, whom he shortly afterwards visited,
he received the honours due to his merit. A crown of olive,
similar to that which rewarded their own commander, Eury-
biades, was conferred upon him, together with one of the most

B.C. 480. DEFEAT OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. 215

splendid chariots which the city could produce ; and on his de-
parture the three hundred Hippeis, or knights, the youth and
tiower of the Lacedaemonian militia, accompanied him as a guard
of honour as far as Tegea. In fact, the honours heaped upon
Themistocles by the haughty Spartans were so extraordinary, as
to excite, it is said, the jealousy of the Athenians against their
distinguished countryman.

§ 13. On the very same day on which the Persians were de-
feated at Salamis, another portion of the Hellenic race, the Sici-
lian Greeks, also obtained a victory over an immense barbarian
force. There is reason to believe that the invasion of Sicily by
the Carthaginians was concerted with Xerxes, and that the
simultaneous attack on two distinct Grecian peoples, by two
immense arm,aments, was not merely the result of chance. It
was, however, in the internal affairs of Sicily that the Carthagi-
nians sought the pretext and the opportunity for their invasion.
About the year 481 e.g., Theron, despot of Agrigentum, a relative
of Gelon's, the powerful ruler of Syracuse, expelled Terillus from
Himera, and took possession of that town. Terillus, backed by
some Sicilian cities, v/hich formed a kind of Carthaginian party,
appUed to the Carthaginians to restore him. The Carthaginians
complied with the invitation ; and in the year 480 e.g., Hamilcar
landed at Panormus with a force composed of various nations,
which is said to have amounted to the enormous sum of
300,000 men. Having drawn up his vessels on the beach,
and protected them with a rampart, Hamilcar proceeded to
besiege the Himeraeans, who on their part prepared for an obsti-
nate defence. At the instance of Theron, Gelon marched to the
relief of the town with 50,000 foot and 5000 horse. An obsti-
nate and bloody engagement ensued, which, by a stratagem of
Gelon's, was at length determined in his favour. The ships of
the Carthaginians were fired, and Hamilcar himself slain. Ac-
cording to the statement of Diodorus, 150,000 Carthaginians fell
in the engagement, Avliile the greater part of the remainder sur-
rendered at discretion, twenty ships alone escaping with a few
fugitives. This a,ccount may justly be regarded as an exaggera-
tion ; yet it cannot be doubted that the victory was a decisive
one, and the number very great of the prisoners and slain.

Thus were the arms of Greece victorious on all sides, and the
outposts of Europe maintained against the incursions of the
semi-barbarous hordes of Asia and Africa. In Sicily, Greek taste
made the sinews of the prisoners subserve the purposes of art ;
and many of the public structures which adorned and distin-
guished Agrigentum, rose by the labor of the captive Carthagi-
nians.

Temple of Nike Apteros (the Wingless Victory), on the Acropolis at Athens.

CHAPTER XX.

BATTLES OF PLAT^A AND MYCiLE.

§ 1. Position of the Persian and Greek fleets. § 2. Preparations of Mar-
donius for tlie campaign. § 3. He solicits the Athenians to join him.
Faithlessness of the Spartans. § 4. Mardonius occupies Athens. Athe-
nian embassy to Sparta. March of the Spartan army. § 5. Mardonius
retires into Boeotia : followed by the Grecian army. Skirmishes. § 6.
The Greeks descend into the plain. Manoeuvres of the two armies. § 7.
Alexander, king of Macedon, visits the Grecian camp. The Greeks re-
solve to change their ground: their disorderly retreat. § 8. Battle of
Platsea. Defeat of the Persians. §9. Division of the spoil. § 10. Re-
duction of Thebes, and execution of the Theban leaders. § 11. Death
of Aristodemus. § 12. League of Platsea. Religious ceremonies. §13.
Battle of Mycale. Defeat of the Persians. § 14. Liberation of the
Greek islands. § 15. Siege and capture of Sestos.

^ 1. The remnant of the Persian fleet, after conveying Xerxes
and his army across the Hellespont, wintered at Cyme and
Samos ; and early in the ensuing spring, the whole armament,
to the number of about 400 vessels, re-assembled at the latter
island. This movement was adopted in order to keep a watch
over Ionia, which showed symptoms of an inclination to revolt ;
and not with any design of attacking the Grecian fleet. The
latter, consisting of about 110 ships, under the command of the
Spartan king Leotychides, assembled in the spring at Mgina,.
From this station it advanced as far eastwards as Delos ; but

B.a 479. PREPARATIONS OF MARDONIUS, 111

the Ionian envoys despatched to the Peloponnesians, with pro-
mises that the lonians would revolt from Persia as soon as the
Greek fleet appeared off their coast, could not prevail upon Leo-
tychides to venture an attack upon the Persians,

^ 2. The disastrous retreat of Xerxes had not much shaken
the fideUty of his Grecian allies. Potidsea, indeed, and the other
towns on the isthmus of Pallene, declared themselves indepen-
dent ; whilst symptoms of disaffection were also visible among
the Phocians ; but the more important allies of Persia, the
Macedonians, the Thessalians, and especially the Boeotians, were
still disposed to co-operate vigorously with Mardonius. That
general prepared to open the campaign in the spring. As a
preliminary measure, adopted probably with the view of flatter-
ing the religious prejudices of his Greek allies, he consulted some
of the most celebrated oracles in Boeotia and Phocis respecting
the issue of the war. He was not without hopes of inducing
the Athenians to join the Persian alliance ; and, in order to
facilitate such a step, it was pretended that the oracles had fore-
told the approach of the time when the Athenians, united with
the Persians, should expel the Dorians from Peloponnesus.

§ 3. The influence of superstition was aided by the intrigues
of diplomacy. Alexander, king of Macedon, was despatched to
concihate the Athenians, now partially re-established in their
dilapidated city. His offers on the part of the Persians were of
the most seductive kind ; the reparation of all damage, the
friendship of the Great King, and a considerable extension of ter-
ritory : the whole backed by the pressing instances of Alexander
himself, and enforced by a vivid picture of the exposed and
helpless situation of Attica.

The temptation was certainly strong. On the one hand,
ruined homes and empty granaries, the result of the last cam-
paign; the first shock and severest brunt of the war to be
sustained by Attica, as the outpost of southern Hellas, and this
for lukewarm and selfish allies, to whose negligence and breach
of faith the Athenians chiefly owed their present calamities:
on the other hand, their city restored, their starving population
fed, the horrors of war averted, and only that more agreeable
part of it adopted which would consist in accompanying and
aiding an overwhelming force in a career of alm.ost certain vic-
tory. The Lacedsemonians were quite alive to the exigencies of
the situation, so far, at least, as it concerned their own safety.
They also had sent envoys to counteract the seductions of Alex-
ander, and to tender relief to the distressed population of Athens.
The answer of the Athenians was magnanimous and dignified.
They dismissed Alexander with a positive refusal, and even with

L

218 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX.

Something like a threat of personal violence in case lie should
again be the bearer of such proposals ; whilst to the Lacedaemo-
nians they protested that no temptations, however great, should
ever induce them to desert the common cause of Greece and
freedom. In return for this disinterested conduct, all they
asked was that a Peloponnesian army should be sent into
Boeotia for the defence of the Attic frontier ; a request which
the Spartan envoys promised to fulfil.

No sooner, however, had they returned into their own coun-
try than this promise was completely forgotten. As on the
former occasion, the Lacedaemonians covered their selfishness
and indifference beneath the hypocritical garb of religion. The
omens were unfavourable ; the sun had been eclipsed at the
moment when Cleombrotus, the Spartan king, was consulting
the gods respecting the expedition ; and, besides this, they were
engaged in celebrating the festival of the Hyacinthia. But no
omens or festivals had prevented them from resuming with
unremitting diligence the labour of fortifying the isthmus, and
the walls and battlements were now rapidly advancing towards
completion.

§ 4. When Mardonius was informed that the Athenians had
rejected his proposal, he immediately marched against Athens,
accompanied by all his Grecian allies ; and in May or June, B.C.
479, about ten months after the retreat of Xerxes, the Persians
again occupied that city. With feelings of bitter indignation
against their faithless allies, the Athenians saw themselves once
more compelled to remove to Salamis. But even in this de-
pressed condition, the naval force of the Athenians still ren-
dered them formidable ; and Mardonius took advantage of his
situation to endeavour once more to win them to his alliance.
Through a Hellespontine Greek, the same favourable conditions
were again offered to them, but were again refused. One voice
alone, that of the senator Lycidas, broke the unanimity of the
assembly. But his opposition cost him his life. He and his
family were stoned to death by the excited populace.

In this desperate condition the Athenians sent ambassadors
to the Spartans to remonstrate against their breach of faith,
and to implore them, before it was too late, to come forwards
in the conunon cause of Greece. The ambassadors were also
instructed to intimate that necessity might at length compel the
Athenians to listen to the proposals of the enemy. This mes-
sage, however, was very coolly received by the Lacedsemonians.
For ten days no answer whatever was returned ; and it can
scarcely be doubted that the reply, which they at last thought
fit to make, would have been a negative, but for a piece of advice

B.C. 479. MARDONIUS RETIRES INTO BCEOTIA. 219

which opened their eyes to the consequences of their selfish
poHcy. Chileos, a Tegean, a man whose wisdom they revered,
and whom they consulted on this occasion, pointed out to them
that their fortifications at the isthmus would prove of no avail
in case the Athenians allied themselves to the Persians, and
thus, by means of their fleet, opened a way into the heart of
Peloponnesus. It is strange that the Lacedaemonians should
have needed this admonition, which seems obvious enough ; but
selfishness is proverbially blind.

The conduct of the Spartans was as prompt as their change
of resolution had been sudden. That very night 5000 citizens,
each attended by seven Helots, were despatched to the frontiers :
and these were shortly followed by 5000 Lacedaemonian Periceci,
each attended by one light-armed Helot. Never before had the
Spartans sent so large a force into the field. Their example
was followed by other Peloponnesian cities ; and the Athenian
envoys returned to Salamis with the joyful news that a large
army was preparing to march against the enemy, under the
command of Pausanias, who acted as regent for Plistarchus, the
infant son of Leonidas.

§ 5. Mardonius, on learning the approach of the Lacedaemo-
nians, abandoned Attica, and proceeded by the pass of Decelea,
across Mount Parnes into Boeotia, a country more adapted to
the operations of cavalry, in which his strength principally lay.
Whilst he still entertained a hope that the Athenians might be
induced to join his arms, he had refrained from committing any
depredations on their territory ; but finding this expectation vain,
he employed the last days of his stay m burning and devastating all
that had been spared by the army of Xerxes. After crossing the
frontiers of Boeotia, and marching a day or two along the Asopus,
he finally took up a position on the left bank of that river, and
not far from the town of Platsea. Here he caused a camp to be
constructed of ten furlongs square, and fortified with banicades
and towers. The situation was well selected, since he had the
firiendly and well fortified city of Thebes in his rear, and was
thus in no danger of falling short of provisions. Yet the dispo-
sition of his army was far fi*om being sanguine. With the ex-
ception of the Thebans and Boeotians, his Grecian allies were
become lukewarm or wavering ; and even among the Persians
themselves, the disastrous flight of their monarch in the pre-
ceding year had naturally damped all hopes of the successful
issue of a campaign which was now to be conducted with far
inferior forces.

Meanwhile, the Lacedaemonian force collected at the isthmus
was receiving reinforcements from the various states of Pelo-

220 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX.

ponnesus. On its march through Megara it was joined by
3000 Megarians ; and at Eleusis received its final accession of
8000 Athenian and 600 Platsean Hophtes, who had crossed over
from Salamis under the command of Aristides. The Grecian
army now consisted of 38,700 heavy-armed men, attended by
Helots and light- armed troops to the number of nearly 70,000 ;
and, together with 1800 badly armed Thespians, formed a grand
total of about 110,000 men. There were, however, no cavahy^,
and but very few bowmen.

Having consulted the gods by sacrifices, which proved of a
favourable nature, the Grecian army broke up from Eleusis, and
directed its march over the ridge of Cithseron. On descending
its northern side, the Greeks came in sight of the Persian army
drawn up in the valley of the Asopus. Pausanias, not caring to
expose his troops to the attacks of the Persian cavalry on the
plain, halted them on the slopes of the mountain, near Erythrse,
where the ground was rugged and uneven. (See Plan, First
Position). This position did not, however, altogether preserve
them. Skilled in the use of the bow and of the javelm, the
Persian horsemen, under the command of Masistius, repeatedly
charged the Greeks, harassing themi with flights of missiles, and
taunting them with cowardice for not venturing down into the
plain. The Megarians, especially, suffered severely until rescued
by a body of 300 chosen Athenians, who succeeded in repulsing
the Persian cavalry, and killing their leader, Masistius, a man
tall in stature and of distinguished bravery. The Greeks cele-
brated their triumph by parading the corpse through the army
in a cart.

^ 6. This success encouraged Pausanias to quit the high
ground and take up a position on the plain. Defiling from Er}'-
thraB in a westerly direction, and marching by Hysise, he formed
his army in a line on the right bank of the Asopus. In this
arrangement, the right wing, which extended to the fountain
Gargaphia, was conceded, as the post of honor, to the LacedaB-
monians ; the occupation of the left, near the grove of the hero
Androcrates, was disputed between the Tegeans and Athenians.
The matter was referred to the whole body of the Lacedsemonian
troops, who by acclamation declared the Athenians entitled to
the preference.

On perceiving that the Greeks had changed their position,
Mardonius drew up his army opposite to them, on the other
side of the Asopus. (See Plan, Second Position). He himself,
with the Persians and Medes, the flower of his army, took his
post in the left wing, facing the Lacedaemonians on the Grecian
right : whilst the Greeks and Macedonians in the Persian service,

B.C. 479.

BATTLE OF PLATJSA.

221

Battle of Plataea. (From Grote's Greece.)

a. Persians.
6. Athenians.

c. Lacedaemonians.

d. Various Greek allies.

I. First position occupied by

the opposing armies.
II. Second position.
III. Third position.

A. Road from Platsea to Thebes.

B. Road from Megara to Thebes.

C. Persian camp.

D. Erythrae.

E. Hysise.

to the number, probably, of 50,000, were opposed to the Athe-
nians on the left. The centre of Mardonius was composed of
Bactrians, Indians, Sacse, and other Asiatics and Egyptians ; and
his whole force probably amounted to about 300,000 men.

But though the armies were thus in presence, each was reluc-
tant to commence the attack. The soothsayers on both sides,
whose responses were probably dictated by the feeling prevalent
among the commanders, declared that the sacrifices were un-
favourable for any aggressive movement. For eight days the
armies remained inactive, except that the Persians annoyed the
Greeks at a distance with their missiles, and altogether pre-
vented them from watering at the Asopus, On the eighth day

222 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX.

Mardonius, at the suggestion of the Theban leader Timagenidas,
employed his cavalry in cutting ofif the supplies of the Greeks,
and captured a train of 500 beasts of burthen, together with
their escort, as they were defiling through one of the passes of
Cithseron. Artabazus, the second in command, advised Mardo-
nius to continue this policy of harassing and wearing out the
Greeks, without risking a general engagement ; and also to en-
deavour, by means of bribes, to corrupt and disunite them.
That this latter step was feasible appears from what actually
occurred among the Athenians. Several of the wealthier Hop-
htes serving in their ranks entered into a conspiracy to establish
at Athens, under Persian supremacy, an oligarchy resembling
that at Thebes. Fortunately, however, the plot was discovered
and repressed by Aristides. But Mardonius was too impatient
to await the success of such measures, which he considered as
an imputation on the Persian arms ; and, overruling the opinions
of Artabazus and the rest of his officers, gave orders to prepare
for a general attack.

§ 7. On the night after Mardonius had taken this resolution,
Alexander, king of Macedon, leaving the Persian camp by stealth,
rode up to the Athenian outposts, and desiring to speak with
Aristides and the other generals, informed them of the intended
attack on the morrow. " I risk my life," he observed, " in con-
veying this intelligence ; but I too am a Greek by descent, and
with sorrow should I see Hellas enslaved by the Persians."

Aristides immediately communicated this news to Pausanias.
On hearing it, the Jatter made a proposal savouring but little of
the traditionary Spartan valour, namely, that the Athenians, who
had had experience of the Persian mode of fighting, should
change places with the Lacedaemonians in the Hne. The Athe-
nians readily assented to this arrangement. Mardonius, how-
ever, on perceiving the change which had been made, effected
a corresponding one in his own line. Hereupon Pausanias
marched back to the Grecian right, and was again followed by
Mardonius ; so that the two armies remained in their original
position.

Neither side, however, was inclined to venture a general at-
tack. The fighting was confined to the Persian cavalry, which
the Greeks had no adequate means of repelling. For some por-
tion of the day it obtained possession of the fountain of Garga-
phia, the only source from which the Greeks could procure their
water, and succeeded in choking it up. It also intercepted the
convoys of provisions proceeding to the Grecian camp. Under
these circumstances, finding the ground untenable, Pausanias
summoned a council of war, in which it was resolved to retreat

B.C. 479. BATTLE OF PLAT^EA. 228

during the night to a place called the Island, about ten furlongs
in the rear of their present position, and halfway between it and
the town of Platsea. The spot selected, improperly called an
island, was in fact a piece of ground about three furlongs in
breadth, comprised between two branches of the river Oeroe,
which, rising from distinct sources in Cithaeron, and running for
some space nearly parallel with one another, at length unite, and
flow in a westerly direction into the gulf of Corinth. The
nature of the ground would thus afford to the Greeks both
abundance of water and protection from the enemy's cavalry.

The retreat, however, though for so short a distance, was ef-
fected in disorder and confusion. The Greek centre, chiefly
composed of Megarians and Corinthians, instead of taking up a
position on the Island, as commanded by Pausanias, did not halt
till they reached the towai of Platcea, where they formed in front
of the Herseum on high ground, and protected by buildings. (See
Plan, Third Position.) Some time after their departure Pau-
sanias commanded the right wing, which, as we have said, was
composed of Lacedsemonians, to foUow. But his orders were dis-
puted by one of his captains, Amompharetus, a leader of one of
the lochi, who had not been present at the council of war, and who,
considermg this retrograde movement as a retreat derogatory to
Spartan honour, obstinately refused to stir from his post.^ Mean-
wliile, the Athenians — not unnaturally distrustful of the Spartans
— ^before they broke ground themselves, despatched a mounted
messenger to ascertain, whether the right wing was really pre-
paring to march. The messenger found the Spartan troops in
their former position, and Pausanias, together with the other
generals, engaged m a warm dispute with the refractory captain.
No threats of being left alone could induce him to move ; and
when remuided that the order for retreat had been resolved
upon in a council of war, he took up a huge rock, and casting it
at the feet of Pausanias, exclaimed — " With this pebble I give my
vote not to fly from the foreigners."

Meantime, the day began to dawn : a Httle longer delay and
retreat would become impossible. Pausanias resolved to aban-
don Amompharetus and his lochus to their fate, should he reaUy
prove so obstinate as to stand his ground after the departm-e of
the rest of the army. The order to march was given. The
slant rays of the rising sun gleamed on the tall and bristhng
spears of the Lacedaemonian columns as they slowly ascended
the hills which separated them from the Island. The Athenians,
posted more towards the east, and who were to arrive at the
appointed spot by turning the hills, began their march at the
same time, Amompharetus was not so madly obstinate as to

224 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX.

await alone the approach of the Persians. Finding that his com-
rades had really departed, he gave orders to follow, and overtook
them at their first halt.

§ 8. Mardonius heheld with astonishment and disdain the
retreating ranks of the Spartans. The order was given to pursue.
The shout of victory already rang through the Persian host as
they dashed in a confused mass, cavalry and infantry, through
the waters of the Asopus, and up the hill after the retreating
foe. Scarcely had Pausanias time to deploy on the spot where
he had halted for Amompharetus, when the Persian cavahy were
upon him. These were soon followed by the infantry ; who,
planting in the ground their long wdcker shields, or gerrJia, and
thus forming a kind of breastwork, annoyed the Lacedaemonians
with showers of arrows. Even in these circumstances the rites
of religion were not neglected by Pausanias. For some time the
sacrifices were unfavourable for an attack ; till Pausanias invoked
the assistance of Hera, whose temple rose conspicuous at Platsea.
Hardly had the prayer been uttered when the victims changed,
and the order to charge was given. The line of wicker shields
fell at the first onset of the Lacedsem.onians. The hght-armed
undisciplined Persians, whose bodies were unprotected with
armour, had now to maintain a very unequal combat against the
serried lanks, the long spears, and the mailed bodies of the
Spartan phalanx. Desperate deeds of valour they performed,
throvidng themselves upon the Grecian ranks and endeavouring
to get into close combat, where they could use their javelins and
daggers. Mardonius at the head of his body-guard of 1 000 picked
men, and conspicuous by liis white charger, was among the fore-
most in the fight, till struck down by the hand of Aimnestus, a
distinguished Spartan. The fall of their general was the signal
for flight to the Persians, already wearied and disheartened by
the fruitless contest. The panic was general both among the
Persians themselves and their Asiatic aUies ; nor did they
once stop till they had agam crossed the Asopus and reached
their fortified camp.

The glory of having defeated the Persians at Platsea rests,
therefore, v^dth the Lacedaemonians ; yet the Athenians also were
not without some share in the honour of the day. Pausanias,
when overtaken by the Persians, despatched a horseman to Aris-
tides to request him to hasten to his assistance ; but the coming
up of the BcEotians prevented him from doing so. A sharp
conflict ensued between the latter and the Athenians. The
Thebans, especially, fought with great bravery ; but were at
length repulsed with considerable loss. Though compelled to
give way, they retreated in good order to Thebes, being covered

B.C. 479. DEATH OF MARDONIUS. 226

by their cavalry from the pursuit of the Athenians. None of
the other Greeks in the Persian service took any share in the
fight, but turned their backs as soon as they saw that the day
•was lost. Of the Persians themselves, 40,000 under the com-
mand of Artabazus did not strike a blow. The eagerness and
impetuosity of Mardonius, and the contempt which he had con-
ceived for the Lacedsemonians on account of what he considered
their flight, had led him to begin the attack without waiting for
the corps of Artabazus ; and when that general arrived upon the
field the rout was already complete. Artabazus, indeed, who had
always deprecated a general engagement, was probably not very
zealous on the occasion ; at all events he did not make a single
attempt to restore the fortune of the day ; and instead of retreat-
ing either to Thebes, or to the fortified camp of his countrymen,
he gave up the whole expedition as irretrievably lost, and directed
his march towards the Hellespont.

The Lacedsemonians, now reinforced by the Corinthians and
others from Platsea, pursued the Persians as far as their fortified
camp, whose barricades proved a complete check to them, till
the Athenians, more skilled in that species of warfare, came to
their assistance. The barricades were then stormed and carried,
after a gallant resistance on the part of the Persians. The camp
became a scene of the most horrible carnage. According to
Herodotus, only 3000 men, exclusive of the division under Arta-
bazus, escaped out of an army of 300,000. These numibers are
probably exaggerated ; yet the Persian loss was undoubtedly
immense. That of the Grreeks was comparatively small, and
seems not to have exceeded 1300 or 1400 men.

§ 9. It remained to bury the dead and divide the booty ; and
so great was the task, that ten days were consumed in it. The
body of Mardonius, found among the slain, was treated by Pau-
sanias with respect ; on the morrow, not, perhaps, without his
connivance, it was secretly conveyed away and interred. A
monument was even erected over it, which was to be seen several
centuries afterwards. His scimitar and silver-footed throne fell
to the share of the Athenians, by whom they were preserved
along with the breastplate of Masistius, in the Acropolis of
Athens. The other booty was ample and magnificent. Gold
and silver coined, as well as in plate and trinkets ; rich vests
and carpets ; ornamented arms ; horses, camels ; in a word, all
the magnificence of eastern luxury, were collected together in
order to be divided among the conquerors. A tithe was first
selected for the Delphian Apollo, together with ample ofierings
for the Olympic .Jove, and the Isthmian Poseidon : then, after a
large share had been appropriated to Pausanias, the remainder

J.*

226 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX.

was divided among the Grecian contingents in proportion to
their numbers.

§ 10. The reduction of Thebes, which had proved the most
formidable ally of the Persians, was still necessary to complete
the victory. On the eleventh day after the battle, Pausanias
invested that city, and demanded that the leading men who had
espoused the Persian cause, especially Timagenidas and Atta-
ginus, should be delivered up to him. The Thebans having
refused to comply with this demand, Pausanias began to batter
their walls, and to lay waste the country around. At length,
after the siege had lasted twenty days, Timagenidas, and the
other Medising leaders, voluntarily offered to surrender them-
selves, hoping, probably, to be able to redeem their lives for a sum
of money. In this expectation, however, they were completely
disappointed. The whole of them, with the exception of Atta-
ginus, who found means to escape, were conveyed to Corinth, and
put to death without any form of trial. No attempt was made
to pursue Artabazus, who escaped safely into Asia.

Ml- Among the slain Spartans was Aristodemus, the sole sur-
vivor of those who had fought at Thermopylae. The disgrace of
having outlived that battle seems to have rendered life a burthen
to him. In order to wash it out, he stepped forth from the ranks
at the battle of Platsea, and after performing prodigies of valour,
received from the enemy the death which he courted. But in
the distribution of funeral honours, this conduct could extort no
favour from the stern justice of his countrymen. They con-
sidered that desperate rashness and contempt of discipline were
no atonement for former misconduct, and refused to put him on
a level with the other citizens who had fallen in the combat.
Among these was Amompharetus, the captain whose obstinacy
had precipitated the attack of the Persians, and thus perhaps,
though undesignedly, contributed to secure the victory.

k 12. With the Greeks, religion and politics went ever hand
in hand ; and if the town and territory of Platsea, as the scene of
the Persian defeat, were signally honoured on this occasion with
the grateful offerings of devotion, it was not probably without a
view to the services which might be hereafter required from its
citizens in the cause of Grecian independence. In the market-
place of Platsea, Pausanias, in the presence of the assembled
allies, offered up a sacrifice and thanksgiving to Jove Eleuthe-
rios, or the liberator, in which the gods and heroes of the
Platsean territory were made partakers. The PlatEeans were in-
trusted with the duty of taking care of the tombs of the slain ;
of offering a periodical sacrifice in honour of ih^ victory ; and of
celebrating it every fifth year with gymnastic games, in a grand

B.C. 479. BATTLE OF MYCALE. 227

public festival to be called the Eleutheria. For these services
the large sum of eighty talents was allotted to them out of the
spoil, part of which was employed in erecting a temple to Athena.
At the same time the independence of Platsea, and the inviola-
bility of her territory, were guaranteed by the alhes ; the de-
fensive league against the Persians was renewed ; the contingent
which each ally should furnish was specified ; and it was arranged
that deputies from all of them should meet annually at Platsea.

§ 13. At the very time of the defeat at Platsea, the failure of
the Persian expedition was completed by the destruction of their
naval armament. Leotychides, the Spartan admiral, having at
length sailed across the ^gean, found the Persian fleet at Mycale,
a promontory of Asia Minor near Miletus, and only separated by
a strait of about a mile in breadth from Cape Poseidium, the
easternmost extremity of Samos. Their former reverses seem
completely to have discouraged the Persians from hazarding an-
other naval engagement. The Phoenician squadron had been
permitted to depart ; the rest of the ships were hauled ashore
and surrounded with a rampart ; whilst an army of 60,000 Per-
sians, under the command of Tigranes, lined the coast for their
defence.

The Greeks landed on the 4th of the month Boedromion
(September), in the year 479 B.C. ; the very day on which the
battle of Platsea was fought. A supernatural presentiment of
that decisive victory, conveyed by a herald's staff, which floated
over the ^Egean from the shores of Greece, is said to have
pervaded the Grecian ranks at Mycale as they marched to the
attack. As at Platsea, the Persians had planted their gerrha, or
wicker-shields, before them ; but after a sharp contest this bul-
wark was overthrown. The Persians now turned their backs,
and fled to their fortifications, pursued by the Greeks, who en-
tered it ahnost simultaneously. Here a bloody struggle ensued.
The Persians fought desperately, though without discipline, and
for some time maintained an unequal conflict. At length the
arrival of the Lacedaemonians, who composed the right wing of
the Greek force, and who had been retarded by the hilly ground
which they had to traverse, as well as the open revolt of the
lonians, who now turned upon their masters, completed the dis-
comfiture of the Persians. A large number of them, together
with both their generals, Tigranes and Mardontes, perished on
this occasion ; and the victory was rendered still more decisive
by the burning of their fleet. The honour of the day, which,
however, was not won vdthout the sacrifice of many lives, was
principally due to the Athenians, as the Lacedaemonians did not
arrive till the battle was nearly decided.

228 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX.

H4, The remnant of the Persian army retreated to Sardis,
where Xerxes had hngered ever since his flight from Greece. He
was not in a position to avenge this affront, or to retain the
Ionian cities of the continent in obedience ; still less was it pos-
sible for him, after the destruction of his fleet, to preserve his
dominion over the islands. The latter were immediately ad-
mitted into the G-reek confederation ; but respecting the Ionian
cities on the continent there was more difiiculty. The Greeks
were not in a condition to guarantee their independence ; and
therefore the Peloponnesian commanders offered to transport
their inhabitants into Greece, where they prepared to make room
for them, by transplanting into Asia the Greeks who had espoused
the Persian cause. But this proposition was strenuously opposed
by the Athenians, who regarded their owtl dignity and glory as
inseparably bound up with the maintenance of their Ionian colo-
nies ; and indeed the effect of such a measure must have been to
transfer them completely to the Persians.

§ 15. So imperfect in those times was the transmission of in-
telligence, that the Greeks still believed the bridge across the
Hellespont to be entire, though it was broken and useless al-
most a twelvemonth previously, during the retreat of Xerxes.
At the instance of the Athenians, Leotychides set sail with the
view of destro}dng it ; but having learnt at Abydos that it
no longer existed, he departed homewards with the Pelopon-
nesian vessels. Xanthippus, however, the Athenian conunander,
seized the opportunity to recover from the Persians the Thracian
Chersonese, which had long been an Athenian possession, and
proceeded to blockade Sestos, the key of the strait. Being thus
taken by surprise, the Persians flung themselves into the towTi
without having time to collect the provisions necessary for a
siege. ISTevertheless, amid the most painful privations, they con-
trived to protract the siege till a late period of the autumn, when
famine and insubordination reached such a height, that the Per-
sian commanders, CEobazus and Artayctes, were fain to quit the
town by stealth, which was immediately surrendered. Artayctes,
having fallen into the hands of the Greeks, was fixed to a high
pole, and left to perish just at the spot where the bridge of
Xerxes had stood. This deviation from the usual humanity of the
Greeks, and which seems to have been sanctioned by Xanthippus,
can only be accounted for by religious exasperation occasioned
by Artayctes having violated and insulted the grove and temple
of the hero Protesilaus, in the neighbourhood of Sestos.

After this exploit the Athenians returned home, carrying with
them the cables of the bridge across the Hellespont, which were
afterwards preserved in the Acropolis as a trophy.

Bust of Pindar.

CHAPTER XXL

HISTORY OF LITERATURE.

§1. General characteristics. §2. Simonides. §3. Pindar. §4. Ibyens
and Bacchylides. § 5. Rise of history and of composition in prose.
§ 6. Hecatseus, Charon of Lampsacus, Hellanicus. § 1. Herodotus
§8. Character of his work. Analysis. §9. Predilection of Herodotus
for Athens. § 10. Style of his work.

§ 1. During the period which we have "been surveying in the
present book, Grecian literature was gradually assuming a more
popular form, especially at Athens, where, since the expulsion of
the Pisistratids, the people were rapidly advancing both in intel-
lectual culture and in political importance. Of this we have a
striking proof in the rise of the drama, and the founding of a regu-
lar theatre ; for dramatic entertainments must be regarded as the
most popular form which Hterature can assume. Nearly half a
century before the Persian invasion, Thespis had sketched out
the first feeble rudiments of tragedy ; and ^schylus, the real
founder of tragic art, exhibited a play nine years before he fought
at Marathon. But tragedy still awaited its final improvements
from the hand of Sophocles, whilst comedy can hardly be said to
have existed. For these reasons we shall defer an account of the
Greek drama to a later period, when we shall be enabled to pre-
sent the subject as a whole, and in a connected point of view.
Tragedy, the noblest emanation of ancient genius, was in fact
only the final development of lyric poetry ; which, in the period
we are considering, had attained its highest pitch of excellence
in the hands of Simonides and Pindar. These two great masters
of the lyre never ventured, however, beyond the strictest limits
of that species of composition, and left their contemporary,

2S0 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXI.

JEschylus, to gather laurels in a new and unexplored field. With
Pindar ends the ancient school of lyric poetry ; with ^schylus
properly begins the splendid list of Athenian dramatists.

^ 2. Simonides w'as considerably older than both these poets ;
but the length of years which he attained made him their con-
temporary. He was born at lulis, in the island of Ceos, in the
year 556 B.C. His family had cultivated music and poetry with
diligence and success, and he himself was trained up in them
as a profession. From his native island he proceeded to Athens,
where he resided some years at the court of Hipparchus, together
with Anacreon and Lasus of Hermione, the teacher of Pindar : a
society which could not but serve to expand and mature his
powers, more especially as a sort of rivalry existed between him
and Lasus. Here he seems to have remained till the expulsion
of Hippias (e.g. 510). Subsequently he spent some time in Thes-
saly, under the patronage of the Aleuads and Scopads, the domi-
nant families of the cities of Larissa and Crannon. The poet
seems, however, to have been but little satisfied with his visit.
His songs were unappreciated by the rugged Thessalians and ill-
rewarded by their vain and selfish masters. Scopas bespoke a
poem on his own exploits, which Simonides recited at a banquet.
In order to diversify the theme, Simonides, as was customary on
such occasions, introduced into it the exploits of Castor and
Pollux. An ordinary mortal might have been content to share
the praises of the sons of Ledo ; but vanity is exacting ; and as
the tyrant sat at his festal board among his courtiers and syco-
phants, he grudged every verse that did not echo his own praises.
When Simonides approached to receive his promised reward,
Scopas exclaimed, "Here is my half of thy pay ; the Tyndarids
who have had so much of thy praise will doubtless furnish the
other." The disconcerted poet retired to his seat amidst the
laughter which followed the great man's jest. In a little time he
received a message that two young men on horseback, whose
description answered in every respect to that of Castor and
Pollux, were waiting without and wished to see him. Simonides
hastened to the door, but looked in vain for the visitors. Scarcely,
however, had he left the banqueting hall, when the building
fell in with a loud crash, burying Scopas and all his guests be-
neath the ruins. Into the authenticity of such a story it would
be idle to inquire. It is enough that we see in it the tribute
which a lively and ingenious people paid to merit, as in the tales
of Arion saved by the dolphin, and of Ibycus avenged by the
cranes.

But a nobler subject than the praises of despots awaited
the muse of Simonides — the struggles of Greece for her inde-

Chap. XXI. SIMONIDES. 281

pendence. At the time of the Persian wars, the poet, who had
then reached the age usually allotted to man, was again residing
among the Athenians. His genius, however, was still fresh and
vigorous, and was employed in celebrating the most momentous
events of that memorable epoch. He carried away the prize
from ^Eschylus with an elegy upon the warriors who had fallen
at the battle of Marathon. Subsequently we find him celebrat-
ing the heroes of Thermopylae, Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataea.
He was upwards of 80 when his long poetical career at Athens
was closed with the victory which he gained with the dithyi'am-
bic chorus in B.C. 477, making the 56th prize that he had
carried off. Shortly after this event he repaired to Syracuse at
the invitation of Hiero. Here he spent the remaining ten years
of his life, not only entertaining Hiero with his poetry, but in-
structing him by his wisdom ; for Simonides was a philosopher
as well as a poet, and is reckoned among the sophists.

Simonides was one of the most prolific poets that Greece had
seen ; but only a few fragments of his compositions have de-
scended to us. He employed himself on all the subjects which
fell to the lyric poet, then the mouth-piece of human life with
all its joys and sorrows, its hopes and disappointments. He
wrote hymns, pseans, elegies, hyporchemes, or songs for dancing,
dithyrambs, epinician odes, and threnes, or dirges, in which he
lamented the departed great. In the last species of composition
he particularly excelled. His genius was inclined to the pathetic,
and none could touch with truer effect the chords of human
sympathy.

§ 3. Pindar, though the contemporary of Simonides, was con-
siderably his junior. He was born either at, or in the neigh-
bourhood of, Thebes in Bosotia, about the year 522 b.c. His
family ranked among the noblest in Thebes, and seems to have
been celebrated for its skill in music, though there is no authority
for the assertion that they were hereditary flute-players. The
youth soon gave indications of a genius for poetry, which in-
duced his father to send him to Athens to receive more perfect
instruction in the art. Later vn-iters tell us that his future glory
as a poet was miraculously foreshadowed by a swarm of bees
which rested upon his lips while he was asleep, and that this
miracle first led him to compose poetry. At Athens he became
the pupil of Lasus of Hermione, who was the founder of the
Athenian dithyrambic school. He returned to Thebes before
he had completed his twentieth year, and is said to have re-
ceived instruction there from Myrtis and Corinna, two poet-
esses who then enjoyed great celebrity in Bceotia. Corinna
appears to have exercised considerable influence upon the youth-

232 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXI.

fill poet, and he was not a little indebted to her example and
precepts. It is related that she recommended him to introduce
mythical narrations mto his poems, and that when, in accordance
with her advice, he composed a hj-mn in which he intei"«^ove
almost all the Theban mythology, she smiled and said, "We
ought to sow with the hand, and not with the whole sack."
"VYith both these poetesses he contended for the prize in the mu-
sical contests at Thebes.

Pindar commenced his professional career at an early age, and
soon acquired so great a reputation, that he was employed by
various states and princes of the Hellenic race to compose choral
songs. He was courted especially by Alexander, kmg of Mace-
donia, and by Hiero, despot of S\Tacuse. The praises which he
bestowed upon Alexander are said to have been the chief reason
which led liis descendant, Alexander the Great, to spare the
house of the poet when he destroyed the rest of Thebes. About
B.C. 473, he visited SjTacuse, but did not remain more than four
years with Hiero, as he loved an independent life, and did not
care to cultivate the courtly arts which rendered his contempo-
rary, Simonides, a more welcome guest at the table of their
patron. But the estimation in which Pindar was held, is still
more strikingly shown by the honours conferred upon him by
the free states of Greece. Although a Theban, he was always a
great favourite with the Athenians, w'hom he frequently praised
in his poems, and w'hose city he often visited. The Athenians
testified their gratitude by making him their pubhc guest, and
by giving liim 10,000 drachmas ; and at a later period they
erected a statue in his honour.

The only poems of Pindar w^hich have come down to us
entire are his Epinicia or triumphal odes, composed in comme-
moration of victories gained in the great public games. But
these were only a small portion of his works. He also wrote
hymns, paeans, dithyrambs, odes for processions, songs of maidens,
mimic dancing songs, drinking songs, dirges, and encomia, or
panegyrics on princes. "^

* Most of them are mentioned by Horace : —

"Seu per andaees nova dithyrambos
Yerba deyolvit, numerisque fertur

Lege solutis ;
Sen deos {hymns and pceans) regesve {encomia) canit, deomm
Sanguinem :

Sive quos Elea domum redueit
Palma ccelestes {the Epinicia).

Plebili sponsse juTenemve raptum
Plorat" {the Dirges). — Od. iv. 2.

Chap. XXI. PINDAR. 283

The style of Pindar is marked by daring flights and abrupt
transitions, and became proverbial for its sublimity. He com-
pared himself to an eagle, — a simile which has been beautifully
expressed in the lines of Gray : —

" The pride and ample pinion
That the Theban eagle bare,
Sailing with supreme dominion
Through the azure deep of air."

§ 4. The only other poets of this epoch whom we need
mention are Ibycus and Bacchylides. Ibycus was a native of
E-hegium, and flourished towards the middle of the sixth century
before the Christian era. The best part of his life was spent
at the court of Poly crates of Saraos. The story of his death is
well known. While travelling through an unfrequented place
near Corinth, he was set upon by robbers and mortally wounded.
As he was on the point of expiring, he called upon a flock of
cranes that happened to fly over the spot to avenge his death.
Soon afterwards the cranes were beheld hovering over the theatre
at Corinth, where the people were assembled ; and one of the
murderers who were present, struck with remorse and terror, in-
voluntarily exclaimed, " Behold the avengers of Ibycus !" and thus
occasioned the detection of the criminals. The poetry of Ibycus
was chiefly of an amatory character. He wrote in a dialect which
was a mixture of the Doric and tEoHc.

Bacchylides was a native of lulis in the island of Ceos, and
the nephew and fellow-townsman of Simonides. He hved with
Simonides and Pindar at the court of Hiero at Syracuse. His
odes and songs tm-ned on the same subjects as those of the poets
just named ; but though he seems to have rivalled his uncle in
the grace and finish of his compositions, he was far from attaining
to the strength and energy of Pindar. He wrote in the Doric
dialect, with a mixture of the Attic.

Such were the principal characteristics of the poetry of the
epoch which we are considering, and such the chief poets who
flourished in it. Our attention must now be directed to a
striking feature in the literatm'e of the period, — the rise of com-
position in prose, and of history properly so called.

§ 5. The Greeks had arrived at a high pitch of civilization
before they can be said to have possessed a history. Nations
far behind them in intellectual development have infinitely ex-
celled them in this respect. Many of the eastern nations had
continuous chronicles from a very remote antiquity, as the Eg}^-
tians. the Babylonians, and the Jews. But among the Greeks
this branch of literature was singularly neglected. Their imagi-
aation seems to have been entierly dazzled and fascinated with

234 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXI.

the glories of the heroic ages, and to have taken but Uttle in-
terest in the events v^^hich were daily passing around them. But
a more critical and inquiring spirit was now beginning to spring
up, especially among the lonians of Asia Minor. \Ye have
already recorded the rise of natural philosophy among that
people, and we are now to view them as the originators of his-
tory in prose. This imiovation of course impHes a more ex-
tended use of the art of WTiting, without which a long prose
composition could not be remembered.

§ 6. The use of prose in writing was probably coeval with the
art of writing itself; but its first application was only to objects
of essential utility, and it was long before it came to be culti-
vated as a branch of literature. The first essays in literary prose
cannot be placed earlier than the sixth century before the Chris-
tian sera. Three nearly contemporary authors, who flourished
about the middle of that centur}% lay claim to the honour of
having been the first prose writers ; namely, Cadmus of Mi-
letus, Pherecydes of Sjtos, and Acusilaus of Argos ; but He-
catseus of Miletus, to whom Herodotus frequently refers by
name, must be regarded as the first historical prose writer
of any importance. He was apparently a man of wealth and
importance, and distinguished himself by the sound advice which
he gave the lonians at the time of their revolt from Persia
(b.c. 500). He hved till the close of the Persian w^ars in Greece,
Like many other early Greek historians, Hecataeus was a great
traveller, for at first geography and history were almost iden-
tical. Egypt especially he seems to have carefully explored.
Two works are ascribed to him ; one of a geographical nature,
called " Periodus," or travels round the earth, and the other of
an historical kind, which is sometimes cited by the name of
" Genealogies," and sometimes by that of " Histories." The
former of these seems to have constituted the first regular
system of Grecian geography ; but it was probably little more
than a " Periplus," or circumnavigation of the Mediterranean,
and its adjoining seas. The " Genealogies" related to the descent
and exploits of the heroes of mythology,

Charon of Lampsacus, an Ionic city on the Hellespont, is re-
markable as the first prose writer whose subjects were selected
from the historical times, and treated in a rational and discrimi-
nating manner ; and he has therefore some title to be regarded
as the first historian really deserving of the name. He flourished
in the first half of the fifth century B.C., and was certainly alive
in B.C. 464.

The only other prose writer previous to Herodotus, whom it
is necessary to mention, is Hellanicus of Mytilene. Hellanicus

Chap. XXL EARLY PROSE WRITERS. 286

was alive at the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, and
was therefore a contemporary of Herodotus, though probably a
little older. He was by far the most eminent and most volu-
minous writer of history before the time of Herodotus, and
seems to have been the author of at least ten or twelve works of
considerable size. Many others were ascribed to him which in
all probability were spurious. Like his predecessors, a large
portion of his labors was dedicated to imaginary pedigrees, but
some of them were historical and chronological. He seems to
have been acquainted with the early history of Italy and Rome.
He must be regarded as forming the chief hnk between the
earlier logographers and Herodotus ; but his works were pro-
bably very far from exhibiting the unity of design which we find
in that of the latter writer.

§ 7. According to the strict order of chronology, neither He-
rodotus nor some others of the authors just mentioned belong to
the period which we are now considering ; but the subject of Hero-
dotus connects him so intimately with the Persian wars, that we
have preferred to give an account of him here, rather than in
a subsequent book. Herodotus was born in the Dorian colony
of Halicarnassus in Caria, in the year 484 B.C., and accordingly
about the time of the Persian expeditions into Greece. He was
descended from a distinguished family, but respecting his youth
and education we are totally in the dark. One of the earliest
events of his life with which we are acquainted is his retirement
to Samos, in order to escape the tyranny of Lygdamis, a grand-
son of queen Artemisia, who had fought so bravely at Salamis.
It was perhaps in Samos that Herodotus acquired the Ionic
dialect. The celebrity of the Ionian writers of history had
caused that dialect to be regarded as the appropriate vehicle for
that species of composition ; but though Herodotus made use of
it, his language has been observed not to be so pure as that of
Hecatseus, who was an Ionian by birth. Herodotus was pro-
bably rather more than thirty years of age when he went to
Samos. How long he remained there cannot be determined.
He seems to have been recalled to his native city by some poli-
tical crisis ; for on his return he took a prominent part in deli-
vering it from the tyrant Lygdamis. The dissensions, however,
which prevailed at Halicarnassus after that event, compelled
Herodotus again to emigrate ; and it was probably at this period
that he undertook the travels of which he speaks in his work.
The extent of them may be estimated from the fact that there
was scarcely a town in Greece, or on the coasts of Asia Minor,
with which he was not acquainted ; that he had explored Thrace
and the coasts of the Black Sea ; that in Egypt he had penetrated

28« HISTORY OF GREECE. Char XXI.

as far south as Elephantine ; and that in Asia he had visited th,e
cities of Babylon, Ecbatana, and Susa. The latter part of his
life was spent at Thurii, a colony founded by the Athenians in
Italy in B.C. 443 ; and it was probably at this place that he com-
posed the greater portion 6f his history. The date of his settle-
ment at Thurii cannot be accurately fixed. Some accounts make
him accompany the first colonists thither ; but there are reasons
for believing that he did not take up his abode there till several
years afterwards. According to a well-known story in Lucian,
Herodotus, when he had completed his work, recited it publicly
at the great Olympic festival, as the best means of procuring for
it that celebrity to which he felt that it was entitled. Posting
himself on the platform of the temple of Jove, he recited, or
rather chaunted, the whole of his work to the assembled Greeks.
The efiect is described as immediate and complete. The de-
lighted audience at once assigned the names of the nine Muses
to the nine books into which it is divided ; whilst the celebrity
of the author became so great, that it even eclipsed that of the
victors in the games. A still later author (Suidas) adds, that
Thucydides, then a boy, was present at the festival with his
father Olorus, and was so affected by the recital as to shed tears ;
upon which Herodotus congratulated Olorus on having a son
who possessed so early such a zeal for knowledge. But there
are many objections to the probability of these tales.

The time and manner of the death of Herodotus are uncertain,
but we know, from some allusions in his history, that he was
alive subsequently to the year 408 b.c. According to one tradi-
tion he died at Thurii, according to another at Pella in Mace-
donia. The former account is hardly probable, since Thurii
revolted from Athens in 412, when the old Athenian colonists
who sided with the mother-country were driven into exile. Un-
less therefore we assume that Herodotus took part with the in-
surgents, it seems most likely that he quitted Thurii at this
period, and it is not improbable that, like Lysias the orator, he
returned to Athens.

§ 8. Herodotus interwove into his history all the varied and
extensive knowledge acquired in his travels, and by his own per-
sonal researches. The real subject of that magnificent work is
the conflict between the Greek race, in the widest sense of the
term, and including the Greeks of Asia Minor, with the Asiatics.
This is the ground-plan of the book, and was founded on a notion
then current of an ancient enmity between the Greeks and
Asiatics, as exemplified in the stories of lo, Medea, and Helen.
Thus the historian had a vast epic subject presented to him,
which was brought to a natural and glorious termination by the

Chap. XXL HERODOTUS. 237

defeat of the Persians in their attempts upon Greece. He touches
the ancient and mythical times, hoAvever, but hghtly, and hastens
on to a more recent and authentic historical period. Croesus,
king of Lydia, the earliest Asiatic monarch who had succeeded
in reducing a portion of the G-reek race to subjection, first en-
gages his attention at any length. The quarrel between Croesus
and Cyrus, king of Persia, brings the latter power upon the stage.
The destruction of the Lydian monarchy by the Persians is re-
lated, and is followed by a retrospective view of the rise of the
Persian power, and of the Median empire. This is succeeded
by an account of the reduction of the rest of Asia Minor and of
Babylonia ; and the first book closes with the death of Cyrus in
an expedition against the Massagetee, a race inhabiting the plains
beyond the Caspian Sea. Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, under-
takes an expedition against Egypt, which gives occasion to a
description of that country occupying the whole of the second
book. In the third book the annexation of Egypt to the Persian
empire is related, as well as the abortive attempts of Cambyses
against the M thiopians and Ammonians. The death of C ambyses,
the usurpation of the false Smerdis, and the accession of Darius
form the remainder of the third book. The fourth book is chiefly
occupied with the Scythian expedition of Darius ; whilst at the
same time a Persian armament fitted out in Egypt for the con-
quest of Libya, serves to introduce an account of the discovery
and colonization of the latter country by the Greeks. In the
fifth book the termination of the Thracian expedition under the
satrap Megabazus is related, and a description given of the
Thracian people. This book also contains an account of the
origin of the quarrel between Persia and the Greek colonies in
Asia Minor. The history of the wars between the Greeks and
Persians then runs on with little interruption in the remainder
of this book, and in the four last books. The work concludes
with the reduction of Sestos by the Athenians.

k 9. The love and admiration of Herodotus for Athens are ap-
parent throughout his work ; he sided with her with all his soul,
and declared her to be the saviour of Grecian liberty. This at-
tachment was not unrewarded by the Athenians, and a pse-
phisma, or vote of the people, is recorded, granting him. the sum
of 1 0 talents out of the public treasury. It was this not unfounded
admiration of Herodotus for Athens that gave occasion to Plu-
tarch, or some writer who assumed Plutarch's name, to charge
him with partiality, and malice towards other Grecian states.

§ 10. The ease and simplicity of the style of Herodotus lend
it an indescribable charm, and we seem rather to be conversing
with an intelligent traveller than reading an elaborately com-

238 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXL

posed history. On the other hand a certain want of skill in
composition may be observed in it. Prose style does not arrive
at perfection till much has been written, and with Herodotus it
was stiU in its infancy. Nor must we seek in him for that
depth of philosophical reflection which we find in Thucydides.
Sometimes, indeed, he exhibits an almost childish credulity.
Yet he had formed a high notion of the value of history, and
was evidently a sincere lover of truth. He may sometimes have
received the accounts of others with too trusting a simpUcity,
yet he always gives them for what they are worth, leaving the
reader to form his own judgment, and often cautioning him as
to their source and value. On the other hand, where he speaks
from his own observation, his accounts may be imphcitly rehed
upon ; and many of them, which were formerly doubted as im-
probable, have been confirmed by the researches of modern tra-
vellers. In short, Herodotus is the Homer of history. He has
all the majesty and simphcity of the great epic bard, and all
the freshness and vivacity of colouring which mark the founder
of a new literary epoch.

Bust of Herodotua.

The Theseum at Athens.

BOOK IV.

THE ATHEl^IAN SUPREMACY AND THE
PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

B.C. 477—404.

CHAPTER XXII.

FROM THE EXPULSION OF THE PERSIANS TO THE DEATH OF
THEMISTOCLES.

1. Further proceedings against the Persians. § 2. Misconduct and
treason of Pausanias. §3. The maritime supremacy transferred to the
Athenians. §4. Confederacy of Delos. §5. The combined fleet under
Cimon. §6. Growth of the Athenian power. Plans of Themistocles.
§ Y. Rebuilding of Athens. The Lacedaemonians attempt to prevent its
being fortified. § 8. Fortification of Pirseus. § 9. Strife of parties at
Athens. Misconduct of Themistocles. § 10. He is ostracised. § 11.
Pausanias convicted of Jfec^iswi. §12. Themistocles implicated in his
guilt. He escapes into Asia. § 13. He is magnificently received by
Artaxerxes. His death and character. 8 14. Death of Aristides.

§ 1. The last campaign had effectually delivered Greece from all
fear of the Persian yoke ; but the Persians still held some posts

240 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXH.

from which it concerned both the interests and the honour of
the Greeks to expel them. They were in possession of the
island of Cyprus and of the important town of Byzantium ; to-
gether with Eion on the Strymon, Doriscus, and several other
places in Thrace. A fleet was therefore fitted out (b.c. 478) the
year after the battle of Plataea, and placed under the command
of the Spartan regent, Pausanias. Of tliis fleet only twenty ships
belonged to the Peloponnesians, whilst thirty, under the com-
mand of Aristides and Cimon, were furnished by Athens alone.
After deUvering most of the Grecian towns in Cyprus from the
Persians, this armament sailed up the Bosporus and laid siege
to Byzantium, which was garrisoned by a large Persian force
commanded by some kinsmen of Xerxes. The town surrendered
after a protracted siege ; but it was during this expedition that
the conduct of the Spartan com.mander struck a fatal blow at the
interests of his country.

§ 2. The immense booty, as well as the renown, which Pau-
sanias had acquired at Platsea, had filled him. with pride and
ambition. When he returned home, he felt it irksome to con-
form to the simplicity and sobriety of a Spartan life, and to
submit to the commands of the Ephors. He had given a signal
instance of the pride with which he was inflated by causing
Simonides to attribute the glory of the Persian defeat solely to
himself in the epigram which he composed for the tripod dedi-
cated at Delphi ; a piece of vanity which gave such offence to
the Lacedaemonians that they caused the inscription to be
erased, and another to be substituted in its place. Nevertheless,
in spite of these symptoms, he had been again entrusted with
the command. During the whole course of it his conduct was
marked by the greatest vanity and insolence ; towards the end
it was also sullied by treason. After the capture of Byzantium,
he put himself in communication with the Persian court, through
Gongylus, an Eretrian exile and subject of Persia. He sent Gon-
gylus clandestinely to Xerxes with those members of the royal
family who had been taken at Byzantium, and assured the allies
that they had escaped. At the same time he despatched the
following letter to Xerxes : —

" Pausanias, the Spartan commander, wishing to oblige thee,
sends back these prisoners of war. I am minded, if it please
thee, to marry thy daughter, and to brhig Sparta, and the rest
of Greece under thy dominion. This I hold myself able to do
with the help of thy counsels. If, therefore, the project at all
pleases thee, send down some trustworthy man to the coast,
through whom we may carry on our future correspondence."

Xerxes was highly delighted with this letter, and sent a reply

B.C. 47 S. MARITIME SUPREMACY OF ATHEISMS. 241

in which he urged Paiisanias to pursue his project night and day,
and promised to supply him with all the money and troops that
might be needful for its executioii. At the same time he appointed
Artabazus, who had been second in command in Boeotia, to be sa-
trap of Dascylium, where he would be able to co-operate with the
Spartan commander. But the childish vanity of Pausauias be-
trayed his plot before it was ripe for execution. Elated by the
confidence of Xerxes, and by the money with which he was
lavishly supphed, he acted as if he had already married the
Great King's daughter. He assumed the Persian dress ; he
made a progress through Thrace, attended by Persian and
Egyptian guards ; and copied, in the luxury of his table and the
dissoluteness of his manners, the example of his adopted coun-
try. Above all, he offended the allies by his haught}' reserve
and imperiousness.

^ 3. His designs were now too manifest to escape attention.
His proceedings reached the ears of the Spartans, who sent out
Dorcis to supersede him. But when Dorcis arrived, he found
that the allies had transferred the command of the fleet to the
Athenians.

There were other reasons for this step besides the disgust
occasioned by the conduct of Pausanias. Even before the battle
of Salamis, the preponderating naval power of Athens had raised
the question whether she was not entitled to the command at
sea ; and the victory gained there, under the auspices of Therais-
tocles, had strengthened her claim to that distmction. But the
delivery of the Ionian colonies from the Persian yoke was the
immediate cause for her attainmg it. The lonians were not only
attracted to Athens by affinity of race, but, from her naval su-
periority, regarded her as the only power capable of securing
them in their newly acquired independence. Disgusted by the
insolence of Pausanias, the lonians now serving in the combined
Grecian fleet addressed themselves to Aristides and Cimon,
w^hose manners formed a striking contrast to those of the Spar-
tan leader, and begged them to assume the command. Aristides
was the more inclined to listen to this request as it was made
precisely at the time w^hen Pausanias was recalled. The Spartan
squadron had accompanied him home ; so that when Dorcis
arrived with a few ships, he found himself in no condition to as-
sert his pretensions.

§ 4. This event was not a mere empty question about a point
of honour. It was a real revolution, termmated by a solemn
league, of which Athens was to be the head ; and though it is
wrong to date the Athenian eminre from this period, yet it can-
not be doubted that this confederacy formed her first step towards

M

242 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI

it. Ai'istides took the lead iii this matter, for which liis pro-
verbial justice and probity, and his concihatory manners, emi-
nently qualified him. The league obtained the name of " the
Confederacy of Delos," from its being arranged that deputies of
the allies belonging to it should meet periodically for deliberation
in the temple df Apollo and Artemis in that island. The league
was not, however, confined to the lonians. It w^as joined by all
who sought, in the maritime power of Athens, a protection
against the attacks of Persia. Besides the Ionic islands of Samos
and Chios, it w'as jomed by Rhodes, Cos, Lesbos, and Tenedos.
Among the continental towns belonging to it we find Miletus,
the Greek to^^ns on the peninsula of Chalcidice, and the recently
dehvered Byzantium. Each state was assessed in a certain con-
tribution either of m.oney or ships, as proposed by the Athenians
and ratified by the SjTiod. The assessment w^as uitrusted to
Aristides, whose justice and impartiality were universally ap-
plauded. Of the details, however, we only know that the first
assessment amounted to 460 talents (about 160,000/. sterhng) ;
that certain officers called Hellenotamise w^ere appointed by the
Athenians to collect and administer the contributions ; that
Delos was the treasury ; and that the tax was called pJimvs ; a
name which afterw^ards became odious when the tribute was
abused for the purposes of Athenian ambition.

\ 5. Such was the origin of the Confederacy of Delos, Soon
after its formation Aristides was succeeded m the command of
the combined fleet by Cimon, whose first important action seems
to have been the capture of Eion on the Strj^mon. This place
was bravely defended by Boges, the Persian Governor, who re-
fused all offers of capitulation ; and when his provisions were
exhausted and all further defence impracticable, he caused a large
funeral pile to be kindled into which he cast his wives, his con-
cubines, and children, and lastly himself

The next event of any moment was the reduction of the island
of Scyros, probably in B.C. 470. A portion of the inhabitants of
Scyros, had been condemned by the Amphictyonic council as guilty
of piracy, and in order to avoid payment of the fine imposed upon
them, appealed to Cimon ; who took possession of the island, and
after expelling the natives, colonised it with Athenians. The
hero Theseus had been bm-ied in Scyros ; and now, by command
of an oracle, his bones were disinterred and carried to Athens,
where they were deposited wath much solenniity in a temple
called the Theseum, which exists at the present day.

§ 6. The isle of Scyros is small and barren, but its position and
excellent harbour rendered it an important naval station. The
occupation of it by the Athenians seems to have been the first

B.C. 477. CONFEDERACY OF DELOS. 243

actual step taken by them in the career of aggrandizement on
which they were now about to enter ; but the rapid growth of
their maritime power, and especially the formation of the Con-
federacy of Delos, had already roused the jealousy and suspicion
of Sparta and other states. It was, probably, a lingering dread
of the Persians, against whose attacks the Atlftnian fleet was
indispensably necessary, which had prevented the Lacedsemo-
nians, from at once resenting that encroachment on their supre-
macy. Up to that time Sparta had been regarded as entitled to
take the lead in Grecian affairs, and for a moment the league
formed at Platsea after the defeat of Mardonius seemed to con-
firm her in that position. But she was soon deprived of it
by the misconduct of her leaders, and by the skill and enterprise
of Athens.

That city was the only one which, during the Persian wars,
had displayed ability and heroism equal to the crisis. She had
taken a large share in the battle of Platsea, whilst the glory of
Marathon, and Salamis, and Mycale was almost entirely her own.
Above all, the sufferings which she had voluntarily undergone in
the common cause entitled her to the love and sj^mpathy of
Greece. It was not, however, the gratitude of her alHes which
placed her in the commanding situation she was now about to
seize. She owed it rather to the eminent qualities of two of her
citizens — to the genius of Themistocles, and to the virtue of
Aristides. It was, as we have seen, tlirough the immediate
agency of Aristides that the Confederacy of Delos was esta-
bhshed : a matter which his able but unprincipled rival, owing
to the want of confidence felt in his character, would hardly have
been able to carry out. But it was Themistocles who had first
placed Athens in a situation which enabled her to aspire to the
chief command. His genius had mastered all the exigencies of
the crisis. His advice to the Athenians to rely on their ships,
and to abandon their city to its fate, had not oiily saved Athens
but Greece. He was now engaged m measures which might
enable Athens by the same means to consolidate and extend her
power ; and the Confederacy of Delos promised to bring his
plans to an earlier maturity than even he had perhaps ventured
to anticipate. But in order to understand the plans of Themis-
tocles, it will be necessary to revert to the city of Athens
itself, and to trace its progress after the close of the Persian war.

§ 7. The Athenians, on their return to Attica after the defeat
of the Persians, found their city ruined and their country deso-
late. Their first care was to provide shelter for the houseless fa-
milies which had been transported back from TroBzen, ^gina, and
Salamis. When this had been accomplished, they began to

244 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIL

rebuild their city on a larger scale than before, and to fortify it
with a wall. Those allies to w^hom the increasing maritime
power of Athens was an object of suspicion, and especially the
^ginetans, to whom it was more particularly formidable, beheld
her rising fortifications wdth dismay. In order to prevent the
completion of These fortifications, they endeavored to inspire
the Lacedaemonians with their ow^n fears, and urged them to
arrest the work. But, though Sparta shared the jealous)^ of the
JEgmetans on tliis occasion, she could not with any decency
interfere by force to prevent a friendly city from exercising a
right inherent m all independent states. She assumed, there-
fore, the hypocritical garb of an adviser and counsellor. Con-
cealing her jealousy under the pretence of zeal for the common
interests of Greece, she represented to the Athenians that, m
the event of another Persian invasion, fortified towns would serve
the enemy for camps and strongholds, as Thebes had done in the
last w^ar ; and proposed that the Athenians should not only desist
from completing their own fortifications, but help to demolish
those which already existed in other townas.

The object of this proposal was too transparent to deceive so
acute a statesman as Themistocles. Athens was not yet, how-
ever, in a condition to incur the danger of openly rejecting it ; and
he therefore advised the Athenians to dismiss the Spartan envoys
with the assurance that they w^ould send ambassadors to Sparta
to explain their views. He then caused himself to be appointed
one of these ambassadors, together wdth Aristides and Abronychus ;
and setting off at once for Sparta, directed his colleagues to linger
behind as long as possible. At Sparta, the absence of his colleagues,
at which he affected to be surprised, afibrded him an excuse for
not demanding an audience of the Ephors. Durmg the interval
thus gained the whole population of Athens, of both sexes and
every age, worked day and night at the walls, w^hich, when Aris-
tides and Abronychus at length arrived at Sparta, had attained a
height sufficient to afford a tolerable defence. Meanw-hile, the
suspicions of the Spartans had been more than once aroused by
messages from the iEginetans respecting the progress of the
walls. Themistocles, however, positively denied their state-
ments, and urged the Spartans to send messengers of their own
to Athens in order to learn the true state of afiairs ; at the same
time instructing the Athenians to detain them as hostages for
the safety of himself and colleagues. As there w^as now no
longer any motive of concealment, Themistocles openly avowed
the progress of the works, and his intention of securing the
independence of Athens, and enabling her to act for herself As
the walls were now too far advanced to be easily taken, the

B.C. 478. FORTIFICATION OF ATHENS. 245

Spartans found themselves compelled to acquiesce, and the works
were completed without further hindrance.

§ 8. Having thus secured the city from all danger of an imme-
diate attack, Themistocles pursued his favourite project of ren-
dering Athens the gxeatest maritime and commercial power of
Greece. The large fleet which he had called ink) existence, and
which he had persuaded the Athenians to increase by building
twenty triremes every year, w^as destitute of a strong and com-
modious harbour such as might afford shelter both against the
weather and the attacks of an enemy. The open roadstead of Pha-
lerum was quite inadequate for these purposes ; and during his
administration three years before, Themistocles had persuaded his
countrymen to improve the natural basins of Pirseus and Muny-
chia. The works had been interrupted and perhaps ruined by
the Persians ; but he now resumed his scheme on a still more
magnificent scale. Pirseus and Munychia were both enclosed in
a wall as large in extent as that of the city itself, but of vastly
greater height and thickness. In his own magnificent ideas,
which already beheld Athens the undisputed mistress of the sea,
the wall which sheltered her fleet was to be perfectly unassaila-
ble. Its height Avas to be such that boys and old men might
suffice for its defence, and leave the men of military age to act
on board the fleet. It seems, however, to have been fomid either
unnecessary or impossible to carry out the design of Themistocles.
The wall rose only to about sixty feet, or half the projected
height ; but this was always found amply sufficient.*

^ 9. The ancient rivalry between Themistocles and Aristides
had been in a good degree extinguished by the danger which
threatened their common country during the Persian wars.
Aristides had since abandoned his former prejudices, and was
willing to conform to many of the democratic al innovations of
his rival. In fact, the crisis through which Athens had recently
passed, had rendered the progress of the democratical sentiment
irresistible. Whilst the greater part of the male population was
servmg on shipboard without distinction of rank, and the re-
mainder dispersed in temporary exile, political privileges had
been necessarily suspended ; and the whole body of the people,
rendered equal by the common danger, became also equal in
their civil rights. The effect of this was to produce, soon after
their return to Attica, a still further modification of the consti-
tution of Clisthenes. The Thetes, the lowest of the four classes
of Athenian citizens, were declared eligible for the magistracy,
from which they had been excluded by the laws of Solon. Thus

* For a further account of the topography of Athens and the Pirseus,
see Chap. XXXIY.

246 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXII.

not only the archonship, but consequently the Council of Areo-
pagus, was thrown open to them ; and, strange to say, this reform
was proposed by Aristides himself

Nevertheless, party spirit still ran high at Athens. Cimon
and Alcmseon were violent opponents of Themistocles, and of
their party Aristides was still the head. The popularity of Aris-
tides was never greater than at the present time, owing not only
to the moderation and the more liberal spirit which he exhibited,
but also to his great services in establishing the Confederacy of
Delos. He was, therefore, more than ever to be dreaded as an
adversary ; and the conduct of Themistocles soon laid him open
to the attacks of his enemies. He offended the Athenians by
his ostentation and vanity. He was continually boasting of his
services to the state ; but worse than all this, his conduct was
stained with positive guilt. There was much to be done after
the close of the Persian wars in restoring order in the Grecian
communities ; in deposing corrupt magistrates, in punishing evil
doers, and in replacing fugitives and political exiles in their
possessions. All these things opened up a great field for bribery
and corruption ; and whilst Themistocles, at the head of an
Athenian squadron, was sailing among the Greek islands for the
ostensible purpose of executing justice, there is little room to
doubt that he corrupted its very source by accepting large sums of
money from the cities which he visited.

§ 10. The influence of the Lacedaemonians was still considera-
ble at Athens. The conservative party there, and especially Ci-
mon, one of its principal leaders, regarded with love and venera-
tion the stable institutions of Sparta, which formed a striking
contrast to the democratical innovations which were making such
rapid progress in their own city. The Lacedaemonians on their
side were naturally inimical to the Athenian democracy, as the
party most opposed to their interests and power ; and to Themis-
tocles himself they were personally hostile, on account of the
deception which he had lately practised upon them. Hence when
Pausanias became suspected oi Medison, they urged the political
opponents of Themistocles to accuse him of being implicated
in the same crime. This accusation was at all events prema-
ture ; nor is it surprising that the Athenian statesman should
have been acquitted of a charge which could not at that time be
brought home to Pausanias himself The result, however, of this
accusation was to embitter party spirit at Athens to such a de-
gree that it was found necessary to resort to ostracism, and
Themistocles was condemned to a temporary banishment (b.c.
47 1 ). He retired to Argos, and had been residing in that city for a
space of about five years when indubitable proofs were discovered

B.C. 471. TREASON AND FALL OF FAUSAiNlAS. 247

of his being implicated in the treasonable correspondence of
Pausanias with the Persians. But in order to explain the fall of
the Athenian statesman, we must first relate that of the Spartan
regent with which it was intimately connected.

^11. The recall of Pausanias from Byzantium has been already
mentioned. On his a.rrival at home he seems to have been ac-
quitted of any definite charges ; yet the general presumption of
his guilt was so strong that he was not again entrusted with the
command of the fleet. This was perhaps an additional motive
with him to complete his treachery. Under pretence of serving
as a volunteer, he returned to Byzantium with a single trireme,
and renewed his negotiations with Artabazus. Here he seems
to have again enjoyed a sort of ascendency, till his conduct
obliged the Athenians to expel him from this city. He then
retired to Colonse, in the Troad, where he still pursued his de-
signs ; employing both Persian gold, and perhaps the influence
of the Spartan name, in order to induce various Grrecian cities
to participate in his schemes.

At tlie news of these proceedings the Spartans again ordered
Pausanias home, under pain of being denounced as a public
enemy. With this order he deemed it prudent to comply ; fore-
seeing that, if proscribed, his influence would be at an end, and
relying, probably, on his riches to bribe his judges and procure
an acquittal. But, though at first imprisoned by the Ephors,
nobody was bold enough to come forwards as his accuser. His
treachery, though sufficiently palpable, seems to have offered no
overt and legally tangible act, and he was accordingly set at
Uberty. He now employed himself in hatching treason nearer
home. He tampered with the Helots, and by promises of en-
franchisement and political rights, endeavoured to persuade
them to overthrow the Ephors, and make him sole sovereign.
Though these plots were communicated to the Ephors, they
were still either unable or unwilling to prosecute so powerful a
criminal. Meanwhile, he continued his correspondence with
Persia ; aud an accident at length afforded convincing proofs of
his guilt.

A favourite slave, to whom he had entrusted a letter to Ar-
tabazus, observed with dismay that none of the messengers
employed in this service had ever returned. Moved by these
fears, he broke the seal and read the letter, and finding his
suspicions of the fate that awaited him confirmed, he carried the
document to the Ephors. But in ancient states the testimony
of a slave was always regarded with suspicion. The Ephors re-
fused to beheve the evidence offered to them unless the slave
placed them in a position to have it confirmed by their own

248 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XX IT

ears. For this purpose they directed him to plant himself as a
suppliant in the grove of Poseidon, near Cape Tsenarus. in a hut
behind which t\\-o of their body might conceal themselves.
Pausanias, as they had expected, anxious and surprised at the
step taken by his slave, hastened to the spot to question him
about it. The conversation which ensued between them, and
which was overheard by the Ephors, rendered it impossible for
them any longer to doubt the guilt of Pausanias. They now
determined to arrest him on his return to Sparta. They met
him in the street near the temple of Athena Chalcioecus (of the
Brazen House) ; when Pausanias, either alarmed by his guilty
conscience, or put on his guard by a secret signal from one of
the Ephors, turned and fled to the temple, where he took refuge
in a small chamber belonging to the bmlduig. From this sanc-
tuary it was unlawful to drag him ; but the Ephors caused the
doors to be built up and the roof to be removed ; and his own
mother is said to have placed the first stone at the doors. "VMien
at the point of death from starvation, he w^as carried from the
sanctuary before he polluted it with his corpse.

§ 12. Such was the end of the victor of Plateea. After his
death proofs were discovered among his correspondence that
Themistocles was implicated in liis guilt. The Lacedeemonians
now again called upon the Athenians to prosecute their great
statesman before a synod of the alhes assembled at Sparta : and
joint envoys were sent from Athens and Sparta to arrest him.

Themistocles avoided the impending danger by flying from
Argos to Corcyra. The Corc^Taeans, however, refusing to shelter
liim, he passed over to the continent ; where, being still pursued,
he w^as forced to seek refuge at the court of Admetus, king of
the Molossians, though he had made Admetus his personal ene-
my by opposing him on one occasion in some favour which the
king begged of the Athenians. Fortmiately, Admetus happened
to be from hora.e. The forlorn condition of Themistocles ex-
cited the compassion of the wife of the Molossian kmg, who
placed her child in liis arms, and bade him seat himself on the
hearth as a supphant. As soon as the king arrived, Themis-
tocles explained his peril, and adjured hhn by the sacred laws
of hospitaUty not to take vengeance upon a fallen foe. Admetus
accepted his appeal and raised him from the hearth ; he refused
to dehver hhn up to his pursuers, and at last only dismissed him
on his own expressed desire to proceed to Persia. Having tra-
versed the mountains, Themistocles reached Pydna, on the Ther-
maic gulf, wiiere, under an assumed name, he took a passage in
a merchant vessel bound for the coast of Asia Minor. The ship
was driven bv stress of weather to the island of Naxos, which

B.C. 449. DEATH OF THEMISTOCLES. 249

happened at that very moment to be blockaded by an Athenian
fleet. In this conjuncture Themistocles adopted one of those
decisive resolutions which never failed him in the hour of dan-
ger. Having summoned the master of the vessel, he disclosed
to him his real name, and the peril which menaced him in case
of discovery. He then conjured the master not to make the
land, at the same time threatening that, if detected, he would
involve him in his own ruin by representing him as the accom-
plice of his flight ; promising, on the other hand, a large reward
if he would secure his escape. These representations induced
the master to keep the sea in spite of the weather ; a.nd Themis-
tocles landed safely at Ephesus.

§ 13. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, was now upon the throne
of Persia, and to him Themistocles hastened to announce himself.
Having been conducted to Susa, he addressed a letter to the Per-
sian king, in which he claimed a reward for his past services in
favouring the escape of Xerxes, and promised to efiect much for
Persian interests if a year were allowed him to mature his plans.
Artaxerxes welcomed the arrival of the illustrious stranger and
readily granted his request. According to the tales current at a
later period, the king was so transported with joy as to start
from his sleep at night and thrice to cry out, " I have got The-
mistocles the Athenian." At the end of the year, Themistocles
having acquired a sufiicient knowledge of the Persian language
to be able to converse in it, entertained Artaxerxes with magni-
ficent schemes for the subjugation of Greece, and succeeded
in gaining his entire confidence and favour. Artaxerxes loaded
him with presents, gave him a Persian wife, and appointed Mag-
nesia, a town not far from the Ionian coast, as his place of
residence. In accordance with Eastern magnificence, the reve-
nues of that place, amounting to the yearly sum of fifty talents,
were assigned to him for bread, whilst Myos was to supply con-
diments, and Lampsacus wine. At Magnesia Themistocles was
joined by his family; and after living there some time, was
carried off by disease at the age of sixty-five, without having
realized, or apparently attempted, any of those plans with which
he had dazzled the Persian monarch. Rumour, which ever dogs
the footsteps of the great, ascribed his death to poison, which he
took of his own accord, from a consciousness of his inability to
perform his promises ; but this report, which was current in the
time of Thucydides, is rejected by that historian, though it was
subsequently adopted by writers of no mean note. The tale was
probably propagated by the friends of Themistocles, who also
asserted that, at his express command, they had carried his
bones to Attica, and had secretly buried them in his native land.

250 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXII.

In the time of the Roman empire his tomb was shown upon the
promontory at the right hand of the entrance of the great har-
bour of Piraeus. This was doubtless the invention of a later
age ; but the imagination could not have chosen a fitter spot for
the ashes of the founder of the maritime greatness of Athens.
Hence we find in an ancient epigram, supposed to have been
inscribed upon his tomb : —

"By the sea's margin, on the watery strand,
Thy monument, Themistoeles, shall stand:
By this directed to thy native shore
The merchant shall convey his freighted store ;
And when our fleets are summoned to the fight,
Athens shall conquer with thy tomh in sight."

Themistoeles is one of those characters which exhibit at once
all the greatness and all the meanness of human nature. Acute-
ness in foreseeing, readiness and wisdom in contrivmg, combmed
with vigour and decision in acting, were the characteristics of
this great statesman, and by these qualities he not only rescued
his country from the imminent danger of the Persian yoke, but
enabled her to become one of the leading states of Greece. Yet
his lofty genius did not secure him from the seductions of
avarice and pride, which led him to sacrifice both his honour
and his country for the tinsel of Eastern pomp. But the riches
and luxury which surrounded him served only to heighten his
infamy, and were dearly bought with the hatred of his country-
men, the reputation of a traitor, and the death of an exile.

§ 14. Aristides died about four years after the banishment of
Themistoeles. The common accounts of his poverty are pro-
bably exaggerated, and seem to have been founded on the circum-
stances of a public funeral, and of handsome donations made to
his three children by the state. But in ancient times these were
no unusual marks of respect and gratitude towards merit and
virtue ; and as he was archon e]oonymus at a time when only the
first class of the Solonian census was admissible to this office,
he must have enjoyed a certain amount of property. But what-
ever his property may have been, it is at least certain that
he did not acquire or increase it by unlawful means ; and not
even calumny has ventured to assail his well earned title of the
Just,

Pericles and Aspasia.

CHAPTER XXIII.

RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. FROM THE

BATTLE OF EURYMEDON TO THE THIRTY YEARS' TRUCE WITH
SPARTA.

1. Cimon leader of the aristocratical party at Athens. § 2. Revolt
of IS'axos. § 3. Battle of Eiirymedon. § 4. The Athenians blockade
Thasos, and attempt to found colonies in Thrace. § 5. Earthquake
at Sparta and revolt of the Helots. § 6. Decline of Spartan power.
§ 7. Cimon assists the Spartans to suppress the revolt, but without
success. The Spartans offend the Athenians by dismissing their troops.
§ 8. Parties at Athens. Character of Pericles. § 9. Attack upon the
Areopagus. § 10. Ostracism of Cimon. § 11. Administration and
foreign policy of Pericles. § 12. Expedition of the Athenians into
Egypt against the Persians. § 13. Hostilities with Corinth and ^gina.
Defeat of the Corinthians at Megara. § 14. The long walls of Athens
commenced. § 15. The Lacedaemonians march into Boeotia. Battle
of Tanagra. § 16. Recall of Cimon. § 11. Battle of (Enophyta, and
conquest of Boeotia. Conquest of ^gina. § 18. The five years' truce.
Expedition of Cimon to Cyprus. His death. § 19. Conclusion of the
war with Persia. § 20. The Athenian power at its height. § 21.
Decline of Athenian power. Revolution in Boeotia. Other Athe-
nian reverses. Invasion of Attica by the Lacedsemonians under
Pleistoanax. § 22. Pericles recovers Euboea. Thirty years' truce
with Sparta.

H . On the death of Aristides, Cimon became the undisputed
leader of the aristocratical or conservative party at Athens. Cimon

252 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIII.

was generous, affable, magnificent ; and, notwithstanding his po-
litical views, of exceedingly popular manners. He had inherited
the military genius of his father, and was undoubtedly the
greatest commander of his time. He employed the vast wealth
acquired in his expeditions in adorning Athens and gratifying
his fellow-citizens. He kept open house for such of his demos
(the LaciadsB) as were in want of a meal, and appeared in pub-
lic attended by well-dressed slaves, who were often directed to ex-
change their comfortable garments with the thread-bare clothes
of needy citizens. But his mind was uncultivated by arts or
letters, and what eloquence he possessed was rough and soldier-
like.

§ 2. The capture of Eion and reduction of Scyros by Cimon
have been already related. It was two or three years after the
latter event that we find the first symptoms of discontent among
the members of the Confederacy of Delos. Naxos, one of the
confederate islands, and the largest of the Cyclades, revolted in
B.C. 466, probably from a feeling of the growing oppressiveness
of the Athenian headship. It was immediately invested by the
confederate fleet, and after a blockade of unknown duration re-
duced and made tributary to Athens. It was during this block-
ade that Themistocles, as before related, passed the island in his
flight to Asia. This was another step towards dominion gained
by the Athenians, whose pretensions were assisted by the im-
prudence of the allies. Many of the smaller states belonging to
the confederacy, wearied with perpetual hostilities, commuted
for a money payment the ships which they were bound to
supply; and thus, by depriving themselves of a navy, lost the
only means by which they could assert their independence.

S 3. The same year was marked by a memorable action against
the Persians. Cimon, at the head of 200 Athenian triremes, and
100 furnished by the allies, proceeded to the coast of Asia Minor,
where he expelled the Persians from several Grecian towns in
Caria and Lycia. Meanwhile the Persians had assembled a large
fleet and army at the mouth of the river Eurymedon in Pam-
phylia. Their fleet already consisted of 200 vessels, chiefly Phoe-
nician ; and as a reinforcement of 80 more was expected, Cimon
resolved to lose no time in making an attack. After speedily
defeating the fleet, Cimon landed his men and marched against
the Persian army, which was drawn up on the shore to protect
the fleet. The land-force fought with bravery, but was at length
put to the rout. These victories were still further enhanced by
the destruction of the 80 vessels, with which Cimon happened
ta fall in on his return. A victory gained on the same day both
bv s;ea and land added greatlv to the renown of Cimon, and was

B.C. 466. BATTLES AT THE EURYMEDOK 253

commemorated on the tripod dedicated to Apollo as one of the
most glorious of Grecian exploits.

§ 4. The successes of the Athenians, and their undisputed
power at sea, led them to extend their empire by means of co-
lonies. Some of the Athenians who had settled at Eion on the
Strymon after the expulsion of the Persians, had an opportunity
of becoming acquainted with the surrounding country, which
was principally occupied by Edonian Tliracians, and was distin-
guished not only by the fertility of its soil, but also by its gold
mines on Mount Pangseus. But in their attempts to form a
permanent settlement on this coast, the Athenians were opposed
by the inhabitants of the opposite island of Thasos, who were
possessed of considerable territory upon the continent of Thrace,
and derived a large revenue from the mines of Scapte Hyle and
other places.

The island of Thasos was a member of the Confederacy of
Delos, with which, however, this quarrel does not appear to have
been in any way comiected. The ill-feeling soon reached such a
pitch, that Cimon was despatched m B.C. 465 with a powerful
fleet against the Thasians. In this expedition the Athenians
gained various successes both by sea and land, but totally failed
in their attempt to found a colony on the main land, near Eion.
This result, however, was owing to the hostility of the native
tribes. A body of ten thousand Athenians and their allies, who
had taken possession of Ennea Hodoi, a place on the Strymon,
about three miles above Eion, were attacked by the Thracians
and nearly all of them slain. Nevertheless the Athenians did
not abandon the blockade of Thasos. After a siege of more than
two years that island surrendered, when its fortifications were
razed, its fleet and its possessions in Thrace were confiscated,
and it was condemned to pay an annual, as well as an innne-
diate, tribute.

§ 5. The expedition to Thasos was attended with a circum-
stance which first gives token of the coming hostilities between
Sparta and Athens. At an early period of the blockade the
Thasians secretly apphed to the Lacedsemonians to make a diver-
sion in their favour by invading Attica ; and though the Lace-
dsemonians were still ostensibly allied with Athens, they were
base enough to comply with this request. But their treachery
was prevented by a terrible calamity which befel themselves.
In the year B.C. 464, their capital was visited by an earthquake
which laid it in ruins and Idlled 20,000 of the citizens, besides a
large body of their chosen youth, who were engaged in a build-
ing in their gymnastic exercises. But this was only part of the
calamity. The earthquake was immediately followed by a revolt

254 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXIII.

of the Helots, who were always ready to avail themselves of the

weakness of their tyrants. Some of that oppressed people had
heen dragged fi:om the sanctuary of Poseidon at Taenai-us proba-
bly in coimexion with the afiair of Pausanias, related in the pre-
ceding chapter ; and now the whole race, and even the Lace-
deemonians themselves, beheved that the earthquake was caused
by the anger of that " earth-shaking" deity. Encouraged by this
signal of the divine favour, and being joined by some of the
PerioBci, the Helots rushed to arms, and marched straight upon
Sparta. In this attempt to seize the capital they were repulsed ;
nevertheless they were still able to keep the field ; and being
joined by the Messenians, fortified themselves in Moimt Ithome
in Messenia. Hence this revolt is sometimes called the third
Messenian war. After two or three years spent in a vain at-
tempt to dislodge them from this position, the Lacedaemonians
foimd themselves obliged to call in the assistance of their aUies,
and among the rest of the Athenians.

§ 6. That Sparta should thus have condescended to sohcit the
assistance of her rival to quell a domestic feud, shows that she
must have fallen greatly from her former power and station.
During the period, indeed, m which we have traced the rise of
Athens, Sparta had been proportionably declining. Of the causes
of this decline we can only mention some of the more prominent.
Foremost among them was the misconduct of her leaders. The
misconduct of Pausanias, by which the maritime supremacy was
transferred to Athens, has been afready related. His infamy found
a counterpart in the infamy of Leot^'chides, another of her kings,
and the conqueror of Mycale ; who, bemg employed in arranguig
the afiairs of Thessaly after its evacuation by the Persians, was
convicted of taking bribes fr'om the Persian king. The Lacedsemo-
nians committed, moreover, a great pohtical blimder in the set-
tlement of Boeotia, whose afiairs had been so thoroughly shaken
by the Persian invasion. Thebes, convicted of 2Iedism, was,
with the concurrence of Sparta, degraded from her former rank
and infiuence ; whilst Platsea and Thespise, which stood opposed
to the capital, were strengthened, and the latter repeopled. Thus
the influence of Athens in Boeotia was promoted, in proportion
as Thebes, her ancient enemy, was weakened and degraded. The
affairs of the Peloponnesus itself had been mifavom-able to the
Spartans. They had been engaged in a harassing war with the
Arcadians, and were also cramped and menaced by the growing
power of Elis. And now all these causes of weakness were aggra-
vated by the earthquake, and consequent revolt of the Helots.

§ 7. it was with great dilficulty that Cimon persuaded his
countrymen to assist the Lacedaemonians in quelling tliis revolt.

B.C. 464. REVOLT OF THE MESSENIANS. 266

His power was now somewhat waning "before the rising influence
of Pericles. Notwithstanding what he had accomplished at
Thasos, it is even said that more had been expected by the Athe-
nians, and that Pericles actually accused him, though without suc-
cess, of having been diverted from the conquest of Macedonia, by
the bribes of Alexander, the king of that country. Cimon, however,
at length succeeded in persuading the Athenians to despatch him
with a force of 4000 hoplites, to the assistance of the Lacedae-
monians ; but the ill-success of this expedition still further
strengthened the hands of his pohtical opponents.

The aid of the Athenians had been requested by the Lacedse-
monians on account of their acknowledged superiority m the art
of attacking fortified places. As, however, Cimon did not succeed
in dislodging the Helots from Ithome, the Lacedeemonians, pro-
bably from a consciousness of their own treachery in the affair
of Thasos, began to suspect that the Athenians were playing
them false. The conduct of the latter does not seem to have
afforded the least ground for this suspicion, and Cimon, their
general, was notoriously attached to Sparta. Yet the Lacedee-
monians, fearing that the Athenians intended to join the Helots,
abruptly dismissed them, stating that they had no longer any
occasion for their services ; although the other allies were re-
tained, and the siege of Ithome still proceeded.

§ 8. This rude dismissal gave great offence at Athens, and
annihilated for a time the political influence of Cimon. The de-
mocratical party had from the first opposed the expedition ; and
it afforded them a great triumph to be able to point to Cimon re-
turning not only unsuccessful but insulted. That party was now
led by Pericles. A sort of hereditary feud existed between Pe-
ricles and Cimon ; for it was Xanthippus, the father of Pericles,
who had impeached Miltiades, the father of Cimon. The cha-
racter of Pericles was almost the reverse of Cimon's. Although
the leader of the popular party, his manners were reserved. He
was of high family, being descended on his mother's side from
the princes of Sicyon and the Alcmseonidse, whilst, on his
father's, he was connected with the family of Pisistratus, to
which tyrant he is said to have borne a striking personal resem-
blance. He appeared but little in society or in public, reserving
liimself for great occasions ; a conduct which, when he did come
forward, enhanced the effect of his dignified bearing and impres-
sive eloquence. His military talents were but slender, and in
fact m tliis department he was frequently unsuccessful. But his
mind had received the highest pohsh which that period was
capable of giving. He constantly conversed with Anaxagoras,
Protagoras, Zeno, and other eminent philosophers. To oratory

256 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXni.

in particular he had devoted much attention, as an indispensable
instrument for s'vYaying the puhlic assemblies of Athens ; and he
is said to have been the first who committed his speeches to
writing. He was not much distinguished for private liberalit}^ ;
but he made amends for the popularity- which he lost in this way
by his la\T.sh distribution of the public money. Such was the
man who for a considerable period was to admuiister the affairs
of Athens.

§ 9. Pericles seized the occasion presented by the ill-success of
Cimon, both to ruin that leader and to strike a fatal blow at the
aristocratic al party. The latter object he sought to accomplish
by various changes in the Athenian constitution, and particu-
larly by an attack upon the Areopagus. That venerable and
time-honoured assembly contahied the ver)^ pith and marrow
of Athenian aristocracy. Besides its high judicial functions, it
exercised a kind of general censorship over the citizens. By the
nature of its constitution it w^as composed of men of advanced
years, and of high position hi the state. The measure of Aris-
tides, already mentioned, opened it, at least ostensibly, even
to the lowest class of citizens ; but this innovation, which was
perhaps only designed to stave off those more serious changes
which the rapid progress of democratic al opinion seemed to
threaten, was probably but of httie practical effect. So long as
magistracies continued to be elective, there can be httle doubt
that the rich would carr\' them, to the exclusion of the poor.
A fatal blow t<5 aristocratic al power was, however, struck about
this time by rendering the election to magistracies dependent
upon lot ; though it is uncertain whether tliis measure was ori-
ginated by Pericles. "VTe are also ignorant of the precise natm-e
of the changes wliich he introduced into the constitution and
functions of the Areopagus, though, with regard to their result,
it is certaui that they left that august body the mere shadow of
its former hifluence and power. Other changes which accom-
panied this revolution — for such it must be caUed — were, the
institution of paid dicasteries or jury-courts, and the ahnost
entire abrogation of the judicial power of the Senate of Five
Hundred. As the seal and sjTiibol of these momentous mnova-
tions, Ephialtes, the friend of Pericles, caused the tablets con-
tainmg the laws of Solon to be brought do^^i from the Acropohs
and deposited in the market-place, as if to signify that the guar-
dianship of the laws had been transferred to the people.

§ 10. It cannot be supposed that such fundamental changes
were effected \vdthout violent party strife. Even the theatre
became a vehicle to express the passions and the principles of
the a^ora. In the drama of the Eumenides, ^schylus in vain

B.C. 458. ADMINISTRATION OF PERICLES. 257

exerted all the powers of his genius in support of the aristocra-
tical party and of the tottering Areopagus ; his exertions on
this occasion resulted only in liis own fhght from Athens. The
same fate attended Cimon himself In the heat of pohtical con-
tention, recourse was had to ostracism, the safety-valve of the
Athenian constitution, and Cimon was condemned to a ten
years' banishment. Nay, party violence even went the length of
assassination, Epliialtes, who had taken the lead in the attacks
upon the Areopagus, and whom Pericles, in conformity with his
policy and character, seems to have put forward throughout as
the more active and ostensible agent, fell beneath the dagger
of a Boeotian, hired by the conservative party to despatch him.
This event took place after the banishment of Cimon, who was
guiltless of all participation hi so foul a deed.

^ 11. It was from this period that the long admmistration of
Pericles may be properly said to have commenced. The effects of
his accession to power soon became visible in the foreign rela-
tions of Athens. Pericles had succeeded to the political prin-
ciples of Themistocles, and his aim was to render Athens the
leading power of Greece. The Confederacy of Delos had already
secured her maritime ascendency ; Pericles directed his pohcy
to the extension of her influence in continental Greece. The
insult offered by Sparta to Athens in dismissing her troops had
highly mflamed the Athenians against that power, whose sup-
porters at Athens were designated with the contemptuous name
of Laconizers. Pericles and the democratic party improved the
conjuncture not only by persuading the people to renounce the
Spartan alliance, but to join her bitterest enemies. Argos, the
ancient rival of Sparta, claimed the headship of Greece rather
from the recollections of her former mythical renown than from
her present material power. But she had availed herself of the
embarrassment which the revolt of the Helots occasioned to
Sparta, to reduce to subjection Mycense, Tiryns, and some other
neighbouring towns. With Argos thus strengthened Athens
now formed a defensive alliance against Sparta, which the Thes-
salians were also induced to join. Soon afterwards Athens still
further extended her influence m continental Greece by an alli-
ance with Megara. This step, which gave signal offence both
at Sparta and Corinth, greatly increased the power of the Athe-
nians, not only by openmg to them a communication with the
Crissaean gulf, but also by giving them the key to the passes of
Mount Geraneia, and thus enabling them to arrest the progress
of an invading army from Pelopomiesus. In order to strengthen
Megara the Athenians adopted a contrivance which they after-
wards applied to their own city. Megara was seated on a hill,

258 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXTTT

at the distance of nearly a mile from its port, Nisaea. To pre-
vent the communication betT\-een the port and cit}' firom being
cut off, the Athenians caused them to be connected together by
two parallel lines of wall, and placed a permanent garrison of
their ovm in the place.

§ 12. TMiilst these things were passing in Greece, the Athenians
were still actively engaged in prosecuting the war against Persia.
The confederate fleet was hovering about the coasts of C\-prus
and Phoenicia ; and the revolt of Inarus (b.c. 460) gave them
an opportunity to carry the war into Egypt. Inaros, a Libyan
prince, and son of Psammetichus, was bent on expelling the Per-
sians from Egj'pt and obtaining the sovereignty of that country;
and with this view he sohcited the assistance of the Greeks.
The Athenian fleet at C}^rus, amounting to 200 triremes, accord-
ingly safled to the Nile, and proceeded up that river as far as
Memphis. From this city they succeeded in expelling the Per-
sians, who, however, maintained themselves in a kind of citadel
or fortification called " the "VMiite Fortress." The siege of this
fortress had already lasted four or five years, when Artaxerxes
sent a large army, together T\ith a Phcenician fleet, into Egypt,
under the command of Megabyzus, who compelled the Athenians
to raise the siege and to retire to an island in the ISTile, called
Prosopitis, as the Persians had prevented their further retreat
by obstructing the lower part of the river. Here the Athenians
offered a long and heroic resistance, till at length Megabyzus,
having diverted one of the channels which formed the island,
was enabled to attack them by land. The Athenians, who had
previously biu:nt their ships, were now obhged to capitulate.
The barbarians did not, however, observe the terms of the capi-
tulation, but perfidiously massacred the Athenians, with the
exception of a small body, who succeeded in cutting their way
through the enemy, and escaping to Cyrene, and thence to
Greece. Inaros himself was taken and crucified. As an aggra-
vation of the calamity, a reinforcement of 50 Athenian vessels,
whose crews were ignorant of the defeat of their countrATtien,
fell into the power of the enemy and were almost entirely de-
stroyed. Thus one of the finest armaments ever sent forth from
Athens was all but annihilated, and the Persians regained pos-
session of the greater part of Eg}^t (b.c. 4oo.)

§ 13. It may well excite our astonishment that while Athens
was emplo}TQg so large an armament against the Persians, she
was still able to maintain and extend her power m Greece by
force of arms. Corinth, Epidaurus, and ^Egiua, were watching
her progress with jealousy and awe. At the time of the Mega-
rian alliance no actual blow had yet been struck ; but that

B.C. 4:51. LONG WALLS OF ATHENS. 259

important accession to the Athenian power was speedily followed
by open war. The ^ginetans, in conjunction with the Co-
rinthians, Epidaurians, and other Peloponnesians, fitted out a
large fleet. A battle ensued near the island of ^gina, in which
the Athenians gained a decisive victory, and entirely ruined the
naval power of the ^ginetans. The Athenians captured seventy
of their ships, and, landing a large force upon the island, laid siege
to the capital.

The growth of the Athenian power was greatly promoted by
the continuance of the revolt of the Helots, which was not put
down till the year B.C. 455. Tliis circumstance prevented the
Lacedsemonians from opposing the Athenians as they would
otherwise probably have done. All the assistance afforded by
the allies to the ^Eginetans consisted of a miserable detachment
of 300 men ; but the Corinthians attempted to divert the Athe-
nians by making an attack upon Megara. Hereupon Myronides
marched from Athens at the head of the boys and old men, and
gave battle to the enemy near Megara. The affair was not very
decisive, but the Corinthians retired, leaving their adversaries
masters of the field. On their return home, however, the taunts
which they encountered at having been defeated by so unwarlike
a force incited them to try their fortune once more. The Athe-
nians again marched out to the attack, and this time gained a
decisive victory, rendered still more disastrous to the Corinthians
by a large body of their troops having marched by mistake into an
enclosed place, where they were cut up to a man by the Athenians.

§ 14. It was about this time (b.c. 458 — 457) that the Athe-
nians, chiefly through the advice of Pericles, began to construct
the long walls which connected the Pirseus and Phalerum with
Athens. They were doubtless suggested by the apprehension
that the Lacedsemonians, though now engaged with domestic
broils, would sooner or later take part in the confederacy which
had been organized against Athens. This gigantic undertaking
was in conformity with the policy of Themistocles for rendering
the maritime power of Athens wholly unassailable ; but even the
magnificent ideas of that statesman might perhaps have deemed
the work chimerical and extravagant. The wall from Phalerum
was 35 stadia, or about 4 miles long, and that from Piraeus
40 stadia, or about 4^ miles in length. The plan of these walls
was probably taken from those already erected at Megara, which
had been recently tried, and perhaps found to be of good service
in the war which had taken place there. The measure was vio-
lently opposed by the aristocratic party, but without success.

^15. The progress of Athens had now awakened the serious
jealousy of Sparta, and though she was still engaged in the siege

260 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXIIL

of Ithome, she resolved on taking some steps against the Athe-
nians. Under pretence of assisting the Dorians, whose territory
had been invaded by the Phocians, 1500 Spartan hoplites, sup-
ported by 10,000 allies, were despatched into Doris. The mere
approach of so large a force speedily effected the ostensible
object of the expedition, and compelled the Phocians to retire.
The Lacedaemonians now proceeded to effect their real design,
which was to prevent the Athenians from gaining such an ascend-
ency in BcEotia as they had gained in other places. In conse-
quence of the part she had played during the Persian wars,
Thebes had lost much of her former influence and power ; and
the conduct of Sparta herself in the subsequent settlement of
G-reece, had, as before related, been conducive to the same result.
The Lacedsemonians seem to have now become sensible of the
mistake which they had committed ; and though their general
policy was adverse to the confederation of cities, yet they were
now induced to adopt a different course, and to restore the power
of Thebes by way of comiterpoise to that of Athens. With this
view the Lacedaemonian troops were marched into Boeotia, where
they were employed in restoring the fortifications of Thebes, and
in reducmg the Boeotian cities to her obedience. Tiie designs
of Sparta were assisted by the traitorous co-operation of some
of the oligarchical party at Athens. The faction, findmg itself
foiled hi its attempt to arrest the progress of the long walls, not
only invited the Lacedaemonians to assist them in this attempt,
but also to overthrow the democracy itself. The Lacedaemonians
hstened to these proposals, and their army took up a position at
Tanagra, on the very borders of Attica. The Athenians, suspect-
ing that some treason was m progress, now considered it high
time to strike a blow. With such of their troops as were not
engaged at vEgina, together with a thousand Argeians, and some
Thessalonian horse, they marched out to oppose the Lacedae-
monians at Tanagra. Here a bloody battle ensued (b.c. 457),
in which the Lacedaemonians gained the advantage, chiefly
through the treacherous desertion of the Thessalians in the very
heat of the engagement. The victory v/as not sufficiently deci-
sive to enable the Lacedaemonians to invade Attica ; but it served
to secure them an unmolested retreat, after partially ravaging
the Megarid, through the passes of the Geraneia.

M6. Previously to the engagement, the ostracised Cimon,
who was grievously suspected of being implicated in the treach-
erous correspondence of some of his party with the Lacedaemo-
nians, presented himself before the Athenian army as soon as it
had crossed the border, and earnestly entreated permission to
place himself in the ranks of the hoplites. His request being

B.C. 456. BATTLE OF GEjSOPHYTA. 2G1

refused, he left his armour with some friends, conjuring them to
wipe out, by their conduct in the field, the imputation under
which they laboured. Stung by the unjust suspicions of their
countr}Tnen, and incited by the exliortations of their beloved
and banished leader, a large band of his most-devoted followers,
setting up his armour in their ranks, fought side by side with
desperate valour, as if he still animated them by liis presence.
A hundred of them fell in the engagement, and proved by their
conduct that, with regard at least to the majority of Cimon's
party, they were unjustly suspected of collusion with the enemy,
Cimon's request had also stimulated Pericles to deeds of extra-
ordinary valour ; and thus both parties seemed to be bidding for
public favour on the field of battle as they formerly had done in
the bloodless contentions of the Athenian assembly. A happy
result of this generous emulation was that it produced a great
change in public feeling. Cimon's ostracism was revoked, and
the decree for that purpose was proposed by Pericles himself

^17. The healing of domestic faction gave a new impulse to
public spirit at Athens. At the beginning of the year B.C. 456,
and only about two months after their defeat at Tanagra, the
Athenians agam marched into Boeotia. The Boeotians went out
to meet them with a numerous army ; but in the battle of (Eno-
phyta, which ensued, the Athenians under Myronides gained a
brilhant and decisive victory, by which Thebes itself, and conse-
quently the other Boeotian towns, fell mto their power. The
Athenians now proceeded to reverse all the arrangements which
had been made by the Lacedaemonians, banished all the leaders
who were favourable to Spartan ascendency, and established a
democratic al form of government. To these acquisitions Phocis
and Locris were soon afterwards added.

From the gulf of Corinth to the straits of Thermopylae
Athenian influence was now predominant. In the year after the
battle of QEnophyta (e.g. 455), the Athenians finished the build-
ing of the long walls and completed the reduction of iEgina,
which became a subject and tributary ally. Their expedition
into Egypt, and its unfortunate catastrophe in this year, has been
already related. But notwithstanding their efforts and reverses
in that quarter, they were strong enough at sea to scour the
coasts of Greece, of which they gave a convincing proof. An
Athenian fleet, under the command of Tolmides, sailed round
Peloponnesus, and insulted the Lacedsemonians by burning their
ports of Methone and Gythium. Kaup actus, a town of the Ozo-
han Locrians near the mouth of the Gulf of Corinth, was cap-
tured ; and in the latter place Tolmides established the Helots
and Messenians, who in the course of this year had been subdued

262 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIII.

by the LacedEjmonians, and compelled to evacuate Ithome.
During the course of the same expedition the islands of Za-
c}Tithus and Cephallenia were gained over to the Athenian alli-
ance, and probably also some towns on the coast of Achaia.

§ 18. After the battle of Tanagra the Lacedsemonians made for
a while no further attempts to oppose its progress, and quietly
beheld the occupation of Boeotia and Phocis. Even after the
surrender of Ithome they still remained inactive ; and tlu'ee
years after that event (b.c. 452), concluded a five years' trace
^\-ith the Athenians. This truce was efiected through the medi-
ation of Chuon, who was anxious that no dread of hostihties
at home should divert him from resuming operations agamst the
Persians ; nor perhaps was Pericles un^Tilhng that so formidable
a rival should be absent on foreign ser^dce. Cimon sailed to
Cyprus with a fleet of 200 triremes belongmg to the confede-
racy ; whence he despatched 60 vessels to Eg}^t, to assist the
rebel prince Am\Tt£eus, who still held out agamst the Persians
among the marshes of the Delta. But tliis expedition proved
fatal to the great Athenian commander. ^Tith the remainder
of the fleet, Cimon midertook the siege of Citium m Cyprus ;
but died during the progress of it, either from disease or from
the efiects of a wound. The command now devolved on Anaxi-
crates ; who, being straitened by a want of provisions, raised the
siege of Citium, and sailed for Salamis, a tovv^i in the same
island, in order to engage the Phoenician and Cihcian fleet.
Here he gained a complete victory both on sea and land, but
was deten-ed, either by pestilence or famine, from the further
prosecution of the war; and havhig been rejouied by the sixty
ships from Eg}-pt, sailed home to Athens.

§ 19. After these events a pacification was concluded with
Persia, which has sometimes, but erroneously, been called " the
peace of Cimon."' It is stated that by tliis compact the Persian
monarch agreed not to tax or molest the Greek colonies on the
coast of Asia Ivlmor, nor to send any vessels of war westwards of
Phasehs in Lycia, or ^dthin the Cyanean rocks at the junction
of the Euxine Vvith the Thracian Bosporus ; the Athenians on
their side midertaldng to leave the Persians in midisturbed pos-
session of Cj-prus and Eg}^pt. Even if no treat}^ was actually
concluded, the existence of such a state of relations between
Greece and Persia at tliis time must be recognized as an histo-
rical fact, and the war betw^een them considered as now brought
to a conclusion.

^ 20. Duruig the progress of these events the states which
formed the Confederacy of Delos, with the exception of Cliios,
Lesbos, and Samos, had gradually become, instead of the active

B.C. 44*7. DECLINE OF THE ATHENIAN POWER. 268

allies of Athens, her disarmed and passive tributaries. Even the
custody of the fund had been transferred from Delos to Athens, but
we are unable to specify the precise time at vvdiich this change took
place. This transfer marked the subjection of the confederates
as complete ; yet it is said to have been made with the con-
currence of the Samians ; and it is probable that Delos would
have been an unsafe place for the deposit of so large a treasure.
The purpose for which the confederacy had been originally orga-
nized disappeared with the Persian peace ; yet ^hat may now be
called imperial Athens continued, for her own ends, to exercise
her prerogatives as head of the league. Her alliances, as we
have seen, had likewise been extended in continental Greece,
where they embraced Megara, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris ; together
with Troezen and Achaia in Peloponnesus, Of these allies some
were merely bound to military service and a conformity of
foreign policy, whilst others were dependent tributaries. Of the
former kind were the states just mentioned, together with Chios,
Lesbos, and Samos ; whilst in the latter were comprehended all
the remaining members of the Confederacy of Delos, as well as
the recently conquered ^Egina, Such was the position of Athens
in the year 448 B.C., the period of her greatest power and pros-
perity. From this time her empire began to decline ; whilst
Sparta, and other watchful and jealous enemies, stood ever ready
to strike a blow.

§ 21. In the following year (b,c. 447) a revolution in Boeotia
deprived Athens of her ascendency in that country. This, as
we have seen, was altogether political, being founded in the de-
mocracies which she had established in the Boeotian towns after
the battle of CEnophyta. These measures had not been effected
without producing a numerous and powerful class of discon-
tented exiles, who, being joined by other malcontents from
Phocis, Locris, and other places, succeeded in seizing Orcho-
menus, Cheeronea, and a few more unimportant towns of Boeotia.
With an overweening contempt of their enemies, a small band of
1000 Athenian hophtes, chiefly composed of youthful volunteers
belonging to the best Athenian families, together with a few
auxiliaries, marched under the command of Tolmides to put
down the revolt, in direct opposition to the advice of Pericles,
who adjured them to wait and collect a more numerous force.
The enterprise proved disastrous m the extreme. Tolmides suc-
ceeded, indeed, in retaking Cheeronea and garrisoning it with an
Athenian force ; but whilst his small army was retiring from the
place, it was surprised by the enemy and totally defeated. Tol-
mides himself fell in the engagement, together with many of the
hoplites, whilst a still larger number were taken prisoners. This

264 HISTORY OF GREECE- Chap. XXIII.

last circumstance proved fatal to the interests of Athens m
BcEotia. In order to recover these prisoners, she agreed to eva-
cuate BoEotia, to restore the exiles, and to permit the re-esta-
blishment of the aristocracies wliich she had formerly overthrown.
Thus all Boeotia, with the exception of Platsea, once more stood
opposed, and indeed doubly hostile, to Athens.

But the Athenian reverses did not end here. The ex-
pulsion of the partizans of Athens from the government of
Phocis and Locris, and the revolt of Euboea and Megara, were
announced in quick succession ; whilst to crown all, the Spartans,
who were now set free to act by the termination of the five
years' truce, were preparing to invade Attica itself. The youthful
Pleistoanax, king of Sparta, actually penetrated, Tvdth an army of
Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesian allies, as far as the neigh-
bourhood of Eleusis ; and the capital itself, it is said, was saved
only by Pericles having bribed the Spartan monarch, as well as
Cleandrides, his adjutant and counsellor, to evacuate the country.
The story was at least believed at Sparta ; for both Pleistoanax
and Cleandrides were found guilty of corruption and sent into
banishment.

§ 22. Pericles had been recalled by the Spartan invasion from
an expedition which he had undertaken for the reconquest of Eu-
boea, and wliich he resumed as soon as the Spartans had departed
from Attica. With an overwhelming force of 50 triremes and
5000 hophtes he soon succeeded in reducing the island to obe-
dience, in some parts of wliich the landowners were expelled and
their properties given to Athenian cleruchs or colonists. But
this was the only possession which Athens succeeded m recover-
ing. Her empire on land had vanished more speedily than it
had been acquired ; whilst in the distance loomed the danger of
an extensive and formidable confederacy against her, realized
some years afterv/ards by the Peloponnesian war, and not unde-
servedly provoked by her aggressive schemes of conquest and
empire. Thus both her present position and her future prospects
were well calculated to fill the Athenians, and their leader Peri-
cles, with apprehension and alarm ; and under these feehngs of
despondency they were induced to conclude, at the beginning of
the year B.C. 445, a thirty years' truce with Sparta and her aUies,
by which they consented to abandon all the acquisitions which
they had made in Peloponnesus, and to leave Megara to be
included among the Peloponnesian allies of Sparta.

The Acropolis restored.

CHAPTER XXIY.

FROM THE THIRTY YEARs' TRUCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN CORINTH
AND CORCYRA.

§ 1. State of parties at Athens. Thucydides. § 2. Opposite political
views. § 3. Ostracism of Thucydides. Administration of Pericles.
He adorns Athens. His foreign policy. § 4. Athenian colonization.
Cleruchise. Thurii and Amphipolis. § 5. ITature of the Athenian
maritime empire. Amount of tribute. Oppressions. § 6. Kevolt
of Samos. Reduction of the island by Pericles.

§ 1. The aristocratical party at Athens had been nearly anni-
hilated by the measures of Pericles recorded in the preceding
chapter. In order to make a final effort against the policy of
that statesman, the remnant of this party had united them-
selves under Thucydides, the son of Melesias. Thucydides —
who must not be confounded with his namesake, the great
historian — was a relative of Cimon's, to whose pohtical prin-
ciples he succeeded. In ability and character he differed
considerably from Cimon. He was not much distinguished
as a military man ; but as a statesman and orator he might
even bear some comparison with his great opponent Pericles.
Thucydides, however, had not the advantage of being on the
popular side ; and his manner of leading the opposition soon
proved the ruin both of himself and of his party. The high
character and great services of Aristides and Cimon, the con-
ciliatory manners of both, and especially the affable and generous

N

266 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIV.

temper of Cimon, had, in spite of their unpopular views, se-
cured them considerable influence. Thucydides, on the con-
trary, does not appear to have been distinguished by any of
these quaUties ; and though the steps which he took to give his
party a stronger organization in the assembly at first enabled
him to make head against Pericles, yet they ultimately proved
the cause of his overthrow. Not only were his adherents urged
to a more regular attendance in the assembly, but they were
also instructed to take up a separate and distinct position on
the benches ; and thus, mstead of being mixed as before with
the general mass of citizens, they became a regularly organized
party. This arrangement seemed at first to lend them strength.
Their applause or dissent, being more concentrated, produced a
greater effect. At any sudden turn in a debate they were in a
better position to concert their measures, and could more readily
put forwards their best speakers according to emergencies. But
these advantages were counterbalanced by still greater draw-
backs. A little knot of men, who from a particular comer of
the ecclesia were constantly opposing the most popular mea-
sures, naturally incurred a great share of odium and suspicion ;
but what was still worse, the paucity of their numbers — and
from their position they could easily be counted — was soon re-
marked ; and they then began to fall into contempt, and were
designated as The Few.

k 2. The points of dispute between the two parties were much
the same as they had been m the time of Cimon. Thucydides and
his followers were for maintaining amicable relations with the
rest of Greece, and were opposed to the more popular notion of
extending the Athenian dominion even at the risk of incurring
the hostility of the other Grecian states. They were of opinion
that all their efforts should be directed against the conunon
enemy, the Persians ; and that the advantages which Athens
derived from the Confederacy of Delos should be strictly and
honestly applied to the purposes for which that confederacy
had been formed. With regard to this subject the administra-
tion of Pericles had produced a fresh point of contention. The
vast amount of treasure accumulated at Athens from the tribute
paid by the allies was miore than sufficient for any apprehended
necessities of defence, and Pericles applied the surplus to
strengthening and beautifying the city. Thucydides complained
that, by this misapphcation of the common fund, Athens was dis-
graced in the eyes of Greece. Pericles, on the other hand, con-
tended that so long as he reserved sufficient to guarantee secu-
rity against the Persians, he was perfectly at liberty to apply the
surplus to Athenian purposes. This argument is the argument

B.C. 445. PERICLES ADORI^S ATHENS. 26*7

of the strongest, and, if valid in this case, might at any time be
applied to justify the grossest abuses of power. The best that
we can say in favour of the Athenians is that, if they were strong
enough to commit this injustice, they were also enhghtened
enough to apply the proceeds in producing works of art that
have excited the wonder and admiration of the world. Other
conquerors have often contented themselves with carrying off
the works of others — the Athenians had genius enough to pro-
duce their own. But we can hardly justify the means by point-
ing to the result.

§ 3. From the opposition of Thucydides, Pericles was released
by ostracism ; though by which party such a step was proposed
cannot be determined. Thucydides went into banishment. This
event, which probably took place about two years after the con-
clusion of the Thirty Years' Truce, completely broke up the
aristocratical party; and for the remainder of his life Pericles
enjoyed the sole direction of afiairs. His views were of the
most lofty kind. Athens was to become the capital of Greece,
the centre of art and refinement, and at the same time of those
democratical theories which formed the heau ideal of the Athe-
nian notions of government. In her external appearance the
city was to be rendered worthy of the high position to which
she aspired by the beauty and splendour of her public buildings,
by her works of art in sculpture, architecture, and painting, and
by the pomp and magnificence of her reHgious festivals. All
these objects Athens was enabled to attain in an incredibly
short space of time, through the genius and energy of her citi-
zens and the vast resources at her command. No state has ever
exhibited so much intellectual activity and so great a progress
in art as was displayed by Athens in the period which elapsed
between the Thirty Years' Truce and the breaking out of the
Peloponnesian war. But of the Hterature of this period, as well
as of the great works of art produced in it, an account is given
in another place, ^ and it will suffice to mention briefly here the
more important structures with which Athens was adorned dur-
ing the administration of Pericles. On the AcropoHs rose the
magnificent temple of Athena, called the Parthenon, built from
the plans of Ictinus and Callicrates, but under the direction of
Phidias, who adorned it with the most beautiful sculptures, and
especially with a colossal statue of Athena in ivory, 47 feet in
height. At the same time a theatre designed for musical per-
formances, called the Odeum, was erected at the south-eastern
foot of the Acropolis. Both these structures appear to have been

* See below, Chap. XXXIV., XXXY.

268 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIV.

finished by 437 b.c. Somewhat later were erected the Propy-
laea, or magnificent entrance to the AcropoHs, on the western
side. Besides these vast works, others were commenced which
were interrupted by the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war,
as the reconstruction of the Erectheum, or ancient temple of
Athena Polias ; the building of a great temple of Demeter, at
Eleusis, for the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries ; an-
other of Athena at Sunium, and one of Nemesis at Rhamnus.
Besides these ornamental works, Pericles undertook others of a
more useful kind. In order to render the communication be-
tween Athens and Piraeus still more secure, he constructed a
third long wall between the two already built, running parallel
to, and at a short distance from, the one which united the city
to Piraeus. At the same time Piraeus itself was improved and
beautified, and a new dock and arsenal constructed, said to have
cost 1000 talents. The whole cost of these improvements was
estimated at 3000 talents, or nearly 700,000Z.

In this part of his plans Pericles may be said to have been
entirely successful. The beautiful works which arose under his
superintendence estabhshed the empire of Athenian taste, not
only for his own time but for all succeeding ages. But the other
and more substantial part of his projects — the estabhshment of
the material empire of Athens, of which these works were to
be but the type and ornament — ^was founded on a miscalcula-
tion of the physical strength and resources of his country ; and
after involving Athens, as will be seen in the sequel, in a long
series of suffering and misfortune, ended at last in her degrada-
tion and ruin.

§ 4. Colonization, for which the genius and inclination of the
Athenians had always been suited, was another and safer method
adopted by Pericles for extending the influence and empire of
Athens. The settlements made under his auspices were of two
kinds, Cleruchies,'^ and regular colonies. The former mode was
exclusively Athenian. It consisted in the allotment of land in
conquered or subject countries to certain bodies of Athenians,
who continued to retain all their original rights of citizenship.
This circumstance, as well as the convenience of entering upon
land already in a state of cultivation, instead of having to re-
claim it from the rude condition of nature, seems to have render-
ed such a mode of settlement much preferred by the Athenians.
The earliest instance which we find of it is in the year b.c. 506,
when four thousand Athenians entered upon the domains of the
Chalcidian knights. But it was under Pericles that this system

* KXrjpovxio-t,.

B.C. 443. ATHENIAN COLONIES. 269

was most extensively adopted. During his administration 1000
Athenian citizens were settled in the Thracian Chersonese, 500
in Naxos, and 250 in Andros. His expeditions for this purpose
even extended into the Euxine, From Sinope, on the shores of
that sea, he expelled the despot Timesilaus and his party, whose'
estates were confiscated, and assigned for the maintenance of
600 Athenian citizens. The islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and
Scyros, as well as a large tract in the north of Euboea, were also
completely occupied by Athenian proprietors.

The most important colonies settled by Pericles were those of
Thurii and Amphipolis. Since the destruction of Sybaris by the
Crotoniates, in B.C. 509, the former inhabitants had lived dis-
persed in the adjoining territory along the gulf of Tarentum.
They had in vain requested Sparta to recolonize them, and now
applied to Pericles, who granted their request. In B.C. 443 he
sent out a colony to found Thurii, near the site of the ancient
Sybaris. But though established under the auspices of Athens,
Thurii can hardly be considered an Athenian colony, since it
contained settlers from almost all parts of Grreece. Among
those who joined this colony were the historian Herodotus and
the orator Lysias. The colony of Amphipolis was founded some
years later (b.c. 437), under the conduct of Agnon. But here
also the proportion of Athenian settlers was small. Amphipolis
was in fact only a new name for Ennea Hodoi, to colonize
which place the Athenians, as before related, had already made
some unsuccessful attempts. They now succeeded in maintain-
ing their ground against the Edonians, and Amphipolis became
an important Athenian dependency with reference to Thrace and
Macedonia.

^ 5. Such were the schemes of Pericles for promoting the em-
pire of Athens. That empire, since the conclusion of the Thirty
Years' Truce, had again become exclusively maritime. Yet even
among the subjects and allies united with Athens by the Con-
federacy of Delos, her sway was borne with growing discontent.
One of the chief causes of this dissatisfaction was the amount of
the tribute exacted by the Athenians, as well as their misappli-
cation of the proceeds. During the administration of Pericles,
the rate of contribution was raised upwards of thirty per cent.,
although the purpose for which the tribute was originally levied
had almost entirely ceased. In the time of Aristides and Cimon,
when an active war was carrying on against the Persians, the
sum annually collected amounted to 460 talents. In the time of
Pericles, although that war had been brought to a close by what
has been called the peace of Cimon, and though the only arma-
ment still maintained for the ostensible purposes of the con-

270 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXIV.

federacy was a fleet of sixty triremes, which cruised in the
Mgasan, the trihute had nevertheless increased to the annual
sum of 600 talents. The importance of this tribute to the
Athenians may he estimated from the fact that it formed con-
siderably more than half of their whole revenue ; for their in-
come from other sources amounted only to 400 talents. It may be
said, indeed, that Greece was not even yet wholly secure from,
another Persian invasion ; and that Athens was therefore justified
in continuing to collect the tribute, out of which it must injustice
to Pericles be admitted, a large sum had been laid by, amounting,
when the Pelopoimesian war broke out, to 6000 talents. But
that there was no longer much danger to be apprehended from
the Persians is shovvn by subsequent events ; and though it is
true that Pericles saved a large sum, yet he had spent much in
decorating Athens ; and the surplus was ultimately apphed, not
for the purposes of the league, but in defending Athens from
enemies which her aggressive pohcy had provoked.

But the tribute was not the only grievance of w! lich the allies
had to complain. Of all the members of the C' )nfederacy of
Delos, the islands of Chios, Samos, and Lesbos v ere the only
states which now held the footing of independent a Oies : that is,
they alone were allowed to retain their ships and fortifications,
and were only called upon to furnish mihtar}' and naval aid
when required. The other members of the league, some of them
indeed "v\'ith their ovm. consent, had been deprived of their navy
and reduced to the condition of tributaries. The deliberative
synod for discussing and conducting the afiairs of the league
had been discontinued, probably from the time when the trea-
sury was removed from Delos to Athens ; whilst the Helleno-
tamise had been converted into a board consistmg solely of
Athenians. NotAAithstanding, therefore, the seemuig independ-
ence of the three islands just mentioned, the Athenians were in
fact the sole arbiters of the afiairs of the league, and the sole
administrators of the fund. Another grievance wa.s the trans-
ference to Athens of all lawsuits, at least of all pubhc suits ; for
on this subject we are unable to draw the line distinctly. In
criminal cases, at all events, the allies seem to have been
deprived of the power to inflict capital punishment. It can
scarcely be doubted that even private suits in which an Athe-
nian was concerned were referred to Athens. In some cases, it
is true, the allies may have derived benefit from a trial before
the Athenian people, as the dicasteries were then constituted ;
but on the whole, the practice can only be regarded as a means
and a badge of their subjection. Besides all these causes of
complaint, the alhes had often to endure the oppressions and

B.C. 440. REDUCTION OF SAMOS. 271

exactions of Athenian officers both mihtary and naval, as
well as of the rich and powerful Athenian citizens settled among
them.

Many of these abuses had no doubt arisen before the time of
Pericles ; but the excuse for them had at all events ceased to
exist with the death of Cimon and the extinction of the Persian
war. To expect that the Athenians should have voluntarily
relinquished the advantages derived from them might be to de-
mand too much of human nature, especially as society was then
constituted ; and the Athenians perhaps, on the whole, did not
abuse their power to a greater extent than many other nations
both in ancient and modern times. With this argument for
their exculpation w^e must rest content ; for it is the only
one. They were neither better nor worse than other people.
The allurement, it must be confessed, was a splendid one. By
means of the league Athens had become the mistress of many
scattered cities, formerly her equals ; and the term of despot over
them was applied to her not only by her enemies, but adopted
in her overw^eening confidence and pride by herself.

§ 6. The principal event in the external history of Athens
during the period comprised in the present chapter was the
subjugation of the island of Samos, the most important of
the three islands which still retained their independence. In
B.C. 440, the Milesians, who had been defeated by the Samians
in a war respecting the possession of Priene, lodged a formal
complaint in Athens against the Samians ; and it was seconded
by a party in Samos itself, who were adverse to the oligar-
chical form of government established there. As the Sa-
mians refused to submit to the arbitration of the Athenians,
the latter resolved to reduce them to obedience by force ; and
for that purpose despatched an armament of forty ships to
Samos, under the command of Pericles, who estabHshed a demo-
cratical form of government in the island, and carried away
hostages belonging to the first Samian famihes, whom he de-
posited in the isle of Lemnos. But no sooner had Pericles
departed than some of the ohgarchical party, supported by
Pissuthnes, satrap of Sardis, passed over in the night time to
Samos, overpowered the small Athenian garrison which had been
left by Pericles, and abolished the democracy. They then pro-
ceeded to Lemnos, and having regained possession of the hos-
tages, proclaimed an open revolt against Athens, in which they
were joined by Byzantium.

When these tidings reached Athens a fleet of sixty triremes
immediately sailed for Samos. Pericles was again one of the ten
strategi or generals in command of the expedition, and among his

2V2 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIV.

colleagues was Sophocles, the tragic poet. After several engage-
ments between the hostile fleets, the Samians were obliged to
abandon the sea and take refuge in their city, which, after en-
during a siege of nine months, was forced to capitulate.

The Samians were compelled to raze their fortifications, to
surrender their fleet, to give hostages for their future conduct,
and to pay the expenses of the war, amounting to 1000 talents.
The Byzantines submitted at the same time. During these
operations, it was a point disputed among the states opposed to
Athens whether the Samians should be assisted in their revolt ;
a question decided in the negative, chiefly through the influence
of the Corinthians, who maintained the right of every confe-
deracy to punish its refractory members.

The triumphs and the power of Athens were no doubt
regarded with fear and jealousy by her rivals ; but the conquest
of Samos was not followed by any open manifestation of hos-
tihty. A general impression however prevailed that sooner
or later a war must ensue ; but mien looked forwards to it
with fear and trembling from a conviction of the internecine
character which it must necessarily assume. It was a hollow
peace, which the most trifling events m.ight disturb. The train
was already laid ; and an apparently unimportant event, which
occurred in B.C. 435 in a remote corner of Greece, kindled the
spark which was to produce the conflagration. This was the
quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra, which will be detailed in
the following chapter.

Bust of the poet Sophocles.

The Propylaea of the Acropolis.

CHAPTER XXV.

CAUSES OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR.

§ 1. Quarrel between Corinth and Corcyra. § 2. Coreyrean embassy
to Athens. Decision of the Athenians. § 3. They send a fleet to
Corcyra. Il^aval engagements. Defeat of the Corinthians. § 4. Re-
volt of Potidsea. § 5. Congress of the Peloponnesian allies at Sparta.
The Spartans decide for war. § 6. Second congress. The allies re-
solve upon wai\ § 7. The Lacedaemonians require the Athenians to
expel Pericles. § 8. Attacks upon Pericles, Aspasia, and Anaxagoras.
Imprisonment and death of Phidias. § 9. Further requisitions of the
Lacedaemonians. Rejected by the Athenians. § 10. The Thebans
surprise Platsea. § 11. The Athenians prepare for war. Portents.
§ 12. Forces of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians. § 13. The Pelo-
ponnesian army assembles at the isthmus of Corinth.

M- On the coast of Illyria, near the site of the modem Du-
razzo, the Corcyrseans had founded the city of Epidanuius. Cor-
cyra (now Corfu) was itself a colony of Corinth ; and, though
long at enmity with its mother country, was forced, according to
the time-hallowed custom of the Greeks in such matters, to
select the founder or cecist of Epidamnus from the Corinthians.
Accordingly Corinth became the mietropolis of Epidamnus also.
At the time of which we speak, the Epidamnians were hard
pressed by the lUyrians, led by some oligarchical exiles of their
own city, whom they had expelled in consequence of a domestic
sedition. In their distress they apphed to Corcyra for assist-

2'74 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXV.

ance ; which the Corcyreeans, being principally connected with
the Epidamnian ohgarchy, refused. The Epidamnians, after con-
sulting the oracle of Delphi, then sought help from the Corin-
thians, who undertook to assist them, and organized an expedi-
tion for that purpose, consisting partly of new settlers, and partly
of a mihtary force. The Corc\T£eans highly resented this mter-
ference, proceeded to restore the Epidanmian ohgarchs, and with
a fleet of 40 ships blockaded the town and its new Corinthian
garrison. Hereupon the Corintliians fitted out a stiU. stronger
expedition, for which they collected both ships and money from
their allies. The Corcyrseans, having made a fruitless attempt
to persuade the Corinthians to refer the matter to arbitration,
prepared to meet the blow. Their fleet, the best in G-reece after
that of Athens, completely defeated the Coruithians off' Cape
Actium ; and on the same day Epidanmus surrendered to their
blockading squadron (b.c. 435).

§ 2. Deeply humbled by this defeat, the Corinthians spent the
two following years in active preparations for retrieving it.
They got ready 90 well-maimed ships of their own ; and by active
exertions among their allies, they w^ere in a condition, in the
third year after their disgrace, to put to sea with a fleet of 1-50
sail. The Corc}Tseans, who had not enrolled themselves either
in the Lacedaemonian or Athenian aUiance, and therefore stood
alone, were greatly alarmed at these preparations. They now
resolved to remedy this deficiency ; and as Corinth belonged to
the Lacedaemonian alhance, the Corcyrseans had no option, and
were obliged to apply to Athens. Ambassadors were accord-
ingly despatched to that city, who, being iutroduced into the
assembly, endeavoured to set in a striking hght the great acces-
sion of naval power which the Athenians would derive from an
alhance with the Corcp-seans. The Coruithians, who had also
sent an embassy to Athens, rephed to the arguments of the
CorcjTaean envoys, appealmg to the terms of the Thirty Years'
Truce, and remuidiiig the Athenians that it was through the
representations of the Corinthians that the Pelopomiesian allies
had not assisted the Samians in their late revolt. The opinions
of the Athenian assembly were much divided on the subject ;
but the views of Pericles and other speakers at length pre-
vailed. They urged that whatever course might now be taken,
war could not ultimately be avoided ; and that therefore the
more prudent course was to avail themselves of the mcrease
of strength offered by the Corcyrsean alliance, rather than to be
at last driven to undertake the war at a comparative disadvantage.
To avoid, however, an open infringement of the Thirty Years'
Truce, a middle course was adopted. It was resolved to coii-

B.C. 433. CORINTH AND CORCYRA. 275

elude only a defensive alliance with Corcyra ; that is, to defend
the Corcyraeans in case their territories were actually invaded by
the Corinthians, but beyond that not to lend them any active
assistance.

§ 3 . By entering upon this merely defensive aUiance the Athe-
nians also hoped to stand aloof and see the Corinthian and Cor-
cyrsean fleets mutually destroy one another ; and it was probably
in accordance with tliis policy that only a small squadron of
ten triremes, under the command of Lacedsemonius the son of
Cimon, was despatched to the assistance of the Corcyrseans.
The Corinthian fleet of 150 sail took up its station at Cape Chei-
merium on the coast of Epirus ; where the Corinthians estabhsh-
ed a naval camp, and summoned to their assistance the friendly
Epirot tribes. The Corcyrsean fleet of 110 sail, together with
the 10 Athenian ships, were stationed at one of the adjoining
islands called Sybota. A battle speedily ensued, which for the
number of ships engaged, was the greatest yet fought between
fleets entirely Grrecian. Neither side, however, had yet adopted
the Athenian tactics. They had no conception of that mode of
attack ui which the ship itself, by the method of handhng it,
became a more important instrument than the crew by which
it was manned. Their only idea of a naval engagement was to
lay the ships alongside one another, and to leave the hopHtes on
deck to decide the combat after the fashion of a land fight. At
first Lacedsemonius, in accordance with his instructions, took no
part in the battle, though he afforded all the assistance he could
to the Corcyrseans by manoeuvring as if he were preparing to
engage. After a hard fought day, victory finally declared in
favour of the Corinthians. The Athenians now abandoned their
neutrality, and did all in their power to save the flying Corcy-
reeans from their pursuers. This action took place early in the
morning ; and the Corinthians, after returning to the spot where
it had been fought in order to pick up their own dead and
wounded, prepared to renew the attack in the afternoon, and to
effect a landing at Corcyra. The Corcyrseans made the best
preparations they could to receive them, and the Athenians,
who were now within the strict letter of their instructions, de-
termined to give their new alhes all the assistance in their
power. The war psean had been sounded, and the Corinthian
line was in full advance, when suddenly it tacked and stood away
to the coast of Epirus. This unexpected retreat was caused by
the appearance of 20 Athenian vessels in the distance, wliich the
Corinthians believed to be the advanced guard of a still larger
fleet. But though this was not the case, the succour proved
sufficient to deter the Corinthians from any further hostihties.

276 HISTORY OF GREEOR Chap. XXV.

Drawing up their ships along the coast of Epirus, they sent a
few men in a small boat to remonstrate with the Athenians for
having violated the truce ; and finding from the parley that the
Athenians did not mean to undertake offensive operations against
them, they sailed homewards with their whole fleet, after erect-
ing a trophy at Sybota. On reaching Corinth 800 of their pri-
soners were sold as slaves ; but the remaining 250, many of whom
belonged to the first famihes m Corcpa, though detained in
custody were treated with peculiar kindness, in the hope that
they would eventually establish in that island a party favourable
to Corinth. These events took place in the year B.C. 432.

^ 4. The Corinthians were naturally incensed at the conduct
of Athens, and it is not surprising that they should have watched
for an opportunity of revenge. This was soon afforded them by
the enmity of the Macedonian prince Perdiccas towards the
Athenians. Offended with the Athenians for having received
into their alliance his two brothers Pliilip and Derdas, with whom
he was at open variance, Perdiccas exerted all his efforts to injure
Athens. He incited her tributaries am.ong the Chalcidians and
Bottiseans to revolt, including Potidsea, a town seated on the
isthmus of Pallene. Potidsea, though now a tributary of Athens,
was originally a colony of the Corinthians, towards whom it still
owed a sort of metropohtan allegiance, and received from them
certain annual magistrates called Epidemiurgi. Aware of the
hostile feehng entertained at Corinth against the Athenians,
Perdiccas not only sent envoys to that city to concert measures
for a revolt of Potidaea, but also to Sparta to mduce the Pelopon-
nesian league to declare war against Athens.

The Athenians were not ignorant of these proceedings. They
were about to despatch an armament to the Thermaic gulf, de-
signed to act against Perdiccas ; and they now directed the com-
mander of this armament to require the Potideeans to level their
walls on the side of the town towards the sea, to dismiss their
Corinthian magistrates, and to give hostages, as a pledge of their
future fidelity. Thereupon the Potidseans openly raised the
standard of revolt, in the summer apparently of B.C. 432. In-
stead of immediately blockading Potidsea the Athenian fleet
wasted six weeks m the siege of Therma, during wliich mterval
the Corintliians were enabled to throw a reinforcement of 2000
troops into Potidaea. Thereupon a second armament was de-
spatched from Athens, and joined the former one, which was
now engaged in the siege of Pydna on the Macedonian coast. But
as the town promised to hold out for some time, and as the
necessity for attacking Potidaea seemed pressing, an accommo-
dation was patched up with Perdiccas, and the whole Athenian

B.C. 432. MEETING OF THE PELOPONNESIAN ALLIES. 277

force marched overland against Potidaea. Aristeus, the Corinthian
general, was waiting to receive them near Olynthus, and a battle
ensued in which the Athenians were victorious. The Corinthians
ultimately succeeded in effecting their retreat to Potidsea ; and
the Athenians, after receiving a further reinforcement, com-
pletely blockaded the town both by sea and land.

^ 5. Meanwhile the Lacedsemonians, urged on all sides by the
complaints of their alHes, summoned a general meeting of the
Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta. Besides the Corinthians
other members of it had heavy grievances to allege against
Athens. Foremost among these were the Megarians, who com-
plained that their commerce had been ruined by a recent decree
of the Athenians, which excluded them from every port within
the Athenian jurisdiction. The pretexts for this severe measure
were that the Megarians had harboured runaway Athenian
slaves, and had cultivated pieces of unappropriated and conse-
crated land upon the borders. These reasons seem frivolous ;
and the real cause of the decree must no doubt be ascribed to
the hatred which the Athenians entertained towards Megara,
since her revolt from them fourteen years before. jEgina was
another, though not an open, accuser. No deputy from that
island actually appeared at the congress ; but the ^Eginetans
loudly complained through the mouths of others, that Athens
withlield from them the independence to which they were entitled.

The assembly having been convened, the deputies from the
various allied cities addressed it in turn, the Corinthian envoy
reserving himself for the last. He depicted in glowing language
the ambition, the enterprise, and the perseverance of Athens,
which he contrasted with the over-cautious and inactive policy
of Sparta. Addressing himself to the Spartans, he exclaimed :
" The Athenians are naturally innovators, prompt both in de-
ciding and in acting : whilst you only think of keeping what
you have got, and do even less than what positive necessity re-
quires. They are bold beyond their means, venturesome beyond
their judgment, sanguine even in desperate reverses ; you do
even less than you are able to perform, distrust your own con-
clusions, and when in difficulties fall into utter despair. They
never hang back ; you never advance ; they love to serve abroad,
you seem chained at home ; i^Ae^/^^li^ve that every new movement
v/ill procure them fresh advantage ; you fancy that every new
step will endanger what you already possess." And after telling
them some more home-truths, he concluded with a threat that if
they still delayed to perform their duty towards their confede-
rates, the Corinthians would forthwith seek some other alliance.

An Athenian ambassador, charged with some other business,

278 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXV.

was then residing at Sparta ; and when the Corinthian envoy
had concluded his address, he rose to reply to it. After de-
nying tne right of Sparta to interfere in a dispute between
Corinth and Athens, he entered into a general vindication of the
Athenian policy. He contended that empire had not been
sought by Athens, but thrust upon her, and that she could not
abdicate it without endangering her very existence. He alluded
to the eminent services rendered by Athens to all Greece during
the Persian war ; maintained that her empire was the natural
result of that conjuncture, and denied that it had been exercised
with more severity than was necessary, or than would have been
used by any other Grrecian power, including Sparta herself He
concluded by calling upon the Lacedaemonians to pause before
taking a step which would be irretrievable, and to compose all
present differences by an amicable arbitration ; declaring that,
should Sparta begin the war, Athens was prepared to resist her,
as he now called those gods to witness who had been invoked to
sanctify the truce.

After these speeches had been delivered, all strangers, in-
cluding the Peloponnesian allies, were ordered to withdraw from
the assembly, and the Lacedaemonians then proceeded to de-
cide among themselves the question of peace or war. In this
debate the Spartan king Archidamus spoke strongly in favour of
peace ; but the ephor Sthenelaidas, who presided upon this occa-
sion in the assembly, called upon his countrymen in a short and
vigorous speech to declare immediate war against Athens. The
Spartan assembly was accustomed to vote by acclamation, and,
on the question being put, the vote for war decidedly predomi-
nated. But in order to remove all doubts upon so important a
subject, Sthenelaidas, contrary to the usual practice, ordered
the assembly to divide, when a vast majority declared themselves
for war.

§ 6. Before their resolution was publicly announced, the Lace-
daemonians, with characteristic caution, sent to consult the oracle
of Delphi upon the subject. The god having promised them
his aid, and assured them of success, provided they exerted
themselves to obtain it, another congress of the allies was sum-
moned at Sparta. In this, as in the former one, the Corinthians
took the most prominent part in the debate. The majority of
the congress decided for war, thus binding the whole Peloponne-
sian confederacy to the same policy. This important resolution
was adopted towards the close of B.C. 432, or early in the fol-
lowing year.

§ 7. Previously to an open declaration of war, the Lacedaemo-
nians sent several requisitions to Athens, intended apparently to

I

B.C. 432. ATTACKS UPON PERICLES. 2^9

justify the step they were about to take against her, in case she
refused to comply with their demands. The first of these requi-
sitions seems to have been a pohtical manoeuvre, aimed against
Pericles, their most constant and powerful enemy in the Athe-
nian assembly. Pericles, as we have said, belonged to the Alc-
mseonidsB ; a family regarded as having incurred an inexpiable
taint through the sacrilege committed nearly two centuries
before by their ancestor Megacles, in causing the adherents of
Cylon to be slaughtered at the altar of the Eumenides, whither
they had fled for refuge.^ The Lacedaemonians, in now demand-
ing that Athens should be delivered from this " abomination,"
hardly expected that she would consent to the banishment of
her great statesman ; but they at all events gave his opponents
in the assembly an opportunity to declaim against him, and to
fix upon him the odium of being, in part at least, the cause of
the impending war.

^ 8. For Pericles, despite his influence and power, had still
many bitter and active enemies, who not long before had indi-
rectly assailed him through his private connections, and even
endeavom-ed to wound his honour by a charge of peculation.
His mistress Aspasia belonged to that class of women whom the
Greeks called hetcerce, hterally " female companions," or as we
should designate them, courtezans. Many of these women were
distinguished not only for their beauty, but also for their wit
and accomphshments, and in this respect formed a striking con-
trast to the generality of Athenian ladies ; who, being destined
to a life of privacy and seclusion, did not receive the benefit
of much mental culture. Pericles, after divorcmg a wife with
whom he had lived unhappily, took Aspasia to his house, and
dwelt with her till his death on terms of the greatest affection.
Their intimacy with Anaxagoras, the celebrated Ionic philoso-
pher, was made a handle for wounding Pericles in his tenderest
relations. Paganism, notwithstandmg its licence, was, with sur-
prising inconsistency, capable of producing bigots : and even at
Athens the man who ventured to dispute the existence of a
hundred gods with morals and passions somewhat worse than
those of ordmary human nature, did so at the risk of his life.
Anaxagoras was indicted for impiety. Aspasia was included m
the same charge, and dragged before the dicastery by the comic
poet Hermippus. Anaxagoras prudently fled from Athens, and
thus probably avoided a fate which in consequence of a similar
accusation afterwards overtook Socrates. Pericles himself pleaded
the cause of Aspasia. He was indeed mdirectly implicated in
the indictment ; but he felt no concern except for his beloved
* See above, p. 93

280 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXA".

Aspasia, and on this occasion the cold and somewhat haughty
statesman, whom the most ^dolent storms of the assembly could
not deprive of his self-possession, was for once seen to weep.
His appeal to the dicastery was successful, but another trial still
awaited him. An indictment was preferred against his friend,
the great sculptor Phidias, for embezzlement of the gold in-
tended to adorn the celebrated ivory statue of Athena ; and
according to some, Pericles himself was included in the charge
of peculation. AYhether Pericles was ever actually tried on
this accusation is uncertain ; but at all events if he was, there
can be no doubt that he was honourably acquitted. The gold
employed in the statue had been fixed in such a manner that it
could be detached and weighed, and Pericles challenged his ac-
cusers to the proof. But Phidias did not escape so fortunately.
There were other circumstances which rendered him unpopular,
and amongst them the fact that he had introduced portraits
both of himself and Pericles in the sculptures which adorned the
frieze of the Parthenon. Phidias died in prison before the day
of trial ; and some even whispered that he had been poisoned by
the enemies of Pericles, in order to increase the suspicions which
attached to the latter. Another report, equally absurd and mi-
founded, was that Pericles, in order to avoid the impending
accusation, kuidled the Peloponnesian war.

But although these proceedings proved that Pericles had many
bitter enemies at Athens, still the majority of the Athenians
were in his favour, and were not prepared to sacrifice him on
account of the absurd and obsolete charge which the Lacedae-
monians now thought fit to bring agahist him. They retorted
that the Spartans themselves had some accomits to settle on the
score of sacrilege, and required them to clear themselves from
having violated the sanctuary of Poseidon at Cape Taenarus by
dragging away and sla^-ing the Helots who had taken refuge
there, as well as from their impiety in starving to death the
regent Pausanias in the temple of Athena Chalcioecus.

^ 9. Having failed in this requisition the Lacedaemonians
brought forward others more pertinent to the matter in hand.
They demanded that the Athenians should withdraw their
troops from Potidsea, restore the independence of ^^^gina, and
repeal their decree against the Megarians. On the last of these
demands they laid particular stress, and intimated that war
might be avoided by a compliance with it. But this was rejected
as well as the others. The Lacedaemonians then sent their ulti-
matum. They declared that they wished for peace, and that it
would not be interrupted if the Athenians consented to recognise
the independence of the other Grecian states.

B.C. 431. THE THEBANS SURPRISE PLAT^A. 281

This last requisition, so different from, and so much more
general than the preceding demands, showed clearly enough that
the Lacedsemonians were resolved upon war. The character of
this requisition seems to indicate that it had been adopted as a
sort of manifesto in order to enhst the sympathy of all Greece in
favour of the Peloponnesian league, which now professed to
stand forwards as the champion of its hberties. That this was
the view taken of it by the Athenian assembly may be inferred
from the debate that ensued, in which the principal topic was
the Megarian decree, and the possibility of still avoiding a war
by its repeal. On this point a warm, discussion took place. A
majority of the assembly seemed still inclined for peace. But
Pericles, in a speech of surpassing eloquence and power, again
contended that no concessions could ultimately avert a war, and
after passing in review the comparative forces of Athens and her
opponents, concluded by persuading the Athenians to return for
answer that they were reaay to give satisfaction respecting any
matter which properly concerned the Thirty Years' Truce, and
that they would forbear from commencing hostilities ; but that
at the same time they were prepared to repel force by force.
This answer was accordingly adopted, though not Avithout much
reluctance, and communicated to the Spartan envoys.

§ 10. Before any actual declaration of war, and whilst both
parties stood in suspense, hostilities were begun in the spring of
B.C. 431 by a treacherous attack of the Thebans upon Plataea.
Though Boeotians by descent, the Platseans did not belong to
the Boeotian league ; but, as we have seen, had long been in alli-
ance with the Athenians, and enjoyed in some degree a commu-
nion of their civil rights. Hence they were regarded Mdth hatred
and jealousy by the Thebans, which sentiments were also shared
by a small ohgarchical faction in Platsea itself. The state of
affairs in Greece seemed favourable for striking a secret and
unexpected blow. Nauchdes, the head of the oligarchical faction
at Platsea, entered into a correspondence with the Thebans, and
it was agreed to surprise the town at a time when the citizens
were off their guard. During a religious festival and in a rainy
night, a body of more than 300 Thebans presented themselves
before one of the gates of Platsea, and were admitted by Nau-
chdes and his partisans. The latter wished to conduct the
Thebans at once to the houses of their chief political opponents,
in order that they might be secured or made away with. The
Thebans, however, hesitated to commit so gross a piece of vio-
lence. They expected to be reinforced next day by the larger
part of the Theban army, when they should be able to dictate
their own terms without having recourse to the invidious act

282 HISTOKY OF GREECE. Chap. XXV.

■which had been proposed to them. They accordingly took up
a position m the agora, or market-place, and directed their
herald to summon all the inhabitants whose pohtical views coin-
cided with their own, to come and join their ranks. The first
feeling of the Plataeans was one of surprise and alarm on being
roused from their sleep with the astounding mteUigence that
their ancient enemies were in possession of their town. But
when the small number of the Thebans began to be ascertained,
they took heart, estabhshed communications with one another
by breaking through the walls of their houses, and having barri-
caded the streets with waggons, fell upon the enemy a little
before daybreak. The Thebans formed in close order, and de-
fended themselves as well as they could. But they were ex-
hausted by theu' midnight march through a soaking rain ; they
were unacquainted with the narrow crooked streets of the town,
now choked with mud and obstructed by barricades ; whilst the
women hurling the tiles from the housetops with loud yells and
execrations, completed their confusion and dismay. A very few
succeeded in escaping over the walls. The great majorit)^, mis-
taking the folding-doors of a large granar}^ for the city gates,
rushed in and were made prisoners. The march of the rein-
forcement had been delayed by the rain, wliich had rendered the
river Asopus scarcely fordable ; and when they at last arrived
they found all their countrjTnen either slain or captured.

The Thebans vdthout the walls now proceeded to lay hands on
all the persons and property they could find, as pledges for the
restoration of the prisoners. Hereupon the Platseans despatched
a herald to remonstrate against this flagrant breach of the exist-
ing peace, promising at the same time that if they retired the
prisoners should be given up, but if not, that they w^ould be im-
mediately put to death. The Thebans withdrew on this under-
standing. But no sooner were they gone than the Plataeans,
instead of observing the conditions, removed all their moveable
property from the coimtry into the toA\Ti, and then massacred
all the prisoners to the number of 180.

§ 11. At the first entrance of the Thebans mto Platsea a mes-
senger had been despatched to Athens with the news, and a
second one after their capture. The Athenians immediately sent
a herald to enjom the Plataeans to take no steps -without their
concurrence ; but he arrived too late, and the prisoners were
already slain. So striking an incident as this attempt on the
part of the Thebans could not fail to produce an immediate war,
and the Athenians concerted their measures accordingly. They
immediately issued orders for seizing all Boeotians who might
happen to be in Attica, placed an Athenian garrison in Plataea,

B.C. 431. FORCES OF SPARTA AND ATHENS. 283

and removed thence all the women and other inhabitants inca-
pable of taking a part in its defence. War was now fairly kindled.
All Greece looked on in suspense as its two leading cities were
about to engage in a strife of which no man could foresee the
end ; but the youth, with which both Athens and Peloponnesus
then abounded, having had no experience of the bitter calamities
of war, rushed into it with ardour. Every city, nay, almost
every individual, seemed desirous of taking a part in it ; most of
them, however, from a feehng of hatred against Athens, and with
a desire either of avoiding or of being relieved from her yoke.
The predictions of soothsayers and oracles were heard on all
sides, whilst natural portents were eagerly inquired after and in-
terpreted. A recent earthquake in Delos, which had never
before experienced such a calamity, seemed to foreshadow the
approaching struggle, and to form a fittmg introduction to a
period which was to be marked not only by the usual horrors of
war, but by the calamities of earthquakes, drought, famine, and
pestilence.

§ 12. The nature of the preparations and the amount offerees
on both sides were well calculated to excite these apprehensions.
On the side of Sparta was ranged the whole of Peloponnesus —
except Argos and Achaia, — ^together with the Megarians, Boeo-
tians, Phocians, Opuntian Locrians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and
Anactorians. The force collected from, these tribes consisted
chiefly of hophtes, or heavy^-armed foot-soldiers ; but Bceotia,
Phocis, and Locris also supplied some excellent cavalry. A good
navy was the great deficiency on the side of the Peloponnesians,
though Corinth and several other cities furnished ships. Yet
with the assistance of the Dorian cities in Italy and Sicily, they
hoped to collect a fleet of 500 triremes ; and they even designed
to apply to the Persian king, and thus bring a Phoenician fleet
again to act against Athens.

The alUes of Athens, with the exception of the Thessahans,
Acamanians, Messenians at Naupactus, and Plateeans, were all
insular, and consisted of the Chians, Lesbians, Corcyraeans, and
Zacynthians, and shortly afterwards of the Cephallenians. To
these must be added her tributary towns on the coast of Thrace
and Asia Minor, together with all the islands north of Crete,
except Melos and Thera. The resources at Athens immediately
available were very gTeat. They consisted of 300 triremes ready
for active service, 1200 cavalry, 1600 bowmen, and 29,000 hop-
htes, for the most part Athenian citizens. Of these, 13,000
formed the flower of the army, whilst the rest were employed in
garrison duty in Athens and the ports, and in the defence of the
long walls. In the treasury of the Acropolis was the large sum

284

HISTORY OF GREECK

Chap. XXV.

of 6000 talents, or about 1,400,000Z. sterling, in coined silver.
This reserve had at one time amounted to 9700 talents, but had
been reduced to the sum stated by the architectural improve-
ments in Athens, and by the siege of Potidsea. The plate and
votive offerings in the temples, available in case of urgent need,
were estimated at nearly 1000 talents of silver. Besides these
resources, Athens had ako the annual tribute of her subjects.

§ 13. Such were the forces of the two contending cities. Im-
mediately after the attempted surprise of Platsea, the Lacedae-
monians issued orders to their allies to send two-thirds of their
disposable troops at once to the isthmus of Coruith, where they
were to assemble by a day named, for the purpose of invading
Attica. At the appointed time, the Spartan king Archidamus,
the commander-in-chief of the expedition, reviewed the assem-
bled host, and addi-essed a few words of advice and exhortation
to the principal officers. Archidamus still cherished hopes that
the Athenians would yield, when they saw the hostile army
ready to enter Attica, and accordingly he sent forwards Mele-
sippus to announce the impending invasion. But, at the instance
of Pericles, the assembly had adopted a resolution to receive
neither envoy nor herald ; and Melesippus was escorted back
without having been permitted to enter the city. As he parted
from his escort at the Attic border, he could not help exclaim-
ing— " This day will be the beginning of many calamities to the
Greeks."

Bust of Uifi historian Thucydides.

The Parthenon.

CHAPTER XXVL

PELOPONNESIAN WAR. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR

TO THE CAPTURE AND DESTRUCTION OF PLAT^A.

§ 1. The Peloponnesians invade Attica. § 2. Athenian naval expedi-
tions to Peloponnesus and Locris. § 3. The Athenians invade the
Megarid. § 4. Second invasion of Attica. Plague at Athens. § 5.
Unpopularity of Pericles. He is accused of malversation. § 6. His
domestic misfortunes. Death. Character. § Y. The Lacedsemo-
nians ravage Attica. Their naval operations. § 8. Surrender of
Potidsea. § 9. The Lacedsemonians besiege Platsea. § 10. Part of
the garrison escape. § 11. Surrender of the town. Trial and exe-
cution of the garrison.

^ 1. Archidamus had entered upon the war with reluctance, and
he now prosecuted it without vigour. He still clung to the
idea that the Athenians would ultimately incline to peace, and
he did all he could to promote so desirable a result. The enor-
mous force which he was leading against them was, indeed, well
calculated to test their firmness. It consisted, according to the
lowest estimate, of 60,000 men, whilst some writers raise the
number to 100,000 ; and the greater part of them, were animated
with a bitter hatred of Athens, and with a lively desire of revenge.
Archidamus having lingered as long as he could at the isthmus,
marched slowly forwards after the return of Melesippus, and
taking a circuitous road, crossed the Attic border. Having
wasted several days in an unsuccessful attack upon the frontier
fortress of CEnoe, and not having received, as he expected, any

286 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXYI.

message from the Athenians, he proceeded towards Eleusis and
the Thriasian plain, where he arrived about the middle of June
in B.C. 431.

Meanwliile, Pericles had instructed the inhabitants of At-
tica to secure themselves and their property within the walls
of Athens. They obeyed his injunctions -with, reluctance, for
the Attic population had from the earliest times been strongly
attached to a rural life. But the circumstances admitted of
no alternative. From all quarters they might be seen hurrying
towards the capital with their famihes and goods; whilst the
cattle were for the most part conveyed to EubcEa, or some other
of the adjoining islands. Athens now became inconveniently
crowded. Every vacant spot in the city or in Piraeus, even
those which belonged to the temples, were occupied by the
encampments of the fugitives. The Acropohs, indeed, was pre-
served from this profane mvasion ; but the ground immediately
under it, called the Pelasgicon, which, in obedience to an an-
cient oracle, had hitherto been suffered to remain unoccupied,
was now brought into use. The towers and recesses of the
city walls were converted into dwellings; whilst huts, tents,
and even casks were placed under the long walls to answer the
same purpose.

Archidamus, after ravaging the fertile Thriasian plain, in
which he was but feebly opposed by a body of Athenian ca-
valry, proceeded to Acharnse, one of the largest and most flour-
ishing of the Attic boroughs, situated only about seven miles
from Athens. Here he encamped on a rising ground within
sight of the metropolis, and began to lay waste the country
around, expecting probably by that means to provoke the Athe-
nians to battle. But in this he was disappointed. The Athe-
nians, indeed, and especially the Achamians now within the walls,
who had contributed no fewer than 3000 Hoplites to the army,
were excited to the highest pitch of exasperation at beholding
their houses, their ripening crops, their fi-uitful vineyards and
orchards destroyed before their very eyes. Little groups might
be seen gathering together in the streets angrily discussing the
question of an attack, quoting oracles and prophecies which
assured them of success, and indignantly denouncing Pericles
as a traitor and a coward for not leading them out to battle.
Among the leaders of these attacks upon Pericles, Cleon, the
future demagogue, now first rismg into public notice, was con-
spicuous. It required all the firmness of Pericles to stem the
torrent of public indignation. He had resolved not to venture
an engagement in the open field, and steadily refused in the pre-
sent excited state of the public mind to call an assembly of the

B.C. 431. INVASION OF ATTICA. 287

people, in which no doubt some desperate resolution would have
been adopted. In order, however, to divert in some degree the
popular clamour, he permitted the Athenian and Thessalian ca-
valry to make sallies for the purpose of harassing the plundering
parties of the enemy and of protecting as much as possible the
lands adjacent to the city.

§ 2. But whilst Pericles thus abandoned the Attic territory
to the enemy, he was taking active measures to retahate on the
Peloponnesus itself the sufFermgs inflicted on the Athenians, For
this purpose an Athenian fleet of 100 triremes, strengthened by
50 Corcyr6ean ships, as well as by some from the other allies,
sailed round Peloponnesus, and disembarking troops at various
points, caused considerable damage. This expedition penetrated
as far northwards as the coast of Acarnania, where the Corin-
thian settlement of SoUium and the tov^m of Astacus were taken,
whilst the island of Cephallenia, which voluntarily submitted,
was enrolled among the allies of Athens.

Meanwhile a smaller fleet of thirty triremes had been de-
spatched to the coast of Locris, where the towns of Thronium
and Alope were taken and sacked, and a naval station established
at the small uninhabited island of Atalanta, in order to coerce
the Locrian privateers who infested Eubosa, The naval oper-
ations of the year were concluded by the total expulsion of the
^ginetans from their island. The situation of ^Egina rendered
it of the highest importance as a maritime station ; and the
Athenians were, moreover, incensed against the inhabitants for
the part they had taken in exciting the war. The whole of the
population was transported to the coast of Peloponnesus, where
the Spartans allowed them to occupy the town and district of
Thyrea ; and their island was portioned out among a body of
Athenian cleruchs.

^ 3. Archidamus evacuated Attica towards the end of July,
by the route of Oropus and Boeotia ; after which his army was
disbanded. The Athenians availed themselves of his departure
to wreak their vengeance on the Megarians. Towards the end
of September, Pericles, at the head of 13,000 Hoplites, and a
large force of light-armed troops, raiarched into the Megarid,
which he ravaged up to the very gates of the city. The Athe-
nians repeated the same ravages once, and sometimes twice
every year whilst the war lasted. In the course of this year the
Athenians also formed an alliance with Sitalces, king of the
Odrysian Thracians, whose assistance promised to be of use to
them in reducing Potidsea and the revolted Chalcidian towns.

Such were the results of the first campaign. From the
method in which the war was conducted it had become pretty

288 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXVL

evident that it would prove of long duration ; and the Athenians
now proceeded to provide for this contingency. It was agreed
that a reserve fund of 1000 talents should be set apart, which
was not to be touched in any other case than an attack upon
Athens by sea. Any citizen who proposed to make a difterent
use of the fund incurred thereby the punishment of death. With
the same view it was resolved to reserve every year 100 of their
best triremes, iuUy manned and equipped.

Towards the winter Pericles delivered, from a lofty platform
erected in the Ceramicus, the funeral oration of those who had
fallen in the war. This speech, or at all events the substance
of it, has been preserved by Thucydides, who may possibly have
heard it pronounced. It is a valuable monument of eloquence
and patriotismi, and particularly interesting for the sketch which
it contams of Athenian manners as well as of the Athenian con-
stitution.

§ 4. Another year had elapsed, and in the spring of b.c. 430
the Peloponnesians, under Archidamus, again invaded Attica.
At the same time the Athenians were attacked by a more in-
sidious and more formidable enemy. The plague broke out in
the crowded city. This terrible disorder, which was supposed
to have originated in Ethiopia, had already desolated Asia and
many of the countries around the Mediterranean. At Athens it
first appeared in the Pirseus ; and the numbers of people now
congregated in a narrow space caused it to spread with fearful
rapidity. A great proportion of those who were seized perished
in from seven to nine days. Even in those who recovered it
generally left behind some dreadful and incurable distemper. It
frequently attacked the mental faculties, and left those who re-
covered from it so entirely deprived of memory that they could
neither recognise themselves nor others. The disorder being
new, the physicians could find no remedy in the resources of their
art, nor, as may be well supposed, did the charms and incantations
to which the superstitious resorted prove more efiectual. Despair
now began to take possession of the Athenians. Some suspected
that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the wells ; others attributed
the pestilence to the anger of Apollo. A dreadful state of moral
dissolution followed. The sick were seized with unconquer-
able despondency ; whilst a great part of the population who
had hitherto escaped the disorder, expecting soon to be attacked
in turn, abandoned themselves to all manner of excess, debauch-
ery, and crime. The dread of contagion produced on all per-
vading selfishness. Men abstained from tending and alleviating
the sufi^erings even of their nearest relatives and friends dur-
ing their sickness, as well as from administering the sacred rites

KC. 430. PLAGUE OF ATHENS. 289

of sepulture to their remains after death. These pious offices of
duty and friendship either remained unperformed, or were left
to be discharged by strangers, who, having recovered from the
disease, enjoyed an immunity from its further attacks. Often
would a struggle arise for the possession of a funeral pile, and
many a body was burnt on the pile destined for another. But for
the most part the dead and the dying lay unheeded in the streets
and temples, but more particularly around the wells, whither
they had crowded to quench the burning and insatiable thirst
excited by the disorder. The very dogs died that preyed upon
khe corpses, whilst by a peculiar instinct the vultm'es and other
birds of prey abstained from feeding on them.

The numbers carried off' by the pestilence can hardly be esti-
mated at less than a fomlh of the whole population. Such at
least was about the ascertained proportion among the knights
and hoplites forming the upper classes. The number of vic-
tims among the poorer part of the population was never ascer-
tained, but there can be no doubt that the ratio among these
was much higher,

§ 5. Oppressed at once by war and pestilence, their lands
desolated, their homes filled with mourning, it is not surprising
that the Athenians were seized with rage and despair, or that
they vented their anger on Pericles, whom they deemed the
author of their misfortunes. But that statesman still adhered
to his plans with unshaken firmness. Though the Lacedsemo-
nians were in Attica, though the plague had already seized on
Athens, he was vigorously pushing his plans of offensive opera-
tions. A foreign expedition might not only divert the popular
mind, but would prove beneficial by relieving the crowded city
of part of its population ; and accordingly a fleet was fitted out,
of which Pericles himself took the command, and which com-
mitted devastations upon various parts of the Peloponnesian
coast. But, upon returning from this expedition, Pericles found
the public feeling more exasperated than before. Envoys had
even been despatched to Sparta to sue for peace, but had been
dismissed without a hearing ; a disappointment which had ren-
dered the populace still more furious. Pericles now found it
necessary to call a public assembly in order to vindicate his
conduct, and to encourage the desponding citizens to persevere.
But though he succeeded in persuading them to prosecute the
war with vigour, they still continued to nourish their feehngs of
hatred against the great statesman. His political enemies, of
whom Cleon was the chief, took advantage of this state of the
pubhc mind to bring against him a charge of peculation. The
main object of this accusation was to incapacitate him for the

0

290 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVL

office of strategus or general. He was brought before the dicas-
tery on this charge, and sentenced to pay a considerable fine ;
but eventually a strong re-action occurred in his favour. He
was re-elected general, and apparently regained all the influence
he had ever possessed.

§ 6. But he was not destined long to enjoy this return of
popularity. His hfe was now closing in, and its end was clouded
by a long train of domestic misfortunes. The epidemic deprived
him not only of many personal and political Iriends, but also of
several near relations, amongst whom were his sister and his
two legitimate sons, Xantliippus and Paralus. The death of the
latter was a severe blow to him. During the funeral ceremonies,
as he placed a garland on the body of this his favourite son, he
was completely overpowered by his feelings and wept aloud.
His ancient house was now left without an heir. By Aspasia,
however, he had an illegitimate son who bore his own name, and
whom the Athenians now legitimised, and thus alleviated, as
far as lay in their power, the misfortunes of their great leader ;
a proceeding all the more striking, since Pericles himself had pro-
posed the law which deprived of citizenship all those who were
not Athenians on the mother's side, as well as on the father's.

After this period it was with difficulty that Pericles was
persuaded by his friends to take any active part in public
affiiirs ; nor did he survive more than a twelvemonth. An at-
tack of the prevailing epidemic was succeeded by a low and
Hngering fever, which undermined both his strength of body and
vigour of intellect As he lay apparently unconscious on his
death-bed, the friends who stood around it were engaged in re-
calling his exploits. The dying man interrupted them by
remarking — " What you praise in me is partly the result of good
fortune, and at all events common to me with many other com-
manders. What I chiefly pride myself upon, you have not no-
ticed— ^no Athenian ever wore mourning through me."

The character of Pericles has been very variously estimated.
Those who reflect upon the enormous influence which, for so long
a period, and especially during the last fifteen years of his hfe,
he exercised over an ingenious but fickle people like the Athe-
nians, will hardly be disposed to question his intellectual supe-
riority. This hold on the pubhc afiection was not, as in the case
of Cimon, the result of any popularity of manner, for, as we have
said, the demeanour of Pericles was characterized by a reserve
bordering upon haughtiness. To what then are we to attribute
it ? Doubtless, in the first place, to his extraordinary eloquence.
Cicero regards him as the first example of an almost perfect
orator, at once delighting the Athenians with his copiousness

B.C. 430. SECOND INVASION OF ATTICA, 291

and grace and overawing them by the force and cogency of his
diction and arguments. He seems, indeed, on the testimony of
two comic poets who will not be suspected of exaggeration in
his favour, to have singularly combined the power of persuasion
with that more rapid and abrupt style of oratory which takes
an audience by storm and defies all resistance. According to
Eupolis, persuasion itself sat upon his lips, and he was the only
orator who left a sting behind ; whilst Aristophanes charac-
terizes his eloquence as producing the same effects upon the
social elements as a storm of thunder and lightning exerts upon
the natural atmosphere. His reserved manners may have con*
tributed, and were perhaps designed, to preserve his autho-
rity from falling into that contempt which proverbially springs
from famiharity ; whilst the popularity which he enjoyed in
spite of them may probably be traced to the equivocal benefits
which he had conferred on the Athenians, by not only making
the hum.blest citizen a partaker in all the judicial and legislative
functions of the state, but even paying him for the performance
of them. These innovations are condemned by the two greatest
philosophers, though of opposite schools, that G-reece ever saw,
by Plato and Aristotle, and not only by them but by the unani-
mous voice of antiquity. Pericles, indeed, by the unlimited
authority which he possessed over the people, was able to coim-
teract the evil effects of these changes, which, however, soon
became apparent after his death, and made the city a prey to
the artifices of demagogues and rhetors. But if Pericles, as a
politician, may not be deserving of unquahfied praise, Pericles
as the accomphshed man of genius and the liberal patron of
literature and art, is worthy of the highest admiration. By
these quahties he has justly given name to the most brilhant
intellectual epoch that the world has ever seen. But on this
point we have already touched, and shall have occasion to refer
hereafter.

§ 7. Whilst the Athenians were suffering from the pestilence,
the LacedsBmonians were prosecuting their second invasion even
more extensively than in the previous year. Instead of confin-
ing their ravages to the Thriasian plain, and the country in the
inmiediate neighbourhood of Athens, they now extended them
to the more southern portions of Attica, and even as far as the
mines of Laurium. The Athenians still kept within their walls ;
and the Lacedaemonians, after remaing forty days in their ter-
ritory, again evacuated it as before. This year, however, the
operations of the latter by sea formed a new feature in the war.
Their fleet of 100 triremes, under the command of Cnemus, at-
tacked and devastated the island of Zacynthus, but did not

292 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XXYL

succeed in effecting a permanent conquest. They were too
inferior in naval strength to cope "wdth the Athenians on the
open sea ; hut the Peloponnesian privateers, especially those
from the Megarian port of Nissea, inflicted considerable loss
on the Anthenian fisheries and commerce. Some of these
privateers even ventured as far as the coasts of Asia Minor,
and molested the Athenian trade, for the protection of which
the Athenians were ohhged to despatch a squadron of* six
triremes, mider Melesander. A revolting feature in this pre-
datory warfare was the cruelty with which the Lacedaemonians
treated their prisoners, who were mercilessly slain, and their
bodies cast into clefts and ravines. This produced retaliation
on the part of the Athenians. Som.e Peloponnesian envoys, on
their w^ay to the court of Persia to sohcit aid against Athens,
were joined by the Corinthian general Aristeus, who persuaded
them to visit the court of the Thracian king Sitalces, in order if
possible to detach him from the Athenian alhance. But this
was a fatal miscalculation. Not only was Sitalces firmly attached
to the Athenians, but his son Sadocus had been admitted as a
citizen of Athens ; and the Athenian residents at the court of
Sitalces induced him, in testimony of zeal and gratitude for his
newly conferred rights, to procure the arrest of the Peloponne-
sian envoys. The whole party were accordingly seized and
conducted to Athens, where they were put to death without
even the form of a trial, and their bodies cast out among the
rocks, by way of reprisal for the murders committed by the La-
cedsBmonians.

§ 8. By this act the Athenians got rid of Aristeus, who had
proved himself an active and able commander, and who was the
chief instigator of the revolt of Potidsea as well as the principal
cause of its successful resistance. In the following \\dnter that
town capitulated, after a blockade of tw^o years, during which it
suffered such extremity of famine, that even the bodies of the
dead were converted into food. Although the garrison was re-
duced to such distress, and though the siege had cost Athens
2000 talents, the Athenian generals, Xenophon, the son of Euri-
pides, and his two colleagues, granted the Potidseans favourable
terms. For this they were reprimanded by the Athenians, who
had expected to defray the expenses of the siege by selhng the
prisoners as slaves, and perhaps also to gratify their vengeance
by putting the intrepid garrison to death. Potideea and its
territory was now occupied by a body of 1000 colonists from
Athens.

^ 9. The third year of the war (b.c. 429) was now opening
and nothing decisive had been performed on either side. After

B.C. 429. SIEGE OF PLAT-^EA. 298

two invasions, but little mischief, probably, was capable of being
inflicted on the Attic territory, or at all events not suflicient to
induce the Peloponnesians to incur the risk of infection from
the plague. Archidamus, therefore, now directed his whole
force against the ill-fated town of Platsea. As he approached
their city, the Platseans despatched a herald to Archidamus to
remonstrate against this invasion, and to remind him of the
solemn oath which Pausanias had sworn, when, after the defeat
of the Persians, he offered sacrifice to Jove Eleutherios in the
great square of Platsea, and there, in the presence of the as-
sembled allies, bound himself and them to respect and guarantee
their independence. Archidamus replied that by their oaths
they were bound to assist him in the hberation of the rest of
Greece ; but, if they would not agree to do this, their independ-
ence should be respected if they only consented to remain
neutral. After this summons had been twice repeated, the Pla-
tseans returned for answer that they could do nothing without
the consent of the Athenians, in whose custody their wives and
famihes now were ; adding, that a profession of neutrahty might
again induce the Thebans to surprise their city. Hereupon
Archidamus proposed to them to hand over their town and
territory to the Lacedsemonians, together with a schedule of all
the property wliich they contained, engaging to hold them in
trust and to cultivate the land till the war was terminated, when
every thing should be safely restored. In the mean time, the
Platseans might retire whithersoever they chose, and receive an
allowance sufficient for their support.

The offer seemed fair and tempting, and the majority of the
Platseans were for accepting it, but it was resolved first of all to
obtain the sanction of the Athenians : who, however, exhorted
them to hold out, and promised to assist them to the last. The
Platseans, afraid to send a herald to the Spartan camp, now pro-
claimed from the walls their refusal of the proffered terms ;
when Archidamus invoked the gods and heroes of the soil to
witness that it was not until the Platseans had renounced the
oaths which bound them, that he had invaded their territory.
The Peloponnesians, indeed, seem to have been really unwilling
to undertake the siege. They were driven into it by the ancient
grudge of the Thebans against Platsea.

The siege that ensued is one of the most memorable in the
annals of Grecian warfare. Platsea was but a small city, and its
garrison consisted of only 400 citizens and 80 Athenians, toge-
ther with 110 women to manage their household affairs. Yet
this small force set at defiance the whole army of the Pelopon-
nesians. The first operation of Archidamus was to surround the

2H HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXVI.

town with a strong palisade formed of the fruit trees which had
been cut do-u-n, and thus to deprive the Platseans of all egress.
He then began to erect a mound of timber, earth, and stones
against the wall, forming an inclined plane up which his troops
might march, and thus take the place by escalade. The whole
army laboured at this mound seventy days and nights ; but
whilst it was gradually attaining the requisite height the Pla-
tssans on their side were engaged in raising their walls v^ith a
superstructure of wood and brickwork, protected in front with
hides. They also formed a subterranean passage under their
walls, and undermined the mound, which thus fell m and re-
quired constant additions. And as even these precautions
seemed in danger of being ultimately defeated, they built a new
interior wall, in the shape of a crescent, whose tw'o horns joined
the old one at points beyond the extent of the mound ; so that
if the besiegers succeeded in carrying the first rampart, they
would be in no better position than before. So energetic was
the defence, that the Lacedaemonians, after spending three
m.onths in these fruitless attempts, resolved to turn the siege
into a blockade, and reduce the place by famine,

§ 10. They now proceeded to surround the city with a double
wall of circumvallation, the interior space betw^een the two of
sixteen feet in breadth being roofed in, and the whole structure
protected by a ditch on each side, one towards the town and the
other towards the country. The ulterior was occupied by the
troops left on guard, half of which consisted of BcEotians and the
other half of Pelopomiesians. In this maimer the Platseans
endured a blockade of two years, during which the Athenians
attempted nothing for their relief In the second year, however,
about half the garrison effected their escape in the followiug bold
and successful maimer. Provisions were beginning to run short,
and the Plataean commander exhorted the garrison to scale the
wall by which they were blockaded. Only 212 men, however,
were found bold enough to attempt this hazardous feat. Choos-
ing a wet and stormy December night, they issued from their
gates, hghtly armed and carrjdng with them ladders accurately
adapted to the height of the wall. These were fixed against it
in the space betw^een two towers occupied by the guard, and the
first company havuig mounted, slew, without creating alarm,
the sentinels on duty. Already a great part of the Platseans had
gained the summit, when the noise of a tile kicked down by
one of the party betrayed what was passing. The whole guard
immediately turned out, but in the darkness and confusion knew
not whither to direct their blows, whilst the hghted torches which
they carried rendered them a conspicuous aim for the arrows and

B.C. 427. SURRENDER OF PLAT^EA. 295

javelins of those Platseans who had gained the other side of the
walls. In this manner the little band succeeded in effecting
their escape with the exception of one man, who was captured,
and of a few who lost their courage and returned to Plataea.

§ 11. But though the provisions of the garrison were hus-
banded by this diminution in their number, all the means of
subsistence were at length exhausted, and starvation began to
stare them hi the face. The Lacedasmonian commander had
long been m a condition to take the town by storm, but he had
been directed by express orders from home to reduce it to a
voluntary capitulation, in order that at the conclusion of a peace,
Sparta might not be forced to give it up, as she would be in case
of a forcible capture. Knowing the distressed state of the gar-
rison, the Lacedaemonians sent in a herald with a summons to
surrender and submit themselves to their disposal, at the same
time promising that only the guilty should be punished. The
besieged had no alternative and submitted. This took place in
B.C. 427, after the blockade had lasted two years.

The whole garrison, consisting of 200 Plataeans and 25 Athe-
nians, were now arraigned before five judges sent from Sparta.
Their indictment was framed in a way which precluded the possi-
bihty of escape. They were simply asked " Whether during the
present war they had rendered any assistance to the Lacedaemo-
nians or their allies ?" So preposterous a question at once re-
vealed to the prisoners that they could expect neither justice nor
mercy. Nevertheless, they asked and obtained permission to plead
their cause. Their orators, by recalling the services which Platasa
had rendered to Greece in general in the Persian war, and to Sparta
in particular, by aiding to suppress the revolt of the Helots, seem-
ed to have produced such an impression on their judges that the
Thebans present found it necessary to reply. Their speech does
not appear to have contained any very cogent arguments, but it
was successful. The Plataeans were mercilessly sacrificed for
reasons of state pohcy. Each man, including the 25 Athenians,
was called up separately before the judgment seat, and the same
question having been put to him, and of course answered in the
negative, he was immediately led away to execution. The town
of Plataea, together with its territory, was transferred to the
Thebans, who, a few months afterwards, levelled all the private
houses to the ground, and with the materials erected a sort of
vast barrack around the Heraeum, or temple of Hera, both for the
accommodation of visitors, and to serve as an abode for those to
whom they let out the land. Thus was Plataea blotted out from
the map of Greece.

statue of Theseus, from the Pediment of the Parthenon.

CHAPTER XXVIL

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED FROM THE SIEGE OF PLAT^A

TO THE SEDITION AT CORCYRA.

§ 1. General character of the war. § 2. Military and naval operations
of the third year. Attempt of the Peloponnesians to surprise Piraeus.
§ 3. Fourth year. Revolt of Mytilene. § 4. Fifth year. Surrender of
Mytilene. § 5. Debates of the Athenian assembly respecting the My-
tileneans. Cleon and the Athenian demagogues. § 6. Bloody decree
against the Mytileneans. § 7. Second debate. Reversal of the decree.
Lesbos colonized by Athenians. § 8. Civil dissensions at Corcyra.
§ 9. Picture of the times by Thucydides.

§ 1. In recording the fall of Platsea, we have anticipated the
order of chronology. The investment of that town formed, as
we have related, the first incident in the third year of the Pelo-
ponnesian war. The subsequent operations of that war down to
the eleventh year of it, or the year B.C. 421 — when a short and
hollow peace, or rather truce, called the peace of Nicias, was
patched up between the Lacedsemonians and Athenians — were
not of a decisive character. There was, indeed, much mutua)
injury inflicted, but none of those great events which brinji
a war to a close by disabling either one or both parties from
continuing it. The towns captured were, moreover, restored

B.a 429. NAVAL VICTORIES OF PHORMIO. 297

at the peace ; by which, consequently, Athens and Sparta were
placed much in the same state as when the war broke out.
It would be tedious to detail at length aU the little engagements
which occurred, and which the reader could with difficulty re-
member ; and we shall therefore content ourselves with a sketch
of the more important events, especially those which display the
general character of the period, the actions of the more remark-
able men who flourished in it, and the motives, views, and dis-
positions of the contending parties.

§ 2. Except the siege of Platsea, the operations by land in the
third year of the war were unimportant. The Athenians failed
in an attempt to reduce the to\vii of Spartolus in Chalcidice ;
nor were the efforts of their new ally Sitalces more successful in
that quarter. According to the ancient myth of Tereus, Sitalces
considered himself a kinsman of the Athenians ; but some well
apphed bribes were probably a more efficacious inducement for
him to undertake the reduction of Chalcidice, and the dethrone-
ment of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia. The sway of Sitalces
over the barbarous tribes of Thrace was very extensive. He
was able to collect an army estimated at 150,000 men, one-third
of which was cavalry. "With this multitudinous, but vdld and
disorderly host, he penetrated far into the dominions of Perdiccas,
and compelled the Macedonians, who did not venture to meet
him in the open field, to shut themselves up in their fortresses.
He also detached a force to reduce the Chalcidians and Bot-
tiaeans. But his expedition was undertaken at too late a period
of the year, seemingly about the end of November or beginning
of December ; and as the winter proved very severe, and the
Athenians neglected to send any armament to his assistance,
Sitalces was compelled to rehnquish his conquests after a cam-
paign, or rather foray, of thirty days.

In the same year the naval superiority of the Athenians was
strikingly exhibited by the victories of Phormio in the Co-
rinthian gulf. The Lacedaemonians had planned an expedition
against Acamania, and had sent a fleet of fortj^-seven sail, under
the command of Cnemus, to carry this project into effect.
Phormio was stationed at Naupactus with only twenty Athe-
nian ships ; but notwithstanding his numerical inferiority, he
gained a brilliant victory over the Peloponnesian fleet. But
this was not all. The Spartans lost no time in collecting an-
other fleet, amounting to seventy-seven sail. Meantime Phormio
had received no reinforcements ; but such was his confidence in
the skill of his seamen, that he ventured to meet even these
overpowering numbers, and though this victory was not so
decisive as the previous one, the Peloponnesians relinquished

298 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVU.

all further operations and sailed back to Corinth. The Pelo-
ponnesian commanders tried to compensate for these losses by
surprising the harbour of Pirseus, which was unprotected by a
guard, or even by a chain. Having marched overland from Co-
rinth to the Megarian port of Nisaea, they embarked their men
in forty old triremes, which, however, were in a sufficient state
of repair for so short an expedition. But either their courage
failed them at the ver}" moment of executmg their project, or
else, as they gave out, the wind proved adverse. Instead of
attemptuig Pirseus they proceeded to the opposite island of Sa-
laiuis. Here they landed in the night, captured three guard-
ships, ravaged the island, and succeeded in retreating with their
booty before the alarmed and enraged Athenians could come up
with them. The Athenians, however, took warning from this
insult, and were more careful in future in guarding their har-
bours.

^ 3. The fourth year of the war (b.c. 428) was marked by the
usual invasion of Attica on the part of the Peloponnesians. It
was accompanied by the alarming news of the revolt of Myti-
lene, the capital of Lesbos, and of the greater part of that island.
This revolt had been long meditated ; but though the Athenians
had before received some intimation of it, their reduced condi-
tion from the war and from the plague had prevented them from
taking any measures to arrest it. An embassy which they now-
sent to the Mytileneans, to persuade them to remain in their
duty, having failed, the Athenian conunander Cleippides, who
was on the point of sailing to the Peloponnesus wdth a fleet of
40 triremes, w^as ordered to proceed directly to Mytilene.

It w^as one of the disadvantages of the Athenian constitution,
so far at least as the foreign relations of Athens were concerned,
that the executive power lay with the people, and that thus all
their debates and resolutions being public, it was impossible to
keep them concealed from those who were the subjects of them.
The Mytileneans having received information of the intended
expedition through a spy, postponed the festival of Apollo,
durmg which the Athenians had expected to surprise them,
and made every preparation to receive the hostile fleet. But
being still inferior in strength they pretended to enter into ne-
gotiations w4th Cleippides, who fell into the snare ; and in the
mean time secretly despatched envoys to Sparta to implore im-
mediate assistanot. The embassy which the Mytileneans had
sent to Athens with the ostensible purpose of negotiating,
having, as might be expected, failed, Cleippides, who had been
reinforced by several vessels from the allied islands, as well as
by 1000 Athenian hoplites under Paches, commenced hostilities,

B.C. 428. REVOLT OF MYTILENK. 299

and by the bon^inning of October succeeded in blockading Myti-
lene both by sea and land.

The Mytilenean envoys despatched to Sparta arrived during
the celebralioii of the Olympic festival, where most of the mem-
bers of the rdopoiuiesian alliance were present. After the
festival was couchuled they set forth the grounds of their com-
plaints against Ailieus, which were chiefly two, namely : — their
fear of being reduced to tlie condition of the other subject-allies
of Athens, and their repugnance to assist that state in lier ambi-
tious policy, whicli was generally ollcnsive to the states of Greece.
Their application was of course favourably received by their Pe-
loponnesian auditors. They were promised assistance, and were
formally received into the Peloponnesian alliance. Not only
was a second invasion of Attica orderetl, but it was also pro-
posed to transport on trucks, across the isthmus, from tlie har-
bour of LechaMun into the Saronic gulf, the ships which had
fought against Phormio, and to employ them against Athens.

A very general impression seems at this time to have pre-
vailed among the allies that the plague and war combined had
nearly exhausted the resources of the Athenians. Nor was
this opinion altogether without foundation. The fund which
they possessed at the beginning of the war was now exhausted,
with the exception of the reserve of 1000 talents put by to
meet a naval invasion. The numbers of their soldiers, and
especially of their able seamen, had also no doubt been consider-
ably reduced by the war and pestilence. But there were still
ample means, and above all an indomitable spirit, among the
Athenians, to supply the deficiencies thus created. A higher
class both of citizens and metics than those who had hitherto
engaged in the naval service was ordered on board the fleet,
from which duly only the two highest classes, namely, the Pen-
tacosiomedimni, and the Hippeis, or Knights, were now exempted.
And, in order to replenish the public treasuiy, the Athenians
were for the first time subjected to a direct contribution or in-
come tax, by which a sum of 200 talents was raised.

By these elibrts the Athenians manned a fleet of 100
triremes, which suddenly and unexpectedly appeared off the
isthmus, and made descents at various points. At the same
time the Lacedajmonians assembled there were surprised by
the news that another Athenian fleet of 30 triremes, which had
been previously despatched under Asopius, the son of Phormio,
was committing devastations on the coast of Laconia. These
energetic proceedings arrested the projected enterprise of the La-
cedaemonians, especially as their allies were engaged in gathering
the harvest, and had therefore assembled only in small numbers.

300 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXVII.

Accordingly they returned home, and contented themselves with
preparing a fleet of forty triremes for the rehef of M}i:ilene.

§ 4. This arma"m.ent, however, could not be got ready till the
spring of the following year (b.c. 427). Meanwhile Salsethus, a
Lacedaemonian envoy, proceeded to Lesbos, and having contrived
to enter Mytilene, encouraged the citizens to hold out till the
arrival of the promised succours. In the course of April the Pe-
loponnesian fleet, consisting of 42 triremes under Alcidas, actu-
ally sailed, and at the same time, in order to create a diversion,
the allied army again invaded Attica.

But week after w^eek passed away, and Alcidas did not appear
before M}i;ilene. The provisions of the town were exhausted,
the populace was growing impatient, and even Salsethus liimself
began to despair of the arrival of the fleet. It was therefore
resolved as a last desperate expedient, to make a sally, and
endeavour to raise the blockade. With this view even the men
of the lower classes were armed with the full armour of the
hoplites. But this step produced a very different result from
what Salsethus had expected or intended. The great mass of
the Mytileneans were not adverse to the Athenian dominion ;
but they regarded their own oHgarchical government with suspi-
cion, accused it of starving the citizens whilst it possessed stores
of concealed provisions for the use of the higher classes ; and
being now strengthened by the arms which had been distributed
to them, threatened that, unless their demands were complied
with, they woLild surrender the city to the Athenians. In this
desperate emergency the M}i;ilenean goverimaent perceived that
their only chance of safety lay in anticipating the people in tliis
step. They accordmgly opened a negotiation with Paches, and
a capitulation was agreed upon by which the cit)^ was to be sur-
rendered, and the fate of its mhabitants to be decided by the
Athenian Assembly. It was stipulated, however, that they were
to be permitted to send envoys to Athens to plead their cause ;
and Paches engaged that meanwhile nobody should be impri-
soned or sold mto slavery. When Paches entered the cit}^ those
Mytileneans who had been the chief instigators of the revolt
took refuge at the altars ; but he induced them by his assurances
to quit their places of refuge, and placed them in Tenedos.

Scarcely had this capitulation been concluded, when, to the
surprise of the Mytileneans, the Peloponnesian fleet appeared ofi^
the coast of Ionia. Alcidas, overawed by the maritime reputation
of Athens, had neglected to discharge his duty with the energy
required by the crisis ; and, finding that he had arrived too late
to save Mytilene, he sailed back to Peloponnesus, without at-
tempting any thing further.

B.C. 427. CLEON. 801

§ 5. Paches being now undisputed master of Lesbos, de-
spatched to Athens those Mytileneans who had been deposited
at Tenedos, together with others impUcated in the late revolt,
and likewise Salsethus the Lacedaemonian envoy, who had been
detected in a place of concealment in the city. The Athenians
assembled to decide on the fate of these prisoners, amounting
in number to more than a thousand. Salsethus was at once put
to death. The disposal of the other prisoners caused some de-
bate. It was on this occasion that the demagogue, Cleon, whom
we have already noticed as an opponent of Pericles, first comes
prominently forwards in Athenian affairs. The effects of the
extensive commerce of Athens, and more particularly of the po-
litical changes introduced by Pericles, were now beginning to
show themselves. Down to the time of that statesman, the
democracy of Athens had been governed by aristocratic leaders
alone. The personal qualities of Pericles, in spite of the growing
feehng of democracy, secured his ascendency in the assembly ;
but even during his lifetime men of a much lower rank than
those who had formerly pretended to govern the people were
beginning to step forward, and to claim a share of power. Such
were Eucrates, the rope-maker, Lysicles, the sheep-dealer, and
Hyperbolus, the lamp-maker. The humblest mechanic, if an
Athenian citizen, was at liberty to address the assembly ; there
was nothing to prevent him but disfranchisement for debt or
crime. If he succeeded, his fortune was made ; for the influence
thus acquired might be converted in various, but not over reput-
able, ways into a source of profit. Success, however, demanded
some peculiar qualifications. An Athenian audience was some-
what fastidious ; but more especially the vastness of their assem-
blies, and the noise and clamour with which they frequently
abounded., demanded not only a considerable share of nerve, but
also physical powers, especially a loud voice, which are not
always found combined with the higher mental requisites of an
orator. Hence those who possessed even a moderate share of
abihty, if endowed with audacity and a stentorian voice, stood a
much better chance in the assembly than men of far higher
talent, but deficient in those indispensable qualifications. If we
may trust the picture dravin by Aristophanes, Cleon, the leather-
seller, was a perfect model of that new class of low-born orators
just alluded to ; a noisy brawler, loud in his criminations, insolent
in his gestures, corrupt and venal in his principles ; extorting
money by threats of accusations, a persecutor of rank and merit,
a base flatterer and sycophant of the populace. In this portrait
much allowance must no doubt be made not only for comic
hcence and exaggeration, but also for party feeling and personal

302 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVII.

pique. Aristophanes was on the aristocratic side in poHtics, and
was moreover engaged in a private quarrel with Cleon, caused
by the latter having complained to the senate of his comedy of
the Babylonians. Thucydides, indeed, in his account of Cleon,
goes very far to confirm the description of Aristophanes. But
here too we must he somewhat on our guard respecting the tes-
timony of an historian otherwise remarkable for his impartiality ;
for it was to Cleon that Thucydides owed his banishment.
Still, after making all due allowance for the operation of these
causes, we cannot refrain from thinking that the character of
Cleon conveyed to us by these two writers is, in its main fea-
tures, correct. Even a caricature must have some grounds of
truth for its basis ; nor would Aristophanes, out of mere regard
for his poetical reputation, have ventured to produce before an
Athenian audience a character of their well-known demagogue
so unhke the truth as not to be easily recognized. The actions
of Cleon, which are undisputed, show him cruel and cowardly ;
characteristics which may lead us to infer any degree of baseness
in a m.an. Along with his impudence and other bad qualities
he must however no doubt have possessed a certain share of
ability, since, at the period of which we are now speaking, he
possessed more influence than any other orator in the Athenian
assembly. It was he who took the lead in the debate respecting
the disposal of the Mytileneans, and made the savage and hor-
rible proposal to put to death not only the prisoners who had
been sent to Athens, but the whole male population of Mytilene
of military age — including therefore those who had not partici-
pated in, or were even opposed to the revolt — and to sell the
women and children into slavery. This motion he succeeded in
carrying, notwithstanding the opposition of Diodotus and others ;
and in order seemingly that no room might be left for cooler
reflection, a trireme was immediately despatched to Mytilene,
conveying orders to Paches to put the bloody decree into exe-
cution.

h 6. The barbarous laws of ancient warfare justified atrocities
which in modern times would be regarded with horror and de-
testation; and we have already described the Lacedaemonians
as exercising those laws with the most revolting severity in the
case of the garrison of Platsea ; — an event, however, which took
place a little after the time of which we are now speaking. The
conduct of the Lacedaemonians on that occasion admits of no ex-
cuse. But this decree of the Athenians was infinitely worse, not
only on account of the much greater number of persons whom
it devoted to death, but also and principally because it made
no discrimination between the innocent and the guilty. One

.B.C. 421. DECREE AGAINST THE MYTiLENEANS. 308

night's reflection convinced the better part of the Athenians of
the enormity which they had sanctioned. Ordinary experience
shows that bodies of men will perpetrate acts which the indivi-
duals composing them would shrink from with horror : and this
tendency was one of the worst evils springing from the multitu-
dinous and purely democratical composition of the Athenian as-
sembhes. On the morrow so general a feeling prevailed of the
horrible injustice that had been committed, that the Strategi
acceded to the prayer of the Mytilenean envoys and called a
fresh assembly ; though by so doing they committed an illegal
act and exposed themselves to impeachment.

^ 7. Cleon, however, had not changed his opinion. In the
second assembly he repeated his arguments against the Mytile-
neans, and clamoured for what he called "justice" against them.
He denounced the folly and mischief of reversing on one day
what had been done on the preceding ; and, though himself the
very type and model of a demagogue, had the impudence to cha-
racterize his opponents as guilty and ambitious orators, who
sacrificed the good of the republic either to their interests or
their vanity ! His opponent, Diodotus, very wisely abstained
from appealing to the humanity of an assembly which had passed
the decree of the previous day. He confined himself entirely to
the policy of the question, and concluded by recommending that
the Mytileneans already in custody should be put upon their
trial, but that the remainder of the population should be spared.
This amtendment having been carried by a small majority, a
second trireme was immediately despatched to Mytilene, with
orders to Paches to arrest the execution. The utmost dihgence
was needful. The former trireme had a start of four and twenty
hours, and nothing but exertions almost superhuman would en-
able the second to reach Mytilene early enough to avert the
tragical catastrophe. The oarsmen were allowed by turns only
short intervals of rest, and took their food, consisting of barley-
meal steeped in wine and oil, as they sat at the oar. Happily
the weather proved favourable ; and the crew, who had been
promised large rewards in case they arrived in time, exerted
themselves to deliver the reprieve, whilst the crew of the pre-
ceding vessel had conveyed the order for execution with slowness
and reluctance. Yet even so the countermand came only just
in time. The mandate was already in the hands of Paches, who
was taking measures for its execution. With regard to the pri-
soners at Athens, the motion of Cleon to put them to death was
carried, and they were slain to the number of more than a thou-
sand. The fortifications of Mytilene were razed, and her fleet
delivered up to the Athenians. The whole island, with the ex-

304 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ch,^p. XVII.

ception of Meth}Tnna, which had remained faithful, was divided
into 3000 lots, 300 of which were set apart for the gods, and the
remamder assigned to Athenian clemchs.

The fate of Paches, the Athenian commander at Mytilene, must
not he passed over in silence. On his retiun to Athens, he was
arraigned hefore the dicastery for the dishonour of two M}i:ile-
nean women, whose husbands he had slain ; and such was the
feelhig of indignation excited by this case among the susceptible
Athenians, that Paches, "^^ithout waiting for his sentence, killed
himself vidth his sword in open court.

§ 8. The fate of the Plateeans and Mytileneans affords a fearful
illustration of the manners of the age ; but these horrors soon
foim.d a parallel in Corc^Ta. It has been already related that,
after the sea-fight off' that island, the Corinthians carried home
many of the prmcipal Corcyreeans as prisoners. These men were
treated '\;vdth the greatest indulgence ; and while Mytilene was
under blockade, were sent back to Corcpa, nominally imder
the heavy ransom of 800 talents, but hi reaht}^ 'wdth the view
of withdrawing the island from the Athenian aUiance. Being
joined by the rest of the oligarchical citizens on their return,
they assassinated the leaders of the democratical party in the
senate-house, and then carried a resolution in the assembly of
the people, that the Corc}T8eans should for the future observe a
strict neutrahty between the contending parties. But they did
not stop here. They determined on putting down the demo-
cratical part}^ by force, and with this view seized the prmcipal
harbour, together ■\;\ith the arsenal and market-place. The people,
however, got possession of the higher parts of the town, together
with the Acropohs ; and having been reinforced by slaves from the
interior, whom they promised to emancipate, they renewed the
combat on the following day. The oligarchs, driven to extremit)',
adopted the desperate expedient of setting fire to the town, and
thus destroyed a great deal of property near the docks ; but an
adverse wind fortunately prevented it from extending to the re-
mainder of the city.

The Athenians had been informed of the state of things at
CorcjTa, and at this juncture an Athenian squadron of twelve
triremes, under the command of xS icostratus, arrived from oSTau-
pactus. Isicostratus behaved \\dth grejit moderation, and did liis
best to restore peace between the parties. He had apparently
succeeded in this object, when the position of affairs was sud-
denly changed by the arrival of a Peloponnesian fleet of 53 gal-
leys under the command of Alcidas. Nicostratus succeeded, by
skilful mancBu\Tes, in keeping the enemy at bay with his small
fleet, but was obhged at last to retreat, which he did in good

B.C. 427. REVOLUTIONS AT OORCYRA. 806

order, and without losing any of his vessels. Alcidas, however,
with his usual slowness, neglected to make use of the oppor-
tunity, and attack the capital at once, though Brasidas strongly
advised him to do so. He lost a day in ravaging the countiy,
and in the following night fire-signals upon the island of Leucas
telegraphed the approach of an Athenian fleet of 60 triremes
under Eurymedon. Alcidas now only thought of making his
escape, which he effected before daybreak, leaving the Corcyrsean
ohgarchs to their fate.

Another vicissitude thus rendered the popular party in Cor-
cyra again triumphant. The vengeance which they took on their
opponents was fearful. The most sacred sanctuaries afforded no
protection ; the nearest ties of blood and kindred were sacrificed
to civil hatred. In one case a father slew even his omti son.
These scenes of horror lasted for seven days, during which death
in every conceivable form was busily at work. Yet the Athenian
admiral did not once interpose to put a stop to these atrocities.
About 500 of the oligarchical party, however, effected their
escape, and fortified themselves on Moiuit Istone, not far from
the capital.

§ 9. Thucydides in drawing this bloody picture of domestic
dissensions, traces the causes of it to the war. In peace and pros-
perity, when men are not overmastered by an irresistable neces-
sity, the feelings both of states and individuals are mild and
humane. But a war under the auspices of Sparta and Athens —
one the representative of the aristocratic, the other of the demo-
cratic, principle — became a war of opinion, and embittered the
feeUngs of political parties, by offering to each the means and
opportunity of enforcing its views through an alliance wdth
one or the other of the two leading cities. The example of
Corcyra was soon followed in other Hellenic states. Not only
were the dispositions of men altered by these causes, but even
the very names of things were changed. Daring rashness was
honoured with the name of bravery, whilst considerate delay
was denounced as the mere pretext of timidity. Wisdom was
regarded as equivalent to cowardice, and the weighing of every-
thing as a pretext for attempting nothing. The simplicity
which generally characterises virtue was ridiculed as dulness and
stupidity ; whilst he was regarded as the cleverest who excelled
in cunning and treachery, and especially if he employed his arts
to the destruction of his nearest, and therefore unsuspecting
friends and relatives.

From the Frieze of the Parthenon. Panathenaic Procession.

CHAPTER XXVin.

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE SEDITION AT COR-

CYRA TO THE PEACE OF NICIAS.

§ 1. Sixtli year of the war. Return of the plague. Purification of Delos.
§ 2. Seventh year. Fortification of Pylus. § 3. Attempts of the
Lacedaemonians to recover Pylus. § 4. Arrival and victory of the
Athenian fleet. Blockade of Sphacteria. § 5. The Lacedaemonians sue
for peace at Athens. Extravagant demands of Cleon. § 6. Renewal of
hostilities. § Y. Debates in the Assembly. Cleon elected general. § 8.
Capture of Sphacteria. § 9. Advantages of the victory. § 10. Proceed-
ings at Corey ra. Slaughter of the oligarchs. § 11. ;^ighth year of the
war. Capture of Cythera. § 1 2. Invasion of the Megarid and Boeotia
by the Athenians. Capture of Nisaea, the port of Megara. Defeat of
the Athenians at the battle of Delium. § 13. Brasidas in Thrace.
Takes Amphipolis. Banishment of Thucydides. § 14. Ninth year of
the war. A truce between Sparta and Athens. The war continued in
Thrace. § 15. Tenth year of the war. Cleon proceeds to Amphi-
polis. His defeat and death. Death of Brasidas. § 16. Eleventh
year of the war. Fifty years' peace between Athens and Sparta.

§ 1 The beginning of the sixth year of the war (b.c. 426) was
marked by natural calamities which seemed to present a counter-
part to the moral disturbances which M^ere agitating Greece.
Floods and earthquakes of unusual violence and frequency oc-
curred in various parts ; and the Lacedaemonians, alarmed at
these portents, abstained from their intended invasion of Attica.
The military operations of the Athenians were imimportant.

-B.C. 426. THE ATHENIANS SEIZE PYLUS. SOt

The plague which had reappeared at Athens towards the close
of the preceding year, was now making fearful ravages. This
scourge was attributed to the anger of Apollo ; and in order,
as it seems, to propitiate that deity, a complete purification of
Delos was performed in the autumn. All the bodies interred
there were exhumed and reburied in the neighbouring island of
Rhenea ; whilst for the future it was ordered that no deaths
or births should be suffered to take place on the sacred island.
At the same time the celebration of the Delian festival, to be
renewed every fourth year, was revived with extraordinary splen-
dour ; and thus in some m.easure compensated the Athenians for
their exclusion, through the war, from the Olympic and Pythian
games.

§ 2. In the seventh year of the war (b. c. 425) the Lacedaemo-
nian army under Agis, after a stay of only 15 days in the Attic
territory, was recalled by the news that the Athenians had esta-
bhshed a military post at Pylus in Messenia. In consequence
of circumstances to which we shall have occasion to allude here-
after, the Athenians had sent a fleet of forty ships to Sicily,
under the command of Eurymedon and Sophocles ; but on their
way thither these officers were directed to stop at Corey ra, and
to assist the people against the oHgarchs, who, as already related,
had fortified themselves at Mount Istone, and were annoying
the capital. Demosthenes, who had acquired great glory by a
campaign against the Ambracians, had also embarked in the
same fleet, with a kind of roving commission to make descents
on the Peloponnesian coasts. Pylus, on the modern bay of ]N"a-
varino, struck him as an eligible spot on which to establish some of
the Messenians from Naupactus, since it was a strong position, from
which they might annoy the Lacedaemonians, and excite revolt
among their Helot kinsmen. As the Peloponnesian fleet, how-
ever, was announced to have arrived at Corcyra, Eurymedon and
Sophocles were averse to the delay which the scheme of Demos-
thenes would occasion. But an accident caused its accompHsh-
ment. The fleet had scarcely passed Pylus, when it was driven
back to that spot by a violent storm ; and as the bad weather
continued for some time, the soldiers on board amused them-
selves, under the directions of Demosthenes, in constructing a
sort of rude fortification. The nature of the ground was favour-
able for the work, and in five or six days a wall was thrown up
sufficient for the purposes of defence. Demosthenes undertook
to garrison the place. Five ships and 200 hoplites were left
behind with him ; and, being afterwards joined by some Messe-
nian privateers, he appears altogether to have possessed a force
of about 1000 men.

808 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXYHL

§ 3. This insult to the Lacedaemonian territory caused great
alarm and iadignation at Sparta. The Peloponnesian fleet,
under Thrasymehdas, was ordered from Corey ra to Pylus; and
at the same time Agis evacuated Attica, and marched towards
the same place. So vast a force, both naval and mihtary, seemed
to threaten destruction to the Httle garrison. Thrasymehdas,
on arriving with the fleet immediately occupied the small unin-
habited and densely wooded island of Sphacteria, which, with
the exception of two narrow channels on the north and south,
almost blocked up the entrance of the bay. Between the island
and the mainland was a spacious basin, in which Thrasymehdas
stationed his ships.

It was on this side that Demosthenes anticipated the most
dangerous attack. The Lacedsemonians were notoriously un-
skilful m besieging walls, and on the landside a few imperfectly
armed troops would suffice to keep their whole army at bay.
But towards the sea was a small open space which remained un-
fortified. Here, therefore, Demosthenes, after hauling his three
remaining triremes ashore — for on the approach of the enemy he
had despatched two to Eurymedon, to solicit assistance — took
post himself with 60 chosen hophtes.

The assault from the sea was led by Brasidas, one of the
bravest and most distinguished commanders that Sparta ever
produced. The narrowness of the landing-place adroitted only
a few triremes to approach at once. Brasidas stood on the prow
of the foremost, animating his men by his words and gestures ;
but he was soon disabled by numerous wounds, and fell back-
wards into his vessel, fainting with loss of blood. After repeated
attempts on this and the following day, the Lacedsemonians were
imable to efiect a landing ; whilst the Athenians considered their
success decisive enough to justify the erection of a trophy, the
chief ornament of which was the shield of Brasidas, which had
dropped into the water.

§ 4. Whilst the Lacedsemonians were preparing for another
assault, they were surprised by the appearance of the Athenian
fleet. They had strangely neglected to secure the entrances
into the bay : and, although the Athenian admiral spent the
first day in reconnoitring, they were still either so inconceivably
slow, or so paralysed by surprise and terror, that, when on the
morrow the Athenian ships came sailing through both the un-
defended channels, many of their triremes were still moored,
and part of their crews ashore. The battle which ensued was
desperate. Both sides fought with extraordinary valour; but
victory at length declared for the Athenians. Five Peloponne-
sian ships were captured ; the rest were saved only by running

B.C. 425.

SPARTA SUES FOR PEACK

809

them ashore, where they were protected by the Lacedsemonian
army.

A. Island of Sphacteria.

Bay ofPylus.

B. Pylus. C. The modem Navarino.

E. Promontory of Coryphasium.

D D. Bay of Pylos.

The Athenians, thus masters of the sea, were enabled to
blockade the island of Sphacteria, in which the flower of the
Lacedsemonian army was shut up, many of them native Spartans
of the highest families. In so grave an emergency messengers
were sent to Sparta for advice. The Ephors themselves imme-
diately repaired to the spot ; and so desponding was their view
of the matter, that they saw no issue from it but a peace. They
therefore proposed and obtained an armistice for the purpose of
opening negotiations at Athens. They agreed to surrender their
whole fleet, and to abstain from all attacks upon Pylus till the
return of the envoys, when their ships were to be restored.
Meanwhile, the Athenians were to continue the blockade of
Sphacteria, but not to commit any acts of hostihty against it ;
whilst the Lacedaemonians were to be allowed to supply the

310 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVIH.

besieged with provisions enough for their subsistence during the
armistice.

§ 5. Great was the sensation excited at Athens by beholding
the pride of Sparta thus humbled and her envoys suing for
peace. Cleon availed himself of the elation of the moment to
insist on extravagant demands. Nothing less would satisfy him
than the restoration of those places which Athens had ceded
fourteen years before, when the Thirty Years' truce was con-
cluded ; namely, Nissea, Pegse, Troezen, and Achaia ; and his
influence in the assembly induced it to adopt his views. The
Lacedaimonian envoys, perceiving that nothing could be hoped
from the assembly, proposed a private negotiation with a few
chosen individuals. But Cleon would not hear of this arrange-
ment, and when the envoys attempted to remonstrate, he com-
pletely bullied and silenced them by his violence, and caused
them to be sent back to Pylus, as they had come, in an Athe-
nian trireme.

§ 6. When the envoys returned, the Lacedseraonians demanded
the restoration of their fleet, according to agreement ; but Eury-
medon refused to comply, under the, apparently, false pretext
that the Lacedaemonians had violated the armistice by an at-
tempt to surprise Pylus. Hostihties were now resumed, but
without any decisive result. The blockade of Sphacteria began
to grow tedious and harassing. The force upon it continually
received suppHes of provisions either from swimmers, who towed
skins filled with linseed and poppy-seed mixed with honey, or
from Helots, who, induced by the promise of emancipation and
large rewards, eluded the blockading squadron during dark and
stormy nights, and landed cargoes on the back of the island.
The summer, moreover, was fast wearing away, and the storms
of winter might probably necessitate the raising of the blockade
altogether. Under these circumstances, Demosthenes began to
contemplate a descent upon the island ; with which view he
collected reinforcements from Zacynthus and Naupactus, and
also sent a message to Athens to explain the unfavourable state
of the blockade, and to request further assistance.

§ 7. These tidings were very distasteful to the Athenians, who
had looked upon Sphacteria as their certain prey. They began
to regret having let sHp the favourable opportunity for making
a peace, and to vent their displeasure upon Cleon, the director
of their conduct on that occasion. But Cleon put on a face
of brass. He charged the messengers from Pylus wdth having
misrepresented the facts of the case ; and when that position
proved untenable, began to abuse the strategi. His pohtical
opponent, Nicias, was then one of those officers, a maji of quiet

B.C. 425. CLEON ELECTED GENERAL. 811

disposition and moderate abilities, but — a peculiar distinction in
those days — thoroughly honest and incorruptible, pure in his
morals and sincerely rehgious. Him Cleon now singled out for
his vituperation, and pointing at him with his finger, exclaimed
— " It would be easy enough to take the island il" our generals
were men. If / were Strategus, I would do it at once I" This
burst of the tanner made the assembly laugh. He was saluted
with cries of " Why don't you go, then ?" and Nicias, thinking
probably to catch his opponent in his own trap, seconded the
voice of the assembly by ofiering to place at his disposal what-
ever force he might deem necessary for the enterprise, Cleon
at first endeavoured to avoid the dangerous honour thus thrust
upon him. But the more he drew back the louder were the as-
sembly in calling upon him to accept the office : and as Nicias
seriously repeated his proposition, he adopted with a good grace
what there was no longer any possibility of evading. Nay, he
even declined the assistance of the regular Athenian hopUtes,
and engaged, with some heavy-armed Lemnian and Imbrian
troops, together with some Thracian peltasts and 400 bowmen,
in addition to the soldiers already at Pylus, to take Sphacteria
within twenty days, and either kill all the Lacedaemonians upon
it, or bring them prisoners to Athens.

k 8. Never did general set out upon an enterprise under
circumstances more singular ; but, what was still more extra-
ordinary, fortune enabled him to make his promise good. In
fact, as we have seen, Demosthenes had already resolved on
attacking the island. Cleon procured that general to be named
his second in command, and thus stepped in, with a nominal
authority, to intercept the honours which were in reahty due to
another. On the other hand, Nicias is not free from blame on
this occasion. He seems to have given the command to Cleon,
whom he deemed totally incompetent for it, merely with the view
of ruining a poHtical opponent, and to have left the interests of
Athens wholly out of sight.

When Cleon arrived at Pylus he found everything prepared
for the attack. Accident favoured the enterprise. A fire
kindled by some Athenian sailors, who had landed for the pur-
pose of cooking their dinner, caught and destroyed the woods
with which the island was overgrown, and thus deprived the
Lacedaemonians of one of their principal defences . Nevertheless,
such was the awe inspired by the reputation of the Spartan arms,
that Demosthenes considered it necessary to land about 10,000
soldiers of difierent descriptions, among whom were 800 Athe-
nian hophtes, although the Lacedaemonian force consisted of
only about 420 men. Their commander, Epitadas, was posted

312 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVIII.

with the main body in the centre of the island. An outpost of
30 hoplites defended the extremity farthest from Pylus. The
end of the island facing that place, steep and rugged by nature,
was rendered still stronger by a circuit of rude stones, of an-
cient and unknown origin, which answered the purpose of a fort.
The Athenians, having landed before daybreak, surprised and
cut to pieces the advanced guard of 30 hoplites. Then De-
mosthenes, having divided his light-armed troops into bodies of
about 200 men each, which were to hover round and annoy the
enemy, drew up his 800 hoplites in battle array near the spot
where he had landed. Epitadas had therefore to advance against
him with his main body, about 360 in number, over ground ob-
structed by the ashes and stumps of the burnt wood, and amidst
a shower of missiles from the light troops on his flanks and rear.
At length, distressed by a species of warfare which he had no
means of repelling, and almost blinded by the dust and ashes,
Epitadas ordered his men to retreat to the stone fort at the ex-
tremity of the island, whither they were followed by the Athe-
nian hoplites. Here, however, having the advantage of the
ground, and being able to use their spears and swords in close
combat, the Lacedaemonians for a long while kept their assailants
at bay ; till some Messenians, stealing round by the sea-shore,
over crags and cliffs which the Lacedaemonians had deemed im-
practicable, suddenly appeared on the high ground which over-
hung their rear. They now began to give way, and would soon
have been all slain ; but Cleon and Demosthenes, being anxious
to carry them prisoners to Athens, called off their men from
the pursuit, and sent a herald to summon the Lacedaemonians
to surrender. The latter, in token of compliance, dropped their
shields, and waved their hands above their heads. They re-
quested, however, permission to communicate with their coun-
trymen on the mainland ; who, after two or three communica-
tions, sent them a final message — " to take counsel for themselves,
but to do nothing disgraceful." The survivors then surrendered.
They were 292 in number, 120 of whom were native Spartans
belonging to the first families. By this surrender the prestige
of the Spartan arms was in a great degree destroyed. The
Spartans were not, indeed, deemed invincible ; but their pre-
vious feats, especially at Thermopylae, had inspired the notion
that they would rather die than yield ; an opinion which could
now no longer be entertained.

§ 9. Cleon had thus performed his promise. On the day after
the victory, he and Demosthenes started with the prisoners for
Athens, where they arrived within 20 days from the time of
Cleon's departure. Altogether, this affair was one of the most

B.C. 425. CAPTURE OF P^LCTS. 813

favourable for the Athenians that had occurred during the war.
The prisoners would serve not only for a guarantee against fu-
ture invasions, which might be averted by threatening to put
them to death, but also as a means for extorting advantageous
conditions whenever a peace should be concluded. Nay, the
victoiy itself was of considerable importance, since it enabled
the Athenians to place Pylus in a better posture of defence, and,
by garrisoning it with Messenians from Naupactus, to create a
stronghold whence Laconia might be overrun and ravaged at
pleasure. The Lacedaemonians themselves were so sensible of these
things, that they sent repeated messages to Athens to propose a
peace, but which the Athenians altogether disregarded.

^10. Meanwhile, after the victory at Sphacteria, Eurj-medon
and Sophocles proceeded with the Athenian fleet to Corcyra,
where, in conjuRction with the people, they took by storm the
post of the ohgarchs on Mount Istone. The latter at first retired
to an inaccessible peak, but subsequently surrendered themL-
selves on condition of being sent to Athens to be judged by the
Atheidan assembly. Eurymedon, the same man it will be ob-
served, who had before abandoned the Corcyrseans to all the
fur}'^ of civil discord, assented to these conditions, and caused
the prisoners to be secured m the small adjoining island of
Ptychia. But he took not the slightest pains to carry out the
agreement ; nay, he even connived at the artifices of the Cor-
crysean democracy to entrap the prisoners into a breach of the
capitulation, and thus procure a pretext for their destruction.
For this purpose emissaries in the guise of friends were sent
over to Pt}^chia to persuade the prisoners that Eurymedon in-
tended to hand them over to their enemies, and thus succeeded
in inducing some of them to escape in a boat provided for that
purpose. The boat was seized in the act, and Eurymedon now
dehvered up the prisoners to the democratical party. They
were at first confined in a large building, whence, chained two
and two together, they were led out to execution in companies
of tAventy. They advanced through a road lined with aim.ed
men, who singled out their private enemies, and struck and
wounded them till they perished. " These scenes," says a great
historian, " are real prototypes of the September massacres at
Paris : all the prisoners, just as at Paris, were led from the prison
between two rows of armed men, and cut to pieces."* What,
however, renders this scene still more disgusting than the Pa-
risian massacres, is, that a tliird party — Eurymedon, with his
Athenians — looked on in cold blood, and saw these atrocities

* Niebuhr, ' Lectures on Ancient History,' vol. ii. p. 69.
F

314 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXYIIL

perpetrated without making the shghtest attempt to prevent
them. After three companies had been destroyed the remainhig
prisoners refused to quit the building, or to allow any one to
enter it ; at the same time piteously imploring the Athenians to
kill them, rather than abandon them to the cruelties of their
countrymen. But Eurymedon was inexorable. The people now
unroofed part of the building, and assailed the prisoners with
showers of tiles and arrows, till in order to escape this lingering
fate, they were driven to conunit suicide. The work of death
proceeded through the night. At daybreak the people entered
the building with carts, and piling upon them the dead bodies,
in number about 300, carried them out of the city.

§ 11. The eighth year of the war (b.c. 424) opened with bril-
liant prospects for the Athenians. But their good fortune had
now reached its culminating point ; and before the year closed,
their defeat at the battle of Delium and the loss of their empire
in Thrace more than counterbalanced all the advantages they
had previously gained. At first, however, success still attended
their arms. Nicias reduced the important island of Cythera, at
the southern extremity of Laconia, and placed garrisons in the
towns of Cythera and Scandeia. He then proceeded to the
coasts of Laconia, which he ravaged in various places. Among
his conquests here was the town of Thyrea, where the Lacedae-
monians had allowed the .^ginetans to settle after their expul-
sion from their own island. Thyrea was destroyed, and the sur-
viving ^Eginetans carried to Athens and put to death. Among
the horrors which the great historian of the Peloponnesian war
has noted as characterizing the times, the murder of 2000 Helots
by the Lacedaemonians stands conspicuous. Alarmed for their
own safety since the establishment of an Athenian and Messe-
nian force at Pylus, the Lacedsemonians about this time pro-
claimed that those Helots who had distinguished themselves by
their services during the war should come forward and claim
their liberty. A large body appeared, out of whom 2000 were
selected as worthy of emancipation. Crowned with garlands,
and honoured with all the imposing ceremonies of religion, the
unhappy Helots paid with their lives for the liberty thus so-
lemnly acquired. In a short time they all disappeared, no man
knew how, by secret orders from the Ephors, who took this per-
fidious and detestable method to rid themselves of formidable
enemies.

§ 12. Elate with their continued good fortune, the Athenians
aimed at nothing less than the recovery of all the possessions
which they had held before the Thirty Years' tmce. For this
purpose they planned two important expeditions, one against

B.C. 424. BATTLE OF DELIUM. 315

Megara and the other against BoBotia. In the former they were
partially successful. They seized Nisaea, the port of Megara,
which they permanently occupied with an Athenian garrison;
but they were prevented from obtainmg possession of Megara
itself by the energy of Brasidas, who was at that time in the
neighbourhood of Corinth, collecting troops for his Thracian
expedition. Receiving intelligence of the danger of Megara, he
immediately marched to the assistance of the city with a consi-
derable force, which the Athenians did not venture to attack.

The expedition against Boeotia was attended with the most
disastrous results. Some Bceotian exiles, and other malcontent
citizens, had formed a plan to betray Siphse, on the gulf of Co-
rinth, and ChsBronea, on the borders of Phocis, mto the hands of
the Athenians, who were on the same day to invade Boeotia from
the south, and to seize the temple of Apollo at Delium, a place
about five miles frona Tanagra, strongly situated upon the chfis
on the eastern coast. It was anticipated that these simultaneous
attacks at various points would divide the Boeotian forces, and
render the enterprise easy of execution. But the scheme was be-
trayed, and m.iscarried. Demosthenes, who was to attack Siphse
and Chaeronea, found those places preoccupied by a formidable
Boeotian force, which rendered vain all hopes of surprising them.
Hippocrates, who commanded the army of invasion from the south,
proceeded to execute his part m the arrangement, and marched to
Dehum with the very large force of 7000 Athenian hoplites, toge-
ther with 25,000 light armed troops and several hundred cavalry.
A day's march brought him to Delium, where he immediately
fortified the sanctuary of Apollo with a rampart and ditch, besides
other works. When these were completed, a garrison was left in
the place, and the army commenced its homeward march. On
arriving at the heights between Delium and the plain of Oropus,
they were encountered by the Boeotians, who had assembled in
great force at Tanagra. Their army consisted of about 7000
Boeotian hoplites, some of whom were the very flower of the
Theban warriors, 10,000 light armed troops, 500 peltasts, and
1000 horse. They were led by the eleven Boeotarchs then at the
head of the Boeotian confederacy, though the supreme command
seems to have been vested, probably alternately, in the two
Boeotarchs of Thebes, Pagondas and Aranthides. All the Boeot-
archs, with the exception of Pagondas, were of opinion that, as
the Athenians seemed to be in full retreat, they should be suffered
to retire unmolested. But that commander, disregarding the
opinion of his colleagues, appealed to the patriotic and religious
feelings of the soldiers. He painted in strong colours the danger
of suffering this insult to their territory to pass unpunished, and

316 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXVm.

pointed out that the sacrifices were favourahle for an attack,
whilst, on the other hand, the Athenians had incurred the anger
of Apollo by violating liis temple. Having by these representa-
tions persuaded the Boeotians to hazard an engagement, he drew
up the army in order of battle under the brow of a hill which
concealed them from the Athenians. Hippocrates, on his side,
hastened to prepare his troops for the battle. His hophtes were
dravm up in a line of eight deep, ha^dng the light armed troops
and cavalry on the flanks. The heavy Boeotian phalanx, on the
contrary, was twenty-five deep ; the Theban hophtes occupying
the right, with the other heavy-armed Boeotians on the left and
in the centre. The hght-amied troops and cavalry were ranged,
as in the Athenian Hne, upon the flanks. The Boeotians, ascend-
ing the hill in tliis array, as soon as they came in sight of the
Athenians, raised the war-shout and charged, before Hippocrates
had finished addressing his men. Ravines at both extremities
of the Ime prevented the light troops from engaging ; but the
serried ranks of the hophtes met in desperate conflict. The left
wing of the Boeotians was repulsed ; but on the right the skill
and valour of the chosen Theban warriors who led the van, as
well as the superior weight of the deep and densely compacted
phalanx bore down all resistance. At the same time Pagondas,
having sent round his cavalry to attack the Athenian right,
restored the fortune of the day on that side also. The rout of
the Athenians was now complete. Some fled back to Delium,
some to Oropus, others to the heights of Barnes. Hippocrates
himself fell in the engagement, together with 1000 hoplites; a
loss about double that of the Boeotians. Fortunately for the
Athenians, the battle had connnenced late in the day, and they
were thus rescued by the fiiendly shades of night from the piu:-
Buit and massacre wliich would otherA^dse have overtaken them.
When on the morrow an Athenian herald asked the cus-
tomarv' permission to bury the slain, the Boeotians reproached
the Athenians with the violation of Apollo's sanctuar}', and re-
fused the sacred rites of sepulture till the sacrilege should be
expiated, and Dehum evacuated. They immediately invested
that place, which surrendered after a siege of seventeen days.
The greater part of the garrison, however, succeeded in escaping
by sea, but about 200 prisoners fell into the hands of the
Boeotians. Altogether the battle of Delium was the greatest
and most decisive fought during the first period of the war. An
interesting feature of the battle is that both Socrates and his
pupil Alcibiades were engaged in it, the former among the
hoplites, the latter in the cavalry. Socrates distinguished him-
seli' by his bravery, and was one of those who, instead of throw-

B.O. 424.

BRASIDAS IN THRACE.

317

ing down their arms, kept together in a compact body, and re-
pulsed the attacks of the pursuing horse. His retreat was also
protected by Alcibiades.

§ 13. This disastrous battle was speedily followed by the
overthrow of the Athenian empire in Thrace. At the request
of Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, and of the Chalcidian towns,
who had sued for help against the Athenians, Brasidas was
sent by the Lacedaemonian government into Thrace, at the
head of 700 Helot hoplites and such others as he could succeed
in raising in Greece. While engaged in levying troops in
the neighbourhood of Corinth, he saved Megara from falling
into the hands of the Athenians, as has been already related.
Having obtained 1000 Peloponnesian hoplites, in addition to
the 700 mentioned above, he succeeded, by a rapid and dex-
terous march through the hostile country of Thessaly, in effecting
a junction with Perdiccas, with whom he marched into Thrace.
Here he proclaimed that he was come to deliver the Grecian
cities from the tyrannous yoke of Athens. His bravery, his
kind and conciliating demeanour, his probity, moderation, and
good faith, soon gained him the respect and love of the allies of
Athens in that quarter ; whose defection was likewise promoted
by the news of the Athenian reverses. Acanthus and Stagirus
hastened to open their gates to him ; and early in the ensuing
winter, by means of forced marches, he suddenly and unex-

Plan of the neighbourhood of Amphipolis.

1. Site of Amphipolis.

2. Site of Eion

3. Ridge connecting Amphipoli* with

Mount Pnngit-us.

6. Lake Cercinitis.

7. Mount Cerdylium.

8. Mount Pangseus.

318 HISTORY 0¥ GREECE. Chap. XXYni.

pectedly appeared before the important Athenian colony of
AmphipoHs on the Str^Tnon. In that town the Athenian party
was the stronger, and sent a message for assistance to Thucy-
dides, the liistorian, who, in conjunction with Eucles, was then
general in those parts. Thucydides hastened with seven ships
from Thasos, and succeeded in securmg Eion at the mouth of
the Strymon ; but Amphipolis, which lay a little higher up the
river, allured by the favourable terms offered, had already sur-
rendered to Brasidas. For his want of vigilance on this occasion,
Thucydides was, on the motion of Cleon, sentenced to banish-
ment, and spent the following twenty years of his life in exile.
From Amphipolis Brasidas proceeded to the easternmost penin-
sula of Chalcidice, where most of the towns hastened to surrender.
At Torone, on the Sithonian peninsula, the gates were opened
by an anti-Athenian party. The Athenian garrison fled to a
neighbouring fort ; but Brasidas took the place by storm, and
put all the prisoners to the sword.

§ 14. The Athenians were so much depressed by their defeat
at Delium, that they neglected to take vigorous measures for
arresting the progress of Brasidas, They now began to think
seriously of peace, and to entertain the proposals of the Lacedse-
monians, who were on their side solicitous about their prisoners
still in custody at Athens. Early in B.C. 423, the ninth year of
the war, a truce was concluded for a year, with a view to the
subsequent adjustment of a definitive and permanent peace.
The negotiations for that purpose were, however, suddenly inter-
rupted by the news that Scione had revolted to Brasidas. This
revolt appears to have taken place two days after the conclusion
of the truce ; and as one of the conditions was that eveiy thing
should rem.ain in statu quo till peace was definitively concluded,
the Athenians demanded that the town should be restored.
"With this demand Brasidas refused to comply. Excited by the
speeches of Cleon, the Athenians would not listen to any pro-
posals for arbitration, and sent an armament against Scione,
with orders that every man in the place shoidd be put to death.

The war was thus revived in those distant regions, but
nearer home the truce was observed. Brasidas, who had been
deserted by the faithless Perdiccas, threw himself into Torone
on the approach of the Athenians. Nicias and Nicostratus, who
had arrived in Chalcidice with 50 triremes and a large body of
troops, commenced operations against Mende, which had also
revolted. The town was surrendered by a party among the
citizens : the Lacedaemonian garrison contrived to escape to
Scione, which town the Athenians proceeded to invest ; and
when Nicias had completely blockaded it, he returned to Athens.

B.C. 422. DEATH OF BRASIDAB AND CLEON. 319

§15. Things remained in this state till the beginning of the
year b.c. 422, when the truce expired. Early in August, Cleon
having been appointed to the command, proceeded against
Scione, with a iieet of 30 triremes, carrying 1200 hoplites, 300
cavalr}^, and a large force of subsidiary troops. In the absence
of Brasidas he succeeded in taking Torone and Galepsus, but
failed in an attempt upon Stagirus. He then lay for some time
inactive at Eion, till the murmurs of his troops compelled him
to proceed against Amphipolis. Thither Brasidas had also
directed liis m-arch, with an army of 2000 hoplites, 300 Greek
cavalr}', and a large body of light armed Thracians. He encamped
on the heights of Cerdylium on the western bank of the river,
whence he could survey all the movements of the enemy ; but,
on the approach of Cleon, he threw all his troops into the town.
That general encamped on a rising ground on the eastern side of
Amphipolis. Having deserted the peaceful art of dressing hides
for the more hazardous trade of war, in which he was almost
totally inexperienced, and having now no Demosthenes to direct
his movements, Cleon was thrown completely off his guard by a
very ordinary stratagem on the part of Brasidas, who contrived
to give the tovra quite a deserted and peaceful appearance.
Cleon suffered his troops to fall into disorder, till he was sud-
denly surprised by the astounding news that Brasidas was pre-
paring for a sally. Cleon at once resolved to retreat. But his
skill was equal to his valour. He had no conception that he
could be attacked till Brasidas had drawn out his men and
formed them, as if they were on parade, in regular order. He
therefore conducted his retreat in the most disorderly manner.
His left whig had already filed off, and his centre with stragghng
ranks was in the act of following, when Brasidas ordered the
gates of the town to be flung open, and rushing out at the head
of only 150 chosen soldiers, charged the retreating columns in
flank. They were immediately routed ; but as Brasidas was
hastening to attack the Athenian right, which was only just
brealdng ground, and where Cleon himself was posted, he re-
ceived a mortal wound and was carried off the field. Though
his men were forming on the hill, Cleon fled as fast as he could
on the approach of the enemy, but was pursued and slain by a
Thracian peltast. In spite, however of the disgraceful flight of
their general, the right wing maintained their ground for a con-
siderable time, till some cavalry and peltasts issuing from Am-
phipolis attacked them in flank and rear, and compelled them to
fly. On assembling again at Eion it was found that half the
Athenian hophtes had been slain. Brasidas was carried into
Amphipohs, and lived long enough to receive the tidings of his

iJ2U

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XXVHI.

victory. He was interred within the walls with great military
pomp in the centre of what thenceforth became the chief agora ;
he was proclaimed cecist, or founder of the town ; and was wor-
shipped as a hero with annual games and sacrifices.

§ 16. By the death of Brasidas and Cleon, the two chief ob-
stacles to a peace were removed ; for the former loved war for the
sake of its glory, the latter for the handle which it afibrded for
agitation and for attacking his political opponents. The Athenian
Nicias, and the Spartan king Pleistoanax, zealously forwarded
the negotiations, and in the spring of the year b.c. 421, a peace
for 50 years, commonly called the peace of Nicias, was concluded
on the basis of a mutual restitution of prisoners and places cap-
tured during the war. The Thebans, however, retained Platsea
on the plea that it had been voluntarily surrendered, and on the
same grounds Athens was allowed to hold Nisaea, Anactorium,
and SoUium. Neutral towns were to remain independent, and
pay only the assessment of Aristides. By this treaty Sparta
sacrificed the interests of her allies in favour of her own. Her
confederates viewed it with jealousy and distrust, and four of
them, namely, the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians,
positively refused to ratify it. Alarmed at this circumstance, as
well as at the expiration of her Thirty Years' Truce with Argos,
Sparta soon afterwards concluded an offensive and defensive
alliance with Athens, with the stipulation that each might in-
crease or diminish at pleasure the number of its allies and
subjects.

Coin of Amphipolis.

Centaur from the Metopes of tlie Parthenon.

CHAPTER XXIX.

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTINUED. FROM THE PEACE OF NICIAS
TO THE EXPEDITION OF THE ATHENIANS TO SICILY.

§ 1. League of Argos, Corinth, Elea, Mantinea, and Chalcidice. § 2. Trans-
actions between Sparta and Athens. § 3. Policy and character of Alci-
biades. § 4. He advocates aleague with Argos. Resorts to a stratagem
to procure it. § 5. Alcibiades victor at Olympia. His magnificence.
§ 6. He proceeds to Peloponnesus. § 7. Proceedings of the Lacedsemo-
nians. Battle of Mantinea. § 8. Revolutions at Argos. A democracy
established. § 9. Conquest of Melos by the Athenians. § 10. Interven-
tion of the Athenians inSicily. § 11. Embassy of the Egestseans. They
deceive the Athenians respecting their wealth. § 12. The Athenians
resolve on an expedition to Sicily. § 13. Preparations at Athens.
Popular delusion. § 14. Mutilation of the Hermse. Accusation of
Alcibiades. § 15. Departure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily.

^ 1. It has been mentioned that several of the allies of Sparta
were dissatisfied with the peace which she had concluded ; and
soon afterwards some of them determined to revive the ancient
pretensions of Argos, and to make her the head of a new con-
federacy, which should include all Greece, with the exception of
Sparta and Athens. The movement was begun by the Corin-

822 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIX.

thians, who felt themselves aggrieved because the LacedsBmoiiians
had allowed Athens to retain Sollium and Anactoriuni. The
league was soon joined by the Eleans, the Mantineans, and the
Chalcidians. But they in vain endeavoured to persuade the
powerful city of Tegea to unite vdxh them ; whilst the ohgar-
chical governments of Boeotia and Megara also stood aloof

§ 2. Bet«-een Sparta and Athens themselves matters were far
from hemg on a satisfactory footing. Sparta confessed her in-
abihty to compel the Boeotians and Corinthians to accede to the
peace, or even to restore the toT^m of Amphipolis. After the
death of Brasidas, Clearidas had succeeded to the conmrand of
Amphipohs ; and he now pretended that he was not strong
enough to surrender it agamst the will of the inhabitants.
However, he withdrew with his garrison from the place ; and
the Athenians do not appear to have made any attempt to take
possession of it. All that they effected in that quarter was to
reduce Scione, when the bloody decree of Cleon was carried into
execution. Athens consequently refused to evacuate Pylus,
though she removed the Helots and Messenians from it.

§ 3. In the negotiations which ensued respecting the surrender
of Pylus, Alcibiades took a promhient part. Tliis extraordmary
man had akeady obtamed immense uifluence at Athens. Young,
rich, handsome, profligate, and clever, Alcibiades was the very
model of an Athenian man of fashion. In Ihieage he was a striking
contrast to the plebeian orators of the day. The Athenian pubhc,
in spite of its excessive democracy, was anything but insensible
to the prestige of liigh birth ; and Alcibiades traced his paternal
descent from the ^acid heroes Emysaces and Ajax, wliilst on
his mother's side he claimed relationship with the AlcniEeonidse,
and consequently with Pericles. On the death of his father
Chnias, Pericles had become his guardian. From early youth
the conduct of Alcibiades was marked by violence, reck-
lessness, and vanit}". He dehghted m astonishmg the more
sober portion of the citizens by his capricious and extravagant
feats. Xothing, not even the sacredness of the laws, was secure
from liis petulance. Sometimes we find liim beating a school-
master for not having a copy of Homer m his school, or inter-
rtipting the performances of the theatre by striking his feUow
cjioregus ; and on one occasion he efiaces \^"ith his oM-n hand an
indictment pubhshed against a Thasian poet, and defies both
prosecutor and magistrate to proceed with it. His beauty, his
wit, and his escapades, had made him the darling of all the
Athenian ladies, nor did the men regard him Adth less admira-
tion. But he was utterly destitute of morality, whether public
or private. The " lion's whelp," as he is termed by Aristo-

B.C. 421. CHARACTER OF ALCIBIADES. 328

phanes, was even suspected, in his boundless ambition, of a
design to enslave his fellow-citizens. His vices, however, were
partly redeemed by some brilliant qualities. He possessed both
boldness of design and vigour of action ; and though scarcely
more than thirty at the time of which we are now speaking, he
had already on several occasions distinguished himself by his
bravery. His more serious studies were made subservient to
the purposes of his ambition, for which some skill as an orator
was necessary. In order to attain it he frequented the schools
of the sophists, and exercised himself in the dialectics of Pro-
dicus, Protagoras, and above all of Socrates. As an orator he
seems to have attained a respectable, but not a first, rank. He
had not the rapid and spontaneous flow of ideas and words
which characterised the eloquence of Pericles. He would fre-
quently hesitate in order to cull the most choice and elegant
phrase ; and a lisp, whether natural or afiected, which turned
all the r's into Z's, must have been a serious drawback to his
oratory.

§ 4. Such was the man who now opposed the application of
the Lacedaemonian ambassadors. It is characteristic of him that
personal pique was the motive of his opposition. The politics
of his ancestors had been democratic, and his grandfather was a
violent opponent of the Pisistratidee. But he himself on his first
entrance into public life, a little before the peace of Nicias, had
manifested oligarchical sentiments, and even endeavoured to
renew an ancient tie of hospitality which had formerly connected
his family with Sparta. With the view of becoming the Spartan
proxenus at Athens, he had been assiduous in his attentions
towards the Spartan prisoners, and had taken an active part in
forwarding the peace. But the Spartan government rejected
his advances, and even sneered at the idea of intrusting their
political interests to a youth known only by his insolence and
profligacy. The petulant Alcibiades was not the man to brook
such an affront. He immediately threw himself, with all the
restless energy of his character, into the party opposed to Sparta,
now deprived of its most conspicuous leader by the death of
Cleon. He began to advocate a league with Argos, in which
city the democratic party at that time predominated, and sent
a private message to his friends there advising them to despatch
ambassadors to negotiate the admission of Argos among the
alhes of Athens. A joint embassy was accordingly sent from
Argos, Elea, and Mantinea. The Lacedaemonians endeavoured
to defeat this negotiation by sending three of their most popular
citizens to Athens, to make another attempt to procure the
cession of Pylus. Their reception was so favourable, that Alci-

324 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap, XXIX.

blades, alarmed at the prospect of their success, resorted to a
trick in order to defeat it. He called upon the Lacedaemonian
envoys, one of whom, happened to be his personal friend ; and
pretendmg to have resumed his predilections for Sparta, he ad-
vised them not to tell the Assembly that they were furnished
with full powers, as m that case the people w^ould bully them
into extravagant concessions, but rather to say that they were
merely come to discuss and report ; promising, if they did so, to
speak in their favour, and induce the Assembly to grant the
restitution of Pylus, to which he himself had hitherto been the
chief obstacle. Accordingly, on the next day, when the ambas-
sadors were introduced into the Assembly, Alcibiades, assuming
his blandest tone and most wdmiing smile, asked them on what
footing they came, and what were their powers ? In reply to
these questions, the ambassadors, who only a day or two before
had told jSTicias and the Senate that they were come as plenipo-
tentiaries, now publicly declared in the face of the assembly,
that they were not authorized to conclude, but only to negotiate
and discuss. At this amiouncement, those who had heard their
previous declaration could scarcely beheve their ears. A
universal burst of indignation broke forth at this exliibition
of Spartan duplicity ; whilst to wind up the scene, Alcibiades,
affecting to be more surprised than any, distinguished himself
by being the loudest and bitterest in his invectives against
the perfidy of the Lacedaemonians. Taking advantage of the
moment, he proposed that the Argive ambassadors should be
called in, and an alliance instantly concluded with Argos. The
motion, however, was defeated for the present by an earth-
quake which occurred, and which caused the assembly to be
adjourned. This delay procured Nicias the opportunity of pro-
ceeding to Sparta, and making another attempt at adjustment.
It proved, however, unsuccessful. Nicias was obliged to make
the mortifying confession of his failm^e before the assembly ; and
Alcibiades thereupon procured the completion of a treaty of
alliance for 100 years with Argos, Ehs, and Mantinea. Tliis
took place in the year 420 B.C. Thus were the Grecian states
involved in a complicity of separate and often apparently oppo-
site alhances. It was evident that allies so heterogeneous could
not long hold together ; nevertheless, nominally at least, peace
was at first observed.

^ 5. In the July which followed the treaty with Argos, the
Olympic games, which recurred every fourth year, were to be
celebrated. The Athenians had been shut out by the war from
the two previous celebrations ; but now Elean heralds came with
the usual forms to invite their attendance. Curiosity was ex-

B.C. 418. WAR IN PELOPONNESUS. 326

cited throughout Greece to see what figure Athens would make
at this great Pan-Hellenic festival. War, it was surmised, must
have exhausted her resources, and would thus prevent her from
appearing with becoming splendour. But from this reproach
she was rescued by the wealth and vanity, if not by the patri-
otism of Alcibiades. By his care, the Athenian deputies exhi-
bited the richest display of golden ewers, censers, and other
plate to be used in the public sacrifice and procession ; whilst
for the games he entered in his own name no fewer than the un-
heard of number of seven four-horsed chariots, of which one
gained the first, and another the second prize. Alcibiades was
consequently twice crowned with the olive, and twice proclaimed
victor by the herald. In his private tent his victory was cele-
brated by a magnificent banquet. It is not improbable, how-
ever, that on this occasion he was assisted by the Athenian
allies ; for the whole Ionic race was interested in appearing with
due honour at this grand national festival.

^ 6. The growing ambition and success of Alcibiades prompted
him to carry his schemes against Sparta into the very heart of
Peloponnesus, without, however, openly violating the peace. For
the first time an Athenian general was beheld traversing the
peninsula, and busying himself with the domestic afiairs of
several of its states. He persuaded the citizens of Patres in
Achaia to ally themselves with Athens; and proceeded with
the few troops he had brought vdth him to assist the Argives in
an attack upon Epidaurus, a city conveniently situated for facili-
tating the intercourse between Argos and Athens. The territory
of Epidaurus was ravaged ; and late in the autumn, the Lacedae-
monians sent 300 men by sea to the assistance of that city ; but
nothing decisive took place.

§ 7. The Lacedaemonians now found it necessary to act with
more vigour ; and accordingly in B.C. 418, they assembled a very
large army, consisting both of their alhes and of their own troops,
and invaded the territory of Argos in three divisions. Their
operations were judiciously planned. The Spartan king, Agis,
succeeded in surrounding the Argive army in such a manner
that he might easily have cut it to pieces ; but at the moment
when an engagement was on the point of commencing, two of
the Argive leaders proceeded to Agis, and by undertaking to
procure a satisfactory alliance between Argos and Sparta, in-
duced him to grant a truce of four months. Shortly after this
truce had been concluded the Athenians came to the assistance
of the Argives with a force of 1000 hoplites and 400 cavalry.
They were accompanied by Alcibiades, who seems, however, to
have come in a civil capacity. He now persuaded the Argives

826 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXEX.

to march with these troops and other allies against the towTi of
Orchomenos in Arcadia. Having reduced Orchomenos, they
proceeded against Tegea, hopmg to become masters of it through
the treachery of a party among the citizens. These proceedings,
however, roused the Lacedsemonians, who entered the territory
of Mantinea with a large force. Agis, who had incurred the just
indignation of liis countrymen by the improvident truce before
mentioned, was nevertheless intrusted with the command of
this army ; but only in consideration of his having promised to
wipe out his former disgrace by performing some great exploit.
He marched into the territory of Mantinea, and took up a posi-
tion near the Heracleum, or temple of Hercules, whence he laid
waste the surrounduig country. The Argives and their alhes
marched forth from Mantinea, and, posting themselves on very
rugged and advantageous ground, olTered the Lacedgemonians
battle. Anxious to retrieve his honour, Agis was hastening to
attack them even at this disadvantage, and had already arrived
within javelin-throw, when an aged warrior exclaimed that he
was now about '• to heal one mischief by another." Struck by
this remark Agis drew oiF his men, and, with the view of enticing
the Argives from their position, commenced a retrograde march
over the plain ; intending also to block up a watercourse situated
at some distance, and annoy the Mantineans by flooding their
lands. Finding, however, this project to be impracticable, he
returned upon his steps the following day, when his columns
suddenly found themselves in presence of the enemy, draAvn up
in order of battle upon the plain. But, though taken somewhat
by surprise, the admirable discipline of the Lacedsemonians,
ensured by a continuous subordination of officers, as well as by
constant drill, enabled Agis to form his line speedily and without
confusion in the face of the enemy. Instead of charging before
his troops were formed, the Argive generals were wasting the
time in haranguing their men. The Spartans, who were soldiers
by profession, needed no such encouragement, and trusted
rather to discipline and valour than to fine speeches. Instead
of these, the inspiriting war-song resounded through their ranks ;
whilst the slow and steady regularity of their march was go-
verned by the musical time of their pipers. Their opponents on
the contrary came rushing on at a furious pace. From the
natural tendency of Greek armies to advance somewhat towards
the right, in order to keep their left or shielded side as much as
possible towards the enemy, the left wing of Agis was outflanked
by the right of the allies, in which fought a chosen body of 1000
Argive hoplites, formed of the flower and aristocracy of the city,
and maintained and drilled at the public expense. On this side

B.C. 418. BATTLE OF MANTINEA. 827

the Lacedaemonians were routed ; but Agis nevertheless pushed
on with his centre and right, and gained a complete victory.
The loss of the allies was computed at 1100 among whom were
200 Athenians and both their generals, Laches and Nicostratus.
Of the Lacedsemonians about 300 were slain. This battle, called
the battle of Mantinea, which was fought in June, 418 e.g., had
great effect in restoring the somewhat tarnished lustre of the
Spartan arms. From the renown of the nations engaged in it,
though not in point of numbers, it was a more important battle
even than that of Delium.

§ 8. This defeat strengthened the oligarchical party at Argos,
which now entered into a conspiracy to bring about an alliance
with Sparta. To assist their views the Lacedsemonians marched
in great force to Tegea, and offered Argos the alternative of an
alliance or war ; and in spite of all the efforts of Alcibiades to
counteract it, a treaty was eventually concluded between the two
states. This was followed by a revolution at Argos. The demo-
cratical leaders were slain, and an oligarchical government esta-
blished by means of their thousand chosen hoplites. But the
oligarchs abused their power, and the brutal tyranny of Bryas,
the commander of the chosen Thousand, produced a counter-
revolution. A bride of the humbler class, whom he had ravished
from the very midst of a wedding procession, and carried to his
house, put out the .eyes of the tyrant during the night with the
pin of her brooch, and having thus effected her escape, roused
by her tale of woe the indignation of the people. The latter,
taking advantage of the Lacedsemonians being engaged in the
festival of the Gymnopsedia, rose against the aristocrats, ob-
tained possession of the city, and renewed the alliance with
Athens. An attempt to construct long walls from Argos to the
• sea, a distance of four or five miles, was defeated by the Lacedse-
monians ; but in the spring of e.g. 416 Alcibiades arrived to
support the Argive democracy with an Athenian armament,
and 20 triremes. Nevertheless, the peace between Sparta and
Athens continued to be nominally observed, although the gar-
rison of Pylus were committing ravages in Laconia, and the
Lacedaemonians, by way of reprisal, infested the Athenian com-
merce with their privateers.

§ 9. It was in the same year that the Athenians attacked and
conquered Melos, which island and Thera were the only islands in
the JEgean not subject to the Athenian supremacy. Their arma-
ment consisted of 38 triremes and a considerable force of hoplites.
The Melians having rejected all the Athenian overtures for a
voluntary submission, their capital was blockaded by sea and
land, and after a siege of some months surrendered. On the pro-

328 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXIX.

posal, as it appears, of Alcibiades, all the adult males were put to

death, the worneu and children sold into slayery, and the island
colonized afresh by 500 Athenians. This homble proceeding
was the more indefensible, as the Athenians, having attacked the
Mehans in full peace, could not pretend that they were justified
by the custom of war in sla^Tog the prisoners. It was the
crooning act of insolence and cruelty displayed during their
empire, which from this period began rapidly to dechne.

§ 10. The event destined to produce that catastrophe — the
intervention of the Athenians in the aiiairs of Sicily — was already
in progress. The feuds of race had been kindled in that island,
as in the rest of Greece, by the Peloponnesian war. Eleven or
twelve years before the period of which we are now speaking
the Dorian cities of Sicily (^^ith the exception of Camarina), to-
gether with the Locrians of Italy, had, under the headship of
Syracuse, joined the Peloponnesian confederacy, and declared
war against Leontini, Camariaa, and their ally, the city of Rhe-
gium in Italy.

In the year 427 B.C., the Leontines sent an embassy to Athens,
to crave the assistance of the Athenians. At the head of it was
the rhetorician. Gorgias, the novelty of whose brilhant eloquence
took the Athenians by siu-prise, and is said to have chiefly con-
tributed to the success of the apphcation. However that may
be, an Athenian squadron of t^'enty ships was despatched to the
assistance of the Leontiaes, and also with a view to ascertaui the
possibility of reducing all Sicily, of whose size the Athenians
seem to have had ver}' vague and imperfect notions, to the
obedience of Athens. A subsequent expedition in 425 B.C., con-
sisting of fort}' triremes, under the connnand of Eim-medon and
Sophocles, has been already mentioned.^ The selfish and am-
bitious designs of Athens had however become so evident that'
in the spring of the follo-u-ing year a congress of the Sicihan
cities met at Gela ; where the Syracusan, Hermocrates, in an
able and patriotic speech, succeeded hi persuading them to lay
aside their dissensions, and to unite hi defeathig the schemes of
Athens. The Athenians were so disappointed at this failure,
that when Eur}-medon, and his colleagues Sophocles and Pytho-
dorus, returned, they were indicted and con\'icted of having
taken bribes to accede to the peace. Eiu^*medon was sen-
tenced to pay a fine, and his fellow commanders were banished.

Ml. In the year 422 b.c, another apphcation for assistance
was made to the Athenians by the Leontine democracy, who
had been expelled by the aristocrats ; btu the Athenians, then

* See above, p. 307.

B.C. 416. AFFAIES OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS. 329

smarting under their recent losses, and having just concluded a
truce with Sparta, could not be persuaded to grant any effectual
succour. In the spring of 416 B.C., however, an embassy from
the Sicilian town of Egesta was more successful. A quarrel had
broken out between Egesta and Selmus, both which cities were
seated near the western extremity of Sicily ; and Selinus, having
obtained the aid of Syracuse, was pressmg very hard upon the
Egestseans. The latter appealed to the interests of the Athe-
nians rather than to their sympathies. They represented how
great a blow it would be to Athens if the Dorians became pre-
dominant in Sicily, and joined the Peloponnesian confederacy ;
and they undertook, if the Athenians would send an armament
to their assistance, to provide the necessary funds for the pro-
secution of the war. Their application was supported by the
Leontine exiles still resident at Athens. But their most power-
ful advocate was Alcibiades, whose ambitious views are said to
have extended even to the conquest of Carthage. In these
distant expeditions he beheld a means of gratifying his passion
for adventure and glory, and at the same time of retrieving his
fortune, which had been dilapidated by his profligate expendi-
ture. The quieter and m.ore prudent Nicias and his party threw
their weight into the opposite scale ; and at their instance it was
resolved, before an expedition was undertaken, to ascertain
whether the Egestseans were really able to perform the promises
they had made. For this purpose commissioners were despatched
to Egesta, whom, however, the cmming Egestseans completely
deceived. In the splendid temple of Aphrodite, on Mount Eryx,
a magnificent display of ofterings was set out, consisting of
vessels which the Egestseans passed off for solid gold, though
only silver gilt. In the private houses, where they were invited
to banquet after banquet, the Athenian envoys were astonished
at the profusion of plate under which the sideboards groaned,
but which was slily transferred for the occasion from one house
to another. Sixty talents of silver, placed in their hands as
earnest-money, completed the delusion ; and the commissioners,
who were, perhaps, not miwilling to be deceived, returned to
Athens with magnificent accounts of the wealth of Egesta.

§ 12. Dazzled by the idea of so splendid an enterprise, the
means for accomplishing which seemed ready provided, the
Athenian assembly at once decided on despatching a fleet of
sixty triremes, under Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus, with the
design of assisting Egesta, of restoring the Leontine democracy,
and lastly of estabhshmg the influence of Athens throughout
Sicily, by whatever means might be found practicable. Nicias,
though named as one of the commanders of the expedition,

3bo HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXIX.

entirely disapproved of it, and denounced it in the assembly
as springing from the vain glory and ambition of Alcibiades.
The latter repelled these not mnnerited attacks in a violent
speech, and persuaded the assembly to ratify their former deci-
sion. Another attempt of Nicias to deter the Athenians from
the enterprise by representing the enormous force wliich it
would require, had an effect exactly contrary to what he had
intended ; for the assembly, taking him at his word, decreed a
fleet of 100 instead of 60 triremes, together with a proportionate
increase in the land forces.

§ 13. For the next three months the preparations for the un-
dertaking were pressed on with the greatest ardour. Young and
old, rich and poor, all vied with one another to obtain a share in
the expedition. Oracles and prophecies predicting success were
circulated through the city, and greedily listened to. So great
was the throng of volunteers, that the care of the generals was
restricted to the task of selection. The trierarchs contended
which should produce his vessel not only in the most efficient,
but in the most ornamental state of equipmient. Five years of
comparative peace had accumulated a fresh supply both of men
and money ; and the merchants of- Athens embarked in the
enterprise as in a trading expedition. It was only a few of the
wisest heads that escaped the general fever of excitement. Me-
ton, the astronomer, and Socrates, the pliilosopher, are said not
to have shared in the universal enthusiasm ; the latter warned,
perhaps, by that familiar demon to whose whispered wisdom his
ears were ever open.

^14. And now the magnificent armament is on the point of
saihng. The brilliant city is alive with hope, and pride, and ex-
pectation, when a sudden and mysterious event converts all these
exulting feehngs into gloomy foreboding.

At every door in Athens, at the comers of streets, in the
market-place, before temples, g}^mnasia, and other pubhc places,
stood Hermee, or statues of the god Hermes, consisting of a
bust of that deity surmounting a quadrangular pillar of marble
about the height of the human figure. When the Athenians
rose one morning towards the end of May, 415 b.c, it was found
that all these figures had been mutilated during the night, and
reduced by unknown hands to a shapeless mass. "VYe may partly
realize the feelings excited by this occurrence, by picturing to
ourselves some Roman Catholic town, in which all the statues of
the Virgin should have been suddenly defaced. But the act in-
spired political, as w-ell as religious, alarm. It seemed to indicate
a wide spread conspiracy, for so sudden and general a mutilation
must have been the work of many hands. Athens, like other

B.C. 415. MUTELATIOjS' OF THE HERALE. 331

Grecian states, abounded with clubs, which, hke our societies of
freemasons, ofiered facilities for secret and extensive combina-
tions. This will probably afford the most natural explanation
of the fear which now pervaded Athens ; for the sacrilege might
only be a preliminary attempt of some powerful citizen to seize
the despotism, and suspicion pointed its finger at Alcibiades.
Active measures were taken and large rewards offered for the
discovery of the perpetrators. A public board was appointed to
examine witnesses, which did not, indeed, succeed in eliciting
any facts bearing on the actual subject of inquiry, but which
obtained evidence respecting similar acts of impiety committed
at previous times in drunken frolics. In these Alcibiades him-
self was implicated ; and though the fleet was on the very eve of
departure, Pythonicus rose in the assembly and accused him of
having profaned the Eleusinian miysteries by giving a represen-
tation of them m a private house, producing in evidence the
testimony of a slave. Pythonicus also charged him with being
privy to the mutilation of the Hermee, but without bringing for-
ward the slightest proof Alcibiades denied the accusation, and
implored the people to have it investigated at once. His enemies,
however, had sufficient influence to get the inquiry postponed
till his return ; thus keeping the charge hanging over his head,
and gaining time to poison the public mind against him.

§ 15. The day had arrived for the sailing of the fleet. Corcyra
was appointed for the rendezvous of the allies ; but even the de-
parture of the Athenian armament M'as a spectacle imposing in
the extreme. Of the hmidred triremes, sixty were equipped as
men of war, the rest as transports. Fifteen hundred chosen
Athenian hophtes, 700 of the class of Thetes to act as marines,
together with 500 Argive and 250 Mantinean hophtes, marched
at daybreak to embark at the Piraeus, accompanied by nearly the
Avhole of the population. As the ships were preparing to slip
their moorings, the sound of the trumpet enjoined silence, and
the voice of the herald, accompanied by that of the people, was
lifted up in prayer. Then followed the chanting of the paean,
whilst the officers on the decks of their respective vessels made
libations of wine to the gods from gold and silver goblets. At
length at a given signal the whole fleet started from Piraeus,
each crew striving as in a nautical contest to arrive first at the
island of Mgins.. The people who lined the beach watched the
vessels till they were out of sight, and then returned to the city
with heavy hearts and ominous misgivings.

Bust of Alcibiades.

CHAPTER XXX.

PELOPONNESIAN WAR CONTIXTED. THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION.

§ 1. Armament mustered at Corcyra. § 2. Its reception in Italy. Pro-
ceedings at Syracuse. § 3. Plans of the Athenian generals. § 4. The
advice of Alcibiades adopted. He gains over Xaxos and Catana.
§ 5. Proceedings at Athens respecting the mutilation of the Hermse,
and the profanation of the mysteries. § 6. Alcibiades accused, and
ordered to return to Athens. § *?. Proceedings of Xicias in Sicily.
§ 8. Preparations of the Sicilians for defence. § 9. Xicias lays siege
to Syracuse. § 10. He seizes Epipolse and constnicts a fort at Syke.
Attempt of the Syracusans against it. § 11. Arrival of the Spartan
general Gylippus. Change in the Athenian prospects. §12. Inva-
sion of Attica by the Lacedaemonians. They fortify Deceleia. § 13.
The Syracusans defeat the Athenians at sea. § 14. Demosthenes and
Eurymedon arrive in Sicily with reinforcements. Reverses. The
Athenians resolve to retreat. § 15. Xaval engagement in the Great
Harbour. Victory of the Syracusans. § 1 6. Its effects. Disastrous
retreat of the Athenians. Surrender of Demosthenes. § IT. Sur-
render of Xicias. Treatment of the prisoners. Death of !Nicias and
Demosthenes. § 18. Their characters.

^ 1. The Athenian fleet destined for Sicily was joined at Cor-
cyra by the other allies in the month of July, 415 B.C. The
whole armament when mustered consisted of 1.3-i triremes and
two Rhodian penteconters, and had on board 5100 hoplites, 480
bo^Tnnen, of whom SO were Cretans, 700 Rhodian slingers, and

B.C. 415. THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY. 333

120 Megarian exiles, who served as light-armed troops. The
fleet was accompanied by no fewer than 500 transports, carrying
provisions, warlike stores, and artificers, as well as by a great
many private trading vessels. Three fast-sailing triremes were
sent ahead to ascertain the disposition of the Italian and Sicihan
towns, and to notify to the Egestseans the approach of assistance.
The fleet then made for the lapygian promontory, in three divi-
sions, commanded by Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus.

§ 2. Their reception in Italy was far from encourging. The
utmost they could obtain was permission to take in water, and
even this was refused by the Tarentines, and by the Epize-
phyrian Locrians. At Rhegium, however, they were allowed to
land and to purchase provisions ; but they were not permitted
to enter the town, and the citizens refused to join or assist
them. Here, therefore, they awaited the return of the three
exploring vessels.

Rumours of the intended expedition prevailed at Syracuse,
but were treated as incredible. Hermocrates, however, was better
informed than his fellow-citizens. He urged them to summon
their allies and to prepare for defence, and even exhorted them
to sail at once to the friendly harbour of Tarentumi, and from
thence to offer battle to the Athenian fleet in the Ionian gulf.
But the demagogue Athenagoras treated the whole matter as a
fiction invented to serve the interests of the oligarchical party.
At last one of the generals put an end to the debate by under-
taking to place the city in a posture of defence.

§ 3. Meantime the three vessels which had been sent to
Egesta returned to Rhegium, with the discouraging news that
the accounts respecting the wealth of Egesta were entirely fic-
titious, and that the sum of thirty talents was all the assistance
that could be hoped for from that quarter. A council of war
was now held. It appears that the Athenian generals had pro-
ceeded thus far without having formed any definite plan, and
each now proposed a different one. Nicias was of opinion that,
since no effectual help could be expected from the Egestseans,
the objects of the expedition should be confined to the narrowest
possible limits, and with that view that they should sail at once
against the Selinuntines, obtain from them the best terms pos-
sible, and then return home. Alcibiades, whose hopes of glory
and profit would have been ruined by this plan, proposed to gain
as many allies as they could among the Greek cities in Sicily,
and, having thus ascertained what assistance they could rely
upon, to attack Syracuse and Selinus. Lamachus was for bolder
measures. He recommended an immediate attack upon Syracuse,
whilst it was yet unprepared for defence. The terror of the

334 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX-

Syracusans would probably cause them to surrender, and the
capture of their city would determine the conduct of the rest of
Sicily ; but, if they lingered, negotiated, and did nothing, they
would first be regarded with indifference and then with con-
tempt.

§ 4. The advice of Lamachus was the most soldierlike, and,
though seemingly the boldest, would undoubtedly have been the
safest and most prudent in the end. But neither of his colleagues
approved of it, and, as Lamachus was poor, and possessed no great
political interest, he was obliged to give way. The counsel of Alci-
biades was adopted as a mean between the other two. Messana
refused his solicitations, but Naxos cordially joined the Athenians.
Alcibiades then sailed southwards with a considerable portion cf
the fleet, and, passing Syracuse, despatched ten triremes into the
Great Harbour, for the purpose of surveying its docks and foiti-
iications. Nothing further was attempted ; but as they sailed
back the Athenians obtained possession by surprise of the im-
portant city of Catana, which was now made the head -quarters
of the armament.

§ 5. An unwelcome message greeted Alcibiades at Catana.
After his departure from Athens fresh inquiries were instituted
respecting the mutilation of the Hermse, and the ofier of large
rewards brought forward additional evidence. The public agita-
tion and anxiety were kept alive by the demagogues Pisander
and Charicles, two of the commissioners of inquiry, who de-
nounced the affair not only as a sacrilege, but also as a con-
spiracy for putting down the democracy and establishing a
tyranny. Numerous arrests were made, and citizens of the
highest character were thrown into prison on the testimony of
hireling wretches. Terror reigned in the city, and the fear of
being informed against rose to such a pitch that the convocation
of the senate by the herald was a signal to the crowd which filled
the market-place to disperse. Among the persons arrested was
Andocides, the orator, who was induced by his fellow-prisoners
to come forward and state what he knew of the affair. He was
a young man of rank, and his evidence was implicitly believed,
especially as it was confirmed by his slaves, who were put to the
torture. Those whom he denounced were executed. He saved
his own life by turning informer, but the hatred he incurred
was such that he was obliged to leave the city. His evidence
was most probably false, and the whole affair has ever remained
involved in mystery.

^ 6. The execution of the supposed criminals had the effect
of tranquillizing the city respecting the mutilation of the Hermge ;
but the profanation of the Eleusinian mysteries, a rite regarded

B.C. 415. THE ATHENIANS IN SICILY. 335

with the deepest reverence at Athens, still remained unexpiated.
The Eumolpidae, and other great families who held hereditary
oifices in the celebration of the mysteries, looked upon them-
selves as personally insulted. The public excitement was in-
creased by the appearance of a LacedsBmonian force on the
frontier, which, it was suspected, might be connected with some
internal conspiracy. Both oligarchs and democrats were loud in
demanding the arrest of Alcibiades ; and Thessalus, the son of
Oimon, who belonged to the former party, preferred an indict-
ment against him. In pursuance of this step the Salaminian
trireme was despatched to Sicily, carrying the decree of the
assembly for Alcibiades to come home and take his trial, and
which met him, as before related, on his arrival at Catana. The
commander of the Salaminia was, however, instructed not to
seize his person, but to allow him to sail in his own trireme.
Alcibiades availed himself of this privilege to effect his escape.
"When the ships arrived at Thurii in Italy, he absconded, and
contrived to elude the search that was made after him. Never-
theless, though absent, he was arraigned at Athens, and con-
demned to death ; his property was confiscated, and the Eumol-
pids pronounced upon him the curses of the gods. On hearing
of his sentence Alcibiades is said to have exclaimed, " I will
show them that I am still alive."

^ 7. Three months had now been frittered away in Sicily,
during which the Athenians had done little or nothing, if we
except the acquisition of Naxos and Catana. The Syracusans
began to look upon them with contempt. They even, meditated
an attack upon the Athenians at Catana ; and Syracusan horse-
men rode up and insulted them in their camp. Nicias was thus
absolutely shamed into undertaking something, and resolved to
make an attempt upon Syracuse. By a false message that the
Cataneeans were ready to assist in expelling the Athenians, he
induced the Syracusans to proceed thither in great force, and he
availed himself of their absence to sail with his whole fleet into
the Great Harbour of Syracuse, where he landed near the mouth
of the Anapus, in the neighbourhood of the temple of the Olym-
pian Jove. Here he intrenched himself in a strong position, on
the right bank of the Anapus, breaking down the bridge over
the river. The Syracusans, when they found that they had been
deceived at Catana, marched back and offered Nicias battle in
his new position. The latter accepted it, and gained the vic-
tory ; after which he retired to Catana, and subsequently to
Naxos into winter quarters. He then sent messages to Athens
for fresh supplies of cavalry and money, and to his Sicilian allies
for reinforcements.

336 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXX.

§ 8. The Syracusans employed the winter in preparations for
defence. They built a new wall, covering both their inner and
outer town to the westward (See Plan, Gr, H, I), and rendering
any attempt at circumvallation more difficult. They fortified
and garrisoned the temple and grove of the Olympian Jove, in
the neighbourhood of the city. They despatched envoys to
Corinth and Sparta to solicit assistance, in the latter of which
towns they found an unexpected advocate. Alcibiades, having
crossed from Thuru to Cyllene in Peloponnesus, received a
special invitation to proceed to Sparta. Here he revealed all the
plans of Athens, and exhorted the Lacedaemonians to frustrate
them. For this purpose he advised them to send an army into
Sicily, under the conmiand of a Spartan general, and by way
of causing a diversion, to establish a fortified post at Decelea in
the Attic territories. The Spartans fell in with these views,
and resolved to send a force to the assistance of Syracuse in the
spring, under the command of Gylippus.

§ 9. Nicias, having received a reinforcement of cavalry from
Athens, as well as 300 talents in money, recommenced hostihties
as soon as the season allowed of it, and resolved on besieging
Syracuse. That town consisted of two parts — the inner and the
outer city. The former of these — the original settlement — was
comprised in the island of Ortygia ; the latter, afterwards known
by the name of Achradina, covered the high ground of the pen-
insula north of Ortygia, and was completely separate from the
inner city. The island of Ortygia, to which the modern city is
now confined, is of an oblong shape, about two miles in circum-
ference, lying between the Great Harbour on the west, and the
Little Harbour on the east, and separated from the mainland by
a narrow channel. The Great Harbour is a splendid bay, about
five miles in chcumference, the entrance of which is protected
on the left hand by the promontory Plemmyrium, and on the
right hand by a projectmg cape of the island of Ortygia. The
little port, also called Laccius, which lay between Ort}'gia and the
outer city, was spacious enough to receive a large fleet of ships of
war. The outer city was surrounded on the north and east by the
sea, and by sea-walls Avhich rendered an assault on that side almost
impracticable. On the land side it was defended by a wall,
and partly also by the nature of the ground, which in some parts
was very steep. The low ground between the outer city and
Ortygia seems not to have been included in the fortifications of
either, but was employed partly as a burial ground, partly for
games and religious processions. West and north-west of the
wall of the outer city stood two unfortified suburbs, which were
at a later time included within the walls of Syi-acuse under the

B.C. 414.

DESCRIPTION OF SYRACUSE.

337

names of Tyche and Neapolis. At the time of which we are
speaking, the latter was called Temenites, from having withm it
the statue and consecrated ground of Apollo Temenites. Be-
tween these two suburbs the ground rose in a gentle acclivity to
the summit of the ranges of hills called Epipolae.

§ 10. It was from the high ground of Epipolse that Syracuse
was most exposed to attack. The Syracusan generals had
hitherto neglected this important position, and were on the
point of occupying it, when they were anticipated by Nicias.
Landing at Leon, a place upon the bay of Thapsus, at the dis-
tance of only six or seven stadia from Epipolae, the Athenian

BAY OF
THAPSUS

Plan of Syracuse. (From Grote's Greece.)

V, B, C, D. Wall of the Outer City of Syracuse at time of the arrival of Nicias in Sicily.
E, F. Wall of Ortygia, or tlie Inner City of Syracuse, at the same time.
G, H, I, Additional fortification built by the Syracusans in the -winter of 415 — 414 b.c.

K. Athenian fortification at Syke.
K, L, M. Southern portion of the Athenian circumvallation from Syke to the Great Harbour.
N, 0. First counter-work erected by the Syracusans.
P, Q. Second counter-work constructed by the Syracusans.

K, R. Intended, but unfinished, circumvallation of the Athenians from the northern side
of Syke to the outer sea at Trogilus.
S, T, V. Third Syracusan counter-wall.

V. Outer fort constructed by Gylippus.
V, W, T, Wall of junction between this outer fort and the third Svracusan counter-work.

838 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX.

troops reached the summit just as the Syracusans were march-
ing towards the heights. They made, however, an attempt to
dislodge the Athenians, w^hich was repulsed ; and on the follow-
ing morning, Nicias and Lamachus marched their troops down
the ridge and offered battle, which was declined by the Spa-
cusans. On the summit of EpipolaB Nicias constructed a fort
called Labdalum ; and then coming farther down the hill towards
Syracuse, he built another fort of a circular form and of con-
siderable size at a place called Syke. From the latter point
he commenced his luie of circumvallation, one wall extending
southwards from Syke to the G-reat Harbour, and the other w^all
running northwards from the same fortress to the outer sea at
Trogilus (See Plan, K, L, M). While the Athenians were busy
upon their lines towards the north, the Syracusans ran a counter
wall from their own hues up the slope of the Epipolee (See Plan,
N, 0), but after a sharp conflict it w^as taken by the Athenians
and destroyed. Not disheartened by this failure, the Syracusans
commenced a second counter- work, and succeeded in constructing
a ditch and stockade, which extended again from their own hnes
across the marsh to the Anapus (See Plan, P, d). From this
new position they were also dislodged by the Athenians ; but in
the assault, which was led by Lamachus, this gallant officer was
slain. At the same time the Athenian fleet entered the G-reat
Harbour, where it was henceforth permanently established.

The Syracusans offered no further opposition to the progress
of the circumvallation, which was at length completed toAvards
the south. It consisted of two distinct walls, with a space be-
tween them, which was perhaps partly roofed over, in order to
afford shelter for the troops. The northern wall tow^ards Trogilus
was never completed, and through the passage thus left open
the besieged continued to obtain provisions.

Nicias, who, by the death of Lamachus, had become sole com-
mander, seemed now on the point of succeeding. The SjTacusans
were so sensible of their inferiority in the field that they no
longer ventured to show themselves outside the walls. They
began to contemplate surrender, and even sent messages to
Nicias to treat of the terms. This caused the Athenian com-
mander to indulge in a false confidence of success, and conse-
quent apathy ; and the army having lost the active and ener-
getic Lamachus, operations were no longer carried on with the
requisite activity.

^ 11. It was in this state of affairs that the Spartan commander
Gylippus passed over into Italy with a little squadron of four
ships — two Lacedaemonian and two Corinthian — with the view
merely of preserving the Greek cities in that countr)% supposiiiir

B.C. 414. AKRIVAL OF GYLIPPUS. 839

that Syracuse, and, with her, the other Greek cities in Sicily
were irretrievably lost. As he proceeded southwards along the
Italian coast, a violent storm drove him into Tarentum. Nicias,
though informed of his arrival, regarded his little squadron with
contempt, and took no measures to interrupt his progress. From
the Epizephyrian Locrians Gylippus learned to his great sur-
prise and satisfaction that the Athenian wall of circumvallation
at Syracuse had not yet been completed on the northern side.
He now sailed through the straits of Messana, which were left
completely unguarded, and arrived safely at Himera on the north
coast of Sicily. Here he amiounced himself as the forerunner
of larger succours, and began to levy an army, which the magic
of the Spartan name soon enabled him to e^ect ; and ui a few
days he was m a condition to march towards Syracuse with
about 3000 men. His approach had been already aimounced by
Gongylus, a Corinthian, who had been sent forwards from the
Corinthian fleet then assembled at Leucas. The Syracusans now
dismissed all thoughts of surrender, and went out boldly to meet
Gylippus, who marched into Syracuse over the heights of Epi-
polse, which the supineness of Nicias had left unguarded. Upon
arriving in the city, Gylippus sent a message to the Athenians
allowing them a five days' truce to collect their eflects and eva-
cuate the island. Nicias returned no answer to this insulting
proposal ; but the operations of Gylippus soon showed that the
tide of affairs was really turned. His first exploit was to cap-
ture the Athenian fort at Labdalum, which made him miaster
of Epipolaa. He next commenced constructing a counter-wall
to intersect the Athenian hues on the northern side. This third
counter- work of the Syracusans extended from their city-wall to
the northern cliff of Epipolse, and was brought to a successful
completion. (See Plan, S, U.) Gylippus subsequently built a
fort (Y) upon Epipolse ; and from this ibrt carried another wall
which joined at right angles the counter- work already erected
(See Plan, V, W, U). This turn of affairs induced those Sicilian
cities, which had hitherto hesitated, to embrace the side of Syra-
cuse. Gylippus was also reinforced by the arrival of thirty tri-
remes from Corinth, Leucas, and Ambracia. Nicias now felt
that the attempt to blockade Syracuse with his present force
was hopeless. He therefore resolved to occupy the headland of
Plemmyrium, the southernmost point of the entrance to the
Great Harbour, which would be a convenient station for watch-
ing the enemy, as well as for facilitating the introduction of
supplies. Here he accordingly erected three forts and formed a
naval station. Some slight affairs occurred in which the balance
of advantage was in favour of the Syracusans. By their change

S^ HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX.

of station, the Athenians were now a besieged rather than a
besieging force. Their triremes were becoming leaky, and their
soldiers and sailors were constantly deserting. Nicias himself
had fallen mto a bad state of health ; and in this discouraging
posture of afiairs he wrote to Athens requesting to be recalled,
and insisting strongly on the necessity of sending reinforce-
ments.

§ 12. The Athenians refused to recall ISTicias, but they deter-
mined on sending a large reinforcement to Sicily, under the joint
command of Demosthenes and Eurymedon. The news of these
fresh and extensive preparations incited the Lacedaemonians to
more vigorous action. The peace, if such it can be called, had
been violated ui the year 414 e.g., when the Lacedsemonians in-
vaded and ravaged the Argive territories, whilst the Athenians
assisted the Argives with a fleet of thirty triremes, and laid waste
Epidaurus, and somie neighbouring places. But in the spring
of 413 B.C., the Lacedsemonians, under king Agis, invaded Attica
itself, and following the advice of Alcibiades, established them-
selves permanently at Decelea, a place situated on the ridge of
Mount Parnes, about 14 miles north of Athens, and command-
ing the Athenian plain. The city was thus placed in a state of
siege. Scarcity began to be felt within the walls ; the revenues
were falhng off, whilst on the other hand expenses were increas-
ing. Yet even under these circumstances the Athenians hadP
no thoughts of abandoning their ambitious enterprises. It was
resolved not only to send reinforcements to Sicily, but also to
insult the coasts of Laconia. For this purpose Charicles was
sent thither with a fleet of thirty triremes ; and being assisted
by Demosthenes with the armament which he was conducting
to Sicily, Charicles succeeded in establishing himself on the coast
of Laconia, at a spot opposite to the island of Cythera, in a
m.anner somewhat similar to the Athenian fort at Pylus.

§ 13. Meanwhile in Sicily the Syracusans had gained such
confidence that they even ventured on a naval engagement with
the Athenians. A battle was fought at the mouth of the G reat
Harbour, in which the Athenians were, indeed, victorious ; but
when they sailed back to their station at Plemmyrium, they
found that Gylippus had taken advantage of this diversion to
attack and take their forts there, and that a great quantity of
stores and provisions had fallen into his hands. Moreover, the
Syracusans were not discouraged by their defeat from venturing
on another naval engagement. They had greatly improved the
construction of their vessels by strengthening their bows, and
had learnt how to meet or evade the nautical manoemTes of the
Athenians, wliich were also considerably impeded by the narrow

B.C. 413. THE ATHEISriAJS" FLEET DEFEATED. 841

limits of the Great Harbour, now the scene of conflict. The
second battle lasted two days, and ended in the defeat of the
Athenians, who were now obliged to haul up their ships in the
iiniermost part of the Great Harbour, under the lines of their
fortified camp. A still more serious disaster than the loss of
the battle was the loss of their naval reputation. It was evident
that the Athenians had ceased to be invincible on the sea ; and
the Syracusans no longer despaired of overcoming them on their
own element.

^14. Such was the state of affairs when, to the astonishment
of the S}Tacusans, a fresh Athenian fleet of 75 triremes, under
Demosthenes and Eurjrmedon, entered the Great Harbour with
all the pomp and circumstance of war. It had on board a force
of 50 00 hoplites, of whom about a quarter were Athenians, and
a great number of light armed troops. The active and enter-
prising character of Demosthenes led him to adopt more vigor-
ous measures than those which had been hitherto pursued. He
saw at once that whilst Epipolse remained in the possession of
the Syracusans there was no hope of taldng their city, and he
therefore directed all his efforts to the recapture of that position.
Bnt ail his attempts were unavailing. He was defeated not only
in an open assault upon the Syracusan wall, but m a nocturnal
attempt to carry it by surprise. These reverses were aggra-
vated by the breaking out of sickness among the troops. De-
mosthenes now proposed to return home and assist in expelling
the Lacedaemonians from Attica, instead of pursuing an enter-
prise which seemed to be hopeless. But Nicias, who feared to
return to Athens with the stigma of failure, refused to give his
consent to tliis step. Demosthenes then urged Nicias at least
to sail immediately out of the Great Harbour, and take up their
position either at Thapsus or Catana, where they could obtain
abimdant supplies of provisions, and would have an open sea for
the manoeuvres of their fleet. But even to this proposal Nicias
would not consent ; and the army and na^^ remained in their
former position. Soon afterwards, however, Gylippus received
such large reinforcements, that Nicias found it necessary to
adopt the advice of his colleague. Preparations were secretly
made for their departure, the enemy appear to have had no sus-
picion of their intention, and they were on the point of quitting
iheir ill-fated quarters on the following morning, when on the
very night before (27 Aug. 413 B.C.) an echpse of the moon took
place. The soothsayers who were consulted, said that the army
must wait thrice nine days, a full circle of the moon, before it
could quit its present position ; and the devout and superstitious
Nicias forthwith resolved to abide by this decision.

342 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX,

Meanwliile the intention of the Athenians became known to
the Syracusans, who determined to strike a blow before their
enemy escaped. They accordingly attacked the Athenian station
both by sea and land. On land the attack of Gylippus was re-
pulsed ; but at sea the Athenian fleet was completely defeated,
and Eurymedon, who commanded the right division, was slain.

The spirits of the Sp-acusans rose with their victories, and
though they would formerly have been content wdth the mere
retreat of the Athenians, they now resolved on effecting their
utter destruction. With this view they blocked up the entrance
of the Great Harbour with a line of vessels moored across it.
All hope seemed now to be cut off from the Athenians, unless
they could succeed in forcing this line and thus effecting their
escape. The Athenian fleet still numbered 110 triremes, which
Nicias furnished with grappling-irons, in order to bring the
enemy to close quarters, and then caused a large proportion of
his land-force to embark. Before they set ofi^, Nicias addressed
the most earnest and touching appeals both to the crews and to
the individual commanders to fight with bravery, since not only
their own fate, but that of Athens itself, depended on the issue
of that day's combat. He himself remained on shore, where the
army was drawTi up to witness the conflict.

§ 15. Never perhaps was a battle fought under circumstances
of such intense mterest, or witnessed by so many spectators
vitally concerned in the result. The basin of the Great Harbour,
about 5 miles in circumference, in which nearly 200 ships, each
with crews of more than 200 men, were about to engage, was
lined with spectators ; whilst the walls of Ortygia, overhanging
the water, were crowded with old men, women, and children,
anxious to behold a conflict which was to decide the fate of their
enemies, if not their owai. The surface of the water swarmed
with Syracusan small craft, many of them manned by youthful
volunteers of the best families, ready to direct their services
wherever they might be wanted. The whole scene, except in its
terrible realit)^ and the momentous interests depending on it,
resembled on a large scale the naumachies exhibited by the Ro-
man emperors for the amusement of their subjects. The Syra-
cusan fleet, consisting of 76 triremes, was the first to leave the
shore. A considerable portion was detached to guard the barrier
at the mouth of the harbour. Hither the first and most impe-
tuous attack of the Athenians was directed, who sought to break
through the narrow opening which had been left for the passage
of merchant vessels. Their onset was repulsed, and the b^tle
then became general. The shouts of the combatants, and the
crash of the iron heads of the vessels as they were driven to-

B.C. 413. FIGHT IN THE GREAT HARBOUR. 343

gether, resounded over the water, and were answered on shore
by the cheers or waiHngs of the spectators as their friends were
victorious or vanquished. For a long time the battle was main-
tained with heroic courage and dubious result. At length as
the Athenian vessels began to yield and make back towards the
shore, a universal shriek of horror and despair arose from the
Athenian army, wMlst shouts of joy and victory were raised from
the pursuing vessels, and were echoed back from the Syracusans
on land. As the Athenian vessels neared the shore their crews
leaped out, and made for the camp, whilst the boldest of the
land army rushed forv/ard to protect the ships from being seized
by the enemy. The Athenians succeeded in saving only 60
ships, or about half their fleet. The Syracusan fleet, however,
had been reduced to 50 ships ; and on the same afternoon, Nicias
and Demosthenes, as a last hope of escape, exhorted their men
to make another attempt to break the enemy's line, and force
their way out of the harbour. But the courage of the crews
was so completely damped that they positively refused to re-
embark.

§ 16. The Athenian army still numbered 40,000 men ; and as
all chance of escape by sea was now hopeless, it was resolved to
retreat by land to some friendly city, and there defend them-
selves against the attacks of the Syracusans. This Hermocrates
was determined to prevent. The day on which the battle was
fought happened to be sacred to Hercules, and a festival among
the Syracusans. •This circumstance, in addition to the joy and
elation naturally resulting from so great a victory, had thrown
the city into a state of feasting and intoxication ; and had
the Athenians taken their departure that night, nobody would
have been found to oppose them. Hermocrates, therefore, when
darkness had set in, sent down some men to the Athenian wall,
who, pretending to come from the secret correspondents of
JN^icias in Syracuse, warned him not to decamp that night, as all
the roads were beset by the Syracusans. Nicias fell into the
snare, and thus, by another fatal mistake, really afibrded the
Syracusans an opportunity for obstructing his retreat.

It was not till the next day but one after the battle that the
Athenian army began to move. Never were men in so complete
a state of prostration. Their vessels were abandoned to the
enemy without an attempt to save them. As the soldiers turned
to quit that fatal encampment, the sense of their own woes was
for a moment suspended by the sight of their unburied com-
rades, who seemed to reproach them with the neglect of a sacred
duty ; but still more by the wailings and entreaties of the
wounded, who clung around their knees, and implored not

344 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXX.

to be abandoned to certain destruction. Amidst this scene of
universal woe and dejection, a fresh and unwonted spirit of
energy and heroism seemed to be infused into Nicias. Though
suffering mider an incurable complaint, he was everywhere seen
marshalling Ms troops, and encouraging them by liis exhorta-
tions. The march was directed towards the territory of the
Sicels in the interior of the island. The arftiy was formed into
a hollow square with the baggage in the middle ; Nicias leading
the van, and Demosthenes bringing up the rear. Having forced
the passage of the river Anapus, they marched on the first day
about five miles to the westward, on the second day about half
that distance, and encamped on a cultivated plain. From this
place the road ascended by a sort of ravine over a steep liill
called the Acrsean clifi', on which the Syracusans had fortified
themselves. After spending two days in vain attempts to force
this position, JSTicias and Demosthenes resolved during the night
to strike off to the left towards the sea. Nicias, with the
van, succeeded in reachmg the coast ; but Demosthenes, who
had lost his way, was overtaken by the Syracusans at noon
on the following day, and surrounded in a narrow pass. Many
of his troops had disbanded during the night march, and many
fell m the conflict which now ensued, till being reduced to the
number of 6000, they surrendered, on condition of their hves
being spared.

§ 17. Meanwhile Nicias, with the van, had pursued his march,
and crossed the river Erineus. On the following day, however,
G-yhppus overtook him, and, having informed him of the fate of
his colleague, summoned him to surrender. But Nicias was in-
credulous, and pursued his march amidst the harassing attacks
of the Syracusans. The attempt to cross the river Asinarus
decided the fate of his army. The men rushed into the water
in the greatest disorder, partly to escape the enemy, but chiefly
from a desire to quench the burning thirst with which they were
tormented. Hundreds were pressed forwards down the steep
banks of the river, and were either trodden under foot, or im-
paled on the spears of those below, or carried away by the
stream. Yet others from behind still kept pressing on, anxious
to partake of the now turbid and bloody water. The troops
thus became so completely disorganised that all further resist-
ance was hopeless, and Nicias surrendered at discretion.

Out of the 40,000 who started from the camp only 10,000 at
the utmost were left at the end of the sixth day's march, the
rest had either deserted or been slain. The prisoners were sent
to work in the stone-quarries of Achradina and Epipolee. Here
they were crowded together without any shelter, and with scarcely

B.C. 413. DEATH OF KICIAS A^D DEMOSTHENES. 345

provisions enough to sustain life. The numerous bodies of those
who died were left to putrefy where they had fallen, till at length
the place became such an intolerable centre of stench and in-
fection that, at the end of seventy days, the Syracusans, for their
own comfort and safety, were obliged to remove the survivors.
All but the Athenians and the Italian and Sicilian Greeks were
sold into slavery. What became of the Athenians we are not
informed, but they were probably employed as slaves by the
richer Syracusans, since the story runs that many succeeded in
winning the aflection and pity of their masters by reciting por-
tions of the dramas of Euripides. Nicias and Demosthenes were
condemned to death in spite of all the efforts of Gyhppus and
Hermocrates to save them. The latter contrived to spare them
the humiliation of a public execution by providing them with
the means of committing suicide.

M8. Such was the end of two of the largest and best appointed
armaments that had ever gone forth from Athens. Nicias, as
we have seen, w^as from the first opposed to the expedition in
which they were employed, as pregnant with the m.ost dangerous
consequences to Athens ; and, though, it must be admitted that
in this respect his views were sound, it cannot at the same time
be concealed, that his own want of energy, and his incompetence
as a general, were the chief causes of the failure of the under-
taking. Possessing much fortitude but little enterprise, respect-
able, in private life, punctual in the performance of his religious
duties, not deficient in a certain kind of political wisdom, which,
however, derived its colour rather from timidity and over-caution
than from that happy mixture of boldness and prudence which
characterises the true statesman, Nicias had by these quahties
obtained far more than his just share of pohtical reputation and
influence, and had thus been named to the command of an expe-
dition for which he was qualified neither by military skill nor
by that enthusiasm and confidence of success which it so pecu-
harly demanded. His mistakes involved the fall of Demosthenes,
an officer of far greater resolution and ability than himself, and
who, had his counsels been followed, would in all probability
have conducted the enterprise to a safe termination, though
there was no longer room to hope for success. The career of
Demosthenes marks him as one of the first generals of the age,
but unfortunately he held only a subordinate rank in Sicily.
The Athenians became sensible when too late of the difference
between the two commanders. On the pillar erected to the me-
mory of the warriors who fell in Sicily the name of Demosthenes
found a place, whilst that of Nicias was omitted.

Street of the Tripods at Athens, from a bas relief.

CHAPTEE XXXI.

FROM THE END OF THE SICILIAN EXPEDITION TO THE OVERTHROW
OF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS.

§ 1. Consternation and hardships at Athens. § 2, Measures for defence.
§ 3. Revolt of Chios, Ery three, and Clazomense. § 4. Spread of the
revolt. Defection of Teos, Lesbos, and Miletus. Revolution at Samos,
which becomes the head-quarters of the Athenian fleet, § 5. Recovery
of Lesbos by the Athenians, Dissatisfaction of the Lacedaemonians
with Tissaphernes. § 6. Schemes of Alcibiades. § 1. He proposes a
league between the Athenians and Persians, and the establishment of
an oligarchy at Athens. § 8. Agitation for an oligarchy at Athens.
§ 9, Conference of Pisander with Alcibiades. Artifices of the latter.
Fresh treaty between Tissaphernes and the Lacedsemonians. § 10. Pro-
gress of the oligarchical conspirac}^ at Athens and Samos. § 11. Es-
tablishment of the Four Hundred. § 12. Their proceedings. § 13. Pro-
ceedings at Samos. Alcibiades joins the democracy" there. § 14. The
Athenian envoys at Samos. § 15. Dissensions among the Four Hun-
dred. They negotiate with Sparta. § 16. Counter revolution at
Athens. Defeat of the Athenian fleet and capture of Euboea by the
Lacedaemonians, § 17. The Four Hundred deposed and democracy
re-established at Athens.

§ 1 , The first intelligence of the destruction of the Sicilian arma-
ment is said to have been communicated by a stranger, in a
"barber's shop in the Piraeus. Big with the eventful news, the
unfortunate barber hastened up to Athens to communicate it to
the archons and the public ; but he was treated as a tale-bearer
and impostor ; and being unable to corroborate his story, in
consequence of the disappearance of his informant, he was put
to the torture. The tidings were, however, soon confirmed by
the arrival of fugitives who had managed to escape from the

B.C. 413. DISMAY OF THE ATHENIANS. 347

disastrous scene. Athens was now filled with affliction and dis-
may. To private grief for the loss of friends was added despair
of the public safety. There seemed to be no means of prevent-
ing the city from falling into the hands of the Lacedaemonians.
The popular fury vented itself in abusmg the orators who had
recommended the expedition, and the soothsayers who had fore-
told its success.

The affairs of the Athenians wore indeed a most threatening
aspect. The Lacedaemonian post at Decelea was a constant
source of annoyance. No part of Attica escaped the forays
which were made from thence. All the cattle were destroyed,
and the most valuable slaves began to desert in great numbers
to the enemy. Athens was almost in a state of siege. The
fatigue of guarding the large extent of wall became very onerous
on the reduced number of citizens. The knights or horsemen
were on constant duty in order to repress the enemy's ma-
rauders ; but their horses were soon lamed and rendered ineffi-
cient by the hard and stony nature of the soil. But what chiefly
excited the despondency of the Athenians was the visible decline
of their naval superiority. An engagement with the Corinthian
fleet near ISTaupactus, in the summer of 413 e.g., had ended with
neither ^^ gaining the advantage, though the forces were
nearly equal ; but to the Athenians the moral effects were equi-
valent to a defeat.

^ 2. Yet that cheerfulness and energy under misfortune which
form such striking and excellent traits in the character of the
Athenians, did not long desert them. After the first movements
of rage and despair, they began to contemplate their condition
more calmly, and to take the necessary measures for defence.
A board of elders was appointed, under the name of Probuli,=^
to watch over the public safety. The splendour of the public
ceremonies was curtailed in order to raise funds for the neces-
sities of the state ; the garrison recently established on the
coast of Laconia was recalled ; the building of a new fleet was
commenced ; and Cape Sunium was fortified in order to ensure
an uninterrupted communication between Pirseus and Euboea,
from which island the Athenians principally drew their pro-
visions.

§ 3. Whilst the imperial city was thus driven to consult for
her very existence, it seemed a chimerical hope that she could
retain her widely scattered dependencies. Her situation in-
spired her enemies with new vigour ; states hitherto neutral de-
clared against her ; her subject- allies prepared to throw off the

* UgolSovloi.

348 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXL

yoke ; even the Persian satraps and the court of Susa bestirred
ihemselves against her. The iirst blow to the Athenian empire
was struck by the wealthy and populous island of Chios. This
again was the work of Alcibiades, the itmplacable enemy of his
native land. In the winter following the overthrow of the Athe-
nian armament in Sicily, several of the most powerful allies of
Athens, among whom were the Euboeans, Chians, and Lesbians,
had solicited Sparta to assist them m throwing off the Athenian
yoke. At the same time envoys appeared at Sparta from Tissa-
phemes, the Persian satrap of Ionia, Caria, and the adjacent
coasts, and from Pharnabazus, whose satrapy extended from the
Euxine to the gulf of Eleea, inviting the Lacedsemonians to co-
operate with them in destroymg the Athenian empire in Asia,
and promising to provide the necessary funds.

By the advice of Alcibiades, the Lacedsemonians resolved that
the Chians should have the preference, and that a fleet should
be sent to their assistance. Impatient of delay, Alcibiades
shortly afterwards crossed over to Cliios with a Lacedaemonian
squadron of five ships, under the command of Chalcideus. The
oiigarcliical party at Cliios had matured all theh plans for the
revolt, and the arrival of Alcibiades caused them to be put mto
execution. The people were taken by surprise, an|Lwere re-
luctantly induced to renounce their alliance with Athens. Their
example was almost immediately followed by Erythrse and Cla-
zomense.

§ 4. The reserve of 1000 talents, set apart by Pericles to meet
the contmgency of an actual invasion, still remained untouched ;
but now by a unanimous vote the penalty of death, wliich forbad
its appropriation to any other purpose, was abohshed, and the
fund applied in fitting out a fleet against Cliios. Meantime,
Alcibiades was indefatigable in famiing the flames of revolt,
which now spread rapidly through the Athenian allies. Teos,
Lesbos, and Miletus proclaimed their mdependence of Athens.
At Miletus, Chalcideus, on the part of Sparta, concluded an in-
famous treaty with Tissaphernes, stipulating that the Greek cities
and territory formerly belonging to Persia should be restored to
her ; that the Athenians should not be permitted to derive any
revenue from them ; and that Persia and the Lacedaemonians
should jointly carry on the war against Athens. To conclude
the bargain, Mdetus was handed over to Tissaphernes.

Samos still remained faithful to the Athenians, and amidst
the general defection of their Asiatic allies had become of the
last importance to them. This island, like Chios, was governed
by an oligarchy ; but warned by-tfee revolution in that island,
the Samians rose against the ohgarchs, slew 200 of them, and

B.C. 412. REVOLUTION AT SAMOS. 349

banished 400 more. The Athenians at once recognized the
newly estabUshed democracy, and secured the adhesion of the
Samians by putting them on the footing of equal and independ-
ent allies. Samos became the head-quarters of the Athenian
fleet, and the base of their operations during the remainder of
the war.

§ 5. The tide of success at length began to turn in favour of
the Athenians. They had succeeded in collecting a considerable
fleet at Samos, with which they recovered Lesbos and Clazome-
nae, defeated the Chians, and laid waste their territory. They
also gained a victory over the Peloponnesians at Miletus, but
tills powerful city still remained in the hands of Tissaphernes
and the Peloponnesians.

Towards the close of the year, Astyochus, the Lacedaemonian,
commander, received large reinforcements from Peloponnesus,
and was now at the head of so imiposing an armament that he
was enabled to modify the former treaty with Tissaphernes, of
which the Lacedsemonians were heartily ashamed. The new
treaty, however, differed from the previous one rather in terms
than substance, and appears to have been far from giving satis-
faction at Sparta. The conduct of Tissaphernes afforded another
reason for discontent. He had given notice that he could no
longer continue the high rate of payment of a drachma per day
for the seamen's wages, the sum agreed upon in the first treaty,
without express instructions from the court of Susa ; and though
he had reduced that sum by one half, it was very irregularly
paid ; whilst his whole behaviour displayed a great want of
hearty co-operation with the Lacedaemonians. Another Pelo-
ponnesian squadron was therefore despatched to the coast of
Asia, having on board Lichas and ten other Spartans, for the
purpose of remonstrating with Tissaphernes and opening fresh
negotiations. Having obtained an interview with Tissaphernes
at C nidus, Lichas took exceptions to the two former treaties ; of
which the first expressly, the second by implication, recognized
the claims of Persia not only to the islands of the JEgean, but
even to Thessaly and Boeotia. Lichas, therefore, proposed a new
treaty; but Tissaphernes was so indignant at the proposition
that he immediately broke off the negotiation.

§ 6. The conduct of Tissaphernes towards the Lacedsemo-
nians was the result of the counsels of Alcibiades, who was
scheming to effect his return to Athens by means of his in-
trigues with the Persian Satrap. Li the course of a few months
Alcibiades had completely forfeited the confidence of the Lace-
daemonians. His ultra-Athenian temperament and manners
must have been as unwelcome to them as their own slowness

360 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI.

and gravity were to him. The Spartan King Agis, whose wife
he had seduced, was his personal enemy ; and the Ephor Endius,
his chief protector, went out of office in 412 B.C. To the pre-
ceding causes for private dislike was now added the want of that
rapid success which he had promised to the Lacedaemonians in
the East.- In a man whose character for deceit was notorious it
is not surprising that this failure should excite a suspicion of
treachery. After the defeat of the Pelopomiesians at Miletus,
King Agis denounced Alcibiades as a traitor, and persuaded the
new Ephors to send out instructions to put him to death. Of
this, however, he was informed time enough to make his escape
to Tissaphernes at Magnesia. Here he began to play an anti-
Hellenic, instead of his former anti- Athenian game. He ingra-
tiated himself into the confidence of the satrap, and persuaded
him that it was not for the interest of Persia that either of the
Grecian parties should be successful, but rather that they should
wear each other out in their mutual struggles, Vv hen Persia
would in the end succeed in expelhng both. This advice was
adopted by the satrap ; and in order to carry it into execution,
steps were taken to secure the inactivity of the Peloponnesian
armament, which, if vigorously employed, was powerful enough
to put a speedy end to the war. With this view the Lacedee-
monian commanders were first persuaded to await the arrival of
the Phoenician fleet, which, however, was never intended to ap-
pear. But as this was a pretext which could not be made
available for any length of time, the next argument was in the
more solid shape of pecuniary bribes administered to Astyochus
and the other Spartan leaders. Spartan virtue, which exists
rather in imagination than reality, was not proof against this se-
duction. The Syracusan, Hermocrates — for a Sicilian squadron
was co-operating with the Peloponnesian fleet — =was alone found
to be incorruptible.

§ 7. Alcibiades, having thus in some degree detached Tissa-
phernes from the Lacedaemonians, now endeavoured to persuade
him that it was more for the Persian interest to conclude a
league with Athens than with Sparta ; since the former state
sought only to retain her maritime dependencies, whilst Sparta
had held out promises of liberty to every Grecian city, from
which she could not consistently recede. The only part of his
advice, however, which the satrap seems to have sincerely
adopted was that of playing off one party against the other.
But about this Alcibiades did not at all concern himself It
was enough for his views, which had merely the selfish aim of
his own restoration to Athens, if he could make it appear
that he possessed sufficient influence with Tissaphernes to

B.C. 412. SCHEMES OF ALCIBIADES. 351

procure his assistance for the Athenians ; and for this the
intimate terms on which he Uved with the satrap seemed a
sufficient guarantee. He therefore began to communicate with
the Athenian generals at Samos, and held out the hope of a
Persian alliance as the price of his restoration to his country.
But as he both hated and feared the Athenian democracy, he
coupled his offer with the condition that a revolution should be
effected at Athens, and an oligarchy established. The Athenian
generals greedily caught at the proposal ; and though the great
mass of the soldiery were violently opposed to it, they were
silenced, if not satisfied, when told that Athens could be saved
only by means of Persia. The oligarchical conspirators formed
themselves into a confederacy, and Pisander was sent to Athens
to organize the clubs in the city. But the conspirators over-
looked the fact that the word of Alcibiades was their only se-
curity for the co-operation of Persia. Phyrnichus alone among
the Athenian generals opposed the scheme ; not that he dis-
liked oligarchy, but that he hated Alcibiades, and saw through
his designs.

^ 8. The proposition for an oligarchy which Pisander made in
the Athenian assembly met with the most determined oppo-
sition ; whilst the personal enemies of Alcibiades, especially the
sacred families of the Eumolpida) and Ceryces, violently opposed
the return of the man who had profaned the mysteries. The
single but unanswerable reply of Pisander was, the necessities
of the republic. A reluctant vote for a change of constitution
was at length extorted from the people. Pisander and ten others
were despatched to treat with Alcibiades and Tissaphernes. At
the same time Phrynichus and his colleague Scironides were de-
posed from their command at Samos, and their places supplied
by Diomedon and Leon. Before his departure Pisander had
brought all the oligarchical clubs m Athens into full activity.
During his absence the same task was undertaken by Antiphon,
the rhetorician. He was assisted by Theramenes, and subse-
quently by Phrynichus, who, after his arrival at Athens, had be-
come a violent partisan of the oligarchy.

§ 9. When Pisander and his colleagues arrived in Ionia, they
informed Alcibiades that measures had been taken for establish-
ing an oligarchical form of government at Athens, and required
him to fulfil his part of the engagement by procuring the aid
and alliance of Persia. But Alcibiades knew that he had under-
taken what he could not perform, and now resolved to escape
from the dilemma by one of his habitual artifices. He received
the Athenian deputation in the presence of Tissaphernes him-
self, and made such extravagant demands on behalf of the satrap

352 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI.

that Pisander and his colleagues indignantly broke off the con-
ference. They attributed, however, the duplicity of Alcibiades
to his want of will, and not to his want of power, to serve them ;
and they now began to suspect that his oligarchical scheme was
a mere trick, and that in reality' he desired the democracy to
remain, and to procure his restoration to its bosom.

Tissaphemes, who did not wish absolutely to break with the
Lacedaemonians, now began to fear that he was pushing matters
too far ; and, as they aheady felt the pinch of want, he furnished
them with some pay, and concluded a new treaty with them, by
which they agreed to abandon all the contment of Asia, and
consequently the Greek cities m that quarter. To tliis treaty
Pharnabazus was also a part)^ Persia did not waive her claim
to the islands, but nothing was stipulated respecting them. On
these conditions the aid of a Phoenician fleet was promised to
the Pelopomiesians.

MO. JSTotwithstandhig the conduct of Alcibiades the oligarchi-
cal conspirators proceeded ^vdth the revolution at Athens, in
which they had gone too far to recede. Pisander, with five of
the envoys, returned to Athens to complete the work they had
begun ; the rest were sent to establish oligarcliies among the
aUies. The leaders of the army at Samos began a similar move-
ment in that island. Their first step was the gratuitous murder
of H}^erbolus, an Athenian demagogue who had been ostracised
some years before, and who was now residing at Samos, though
apparently without possessmg any influence there. But the new
commanders, Diomedon and Leon, were favourable to the de-
mocracy, and they found by personal inquiry that the great
majorit}' of the crews, and especially that of the public trireme
called the Paralus, were ready to support the ancient constitu-
tion. Accordingly, when the • oligarchs rose they were over-
powered by superior numbers ; thirt}^ of them were killed in the
contest, and three were subsequently indicted and banished.

Meanwhile at Athens, after the departure of Pisander, the
council of Probiili, as well as many leading citizens, had joined
the oligarchs. Their attacks upon the democracy were not open,
but were conducted by means of depreciating speeches respect-
ing its costhness, through the pay given to the dicasts and others
discharging civil offices, M'hich, it was represented, the state could
no longer afford. They did not venture to propose the entire
abolition of the democracy, but merely a modification of it, by
restricting the number of those entitled to the franchise to 5000.
But even this proposition was never intended to be carried into
execution. Those who stood forward to oppose the scheme were
privatelv a.ssassinated. A reign of terror now commenced. Citi-

B.C. 411. THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS. 353

zens were continually falling ; yet no man could tell whose hand
struck the blow, or whose turn might come next.

^11. The return of Pisander was the signal for consummating
the revolution. He proposed in the assembly, and carried a
resolution, that a committee of ten should be appointed to pre-
pare a new constitution, which was to be submitted to the ap-
probation of the people. But when the day appointed for that
purpose arrived, the assembly was not convened in the Pnyx, but
in the temple of Poseidon at Colonus, a village upwards of a mile
from Athens. Here the conspirators could plant their own par-
tisans, and were less liable to be overawed by superior numbers.
The Graphe Paranomon, or action against those who proposed
any unconstitutional measure, having first been repealed, Pisander
obtained the assent of the meeting to the following revolutionary
changes : — 1. The abolition of all the existing magistracies ;
2. The cessation of all payments for the discharge of civil func-
tions ; 3. The appointment of a committee of five persons, who
were to name ninety-five more ; each of the hundred thus con-
stituted to choose three persons ; the body of Four Hundred thus
formed to be an irresponsible government, holding its sittings in
the senate house. The four hundred were to convene the select
body of five thousand citizens whenever they thought proper.
Nobody knew who these five thousand were, but they answered
two purposes, namely, to give an air of greater popularity to the
government, as well as to overawe the people by an exaggerated
notion of its strength.

§ 12. The government thus constituted proceeded to establish
itself by force. A body of hoplites having been posted in the
neighbourhood of the Senate House, the Four Hundred entered
it, each with a dagger concealed under his garment, and followed
by their body-guard of 120 youths, the instruments of the secret
assassinations already mentioned. The ancient senate was dis-
missed, but the pay due to the members was ofiered, and basely
accepted. Thus perished the Athenian democracy, after an
existence of nearly a century since its establishment by Clis-
thenes. The revolution was begun from despair of the foreign
relations of Athens, and from the hope of assistance from Persia ;
but it was carried out through the machinations of Antiphon and
his accomplices after that delusion had ceased.

Having divided themselves into Prytanies or sections, and in-
stalled themselves with sacrifice and prayer, the Four Hundred
proceeded to put to death or imprison the most formidable of
their political enemies. Their next step was to make overtures
for peace to Agis. The Spartan king, however, believed that
the revolution was not safely established, and preferred an

351 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI.

attempt to capture the city during the dissensions by which he
supposed it to be torn. But on marching up to the walls he
found them carefully guarded, and his troops were repulsed by a
sally of the besieged. A second application of the Four Hun-
dred met with a better reception, and they were encouraged to
send to Sparta.

§ 13. The failure of the revolution at Samos was highly unfa-
vourable to the success of the revolution at Athens ; but the
Four Hundred despatched envoys to that island, with instruc-
tions to make the matter as palatable as possible. These, how-
ever, had been forestalled by Chesreas. Under the impression
that the democracy still existed at Athens, Chsereas had been
sent to the city from Samos in the Paralus with the news of the
counter-revolution in the island. But when the Paralus arrived,
the Four Hundred had already been installed ; whereupon some
of her democratic crew were imprisoned, and the rest transferred
to an ordinary trireme. Chsereas himself found means to escape,
and returned to Samos, where he aggravated the proceedings at
Athens by additions of his own, and filled the army with uncon-
trollable wrath. At the instance of Trasybulus and Trasyllus,
a meeting was called in which the soldiers pledged themselves to
maintain the democracy, to continue the war against Pelopon-
nesus, and to put down the usurpers at Athens. The whole
army, even those who had taken part in the oligarchical move-
ments, .were sworn to uphold these principles ; and to every
male Sanaian of military age a similar oath was administered.
Thus the Athenian democracy continued to exist at Samos alone.
The soldiers, laying aside for awhile their military character,
constituted themselves into an assembly of the people, deposed
several of their officers, and appointed others whom they could
better trust. The meeting resounded with patriotic speeches.
Thrasybulus and Thrasyllus were appointed to the chief com-
mand ; the former of whom proposed the return of Alcibiades,
who, it was believed, was now able and willing to aid the demo-
cratic cause with the gold and forces of Persia. After consider-
able opposition the proposal was agreed to ; Alcibiades was
brought to Samos and introduced to the assembly, where by his
magnificent promises, and extravagant boasts respecting his influ-
ence with Tissaphernes, he once more succeeded in deceiving the
Athenians. The accomplished traitor was elected one of the
generals, and, in pursuance of his artful policy, began to pass
backwards and forwards between Samos and Magnesia, with the
view of inspiring both the satrap and the Athenians with a reci-
procal idea of his influence with either, and of instilling distrust
of Tissaphernes into the minds of the Peloponnesians.

B.C. 411. PROCEEDINGS AT SAMOS. 355

§ 14. Such was the state of affairs at Samos when the envoys
from the Four Hundred arrived. They were invited by the
generals to make their communication to the assembled troops ;
but so great was the antipathy manifested towards them, that
they could hardly obtain a hearing. Their presence revived a
proposition which had been started before, — ^to sail at once to
Athens, and put down the ohgarchy by force. By the advice of
Alcibiades, seconded by Thrasybulus, this proposal was, how-
ever, again discarded. The envoys were sent back to Athens
with the answer that the army approved of the 5000, but that
the Four hundred must resign and reinstate the ancient Senate
of Five Hundred.

§ 15. At the first news of the re-establishment of democracy
at Samos, distrust and discord had broken out among the Four
Hundred. Antiphon and Phrynicus, at the head of the ex-
treme section of the oligarchical party, were for admitting a
Lacedaemonian garrison ; and with a view to further that object,
actually caused a fort to be erected at Eetionea, a tongue of land
commanding the entrance to the harbour of the Piraeus. But
others, discontented with their share of power, began to affect
more popular sentiments. Conspicuous among these were The-
ramenes and Aristocrates, the former of whom began to insist
on the necessity for calling the shado\A'y body of 5000 into a real
existence. As the answ^er from Samos very much strengthened
this party, their opponents found that no time was to be lost ;
and Antiphon, Phiynicus, and ten others, proceeded in aU haste
to Sparta, with offers to put the Lacedaemonians in possession of
the Piraeus. The latter, however, with their usual slowness, or
perhaps from a suspicion of treachery, let shp the golden oppor-
tunity. All they could be induced to promise was, that a fleet
of 42 triremes should hover near the Piraeus, and watch a favour-
able occasion for seizing it. The failure of this mission was an-
other blow to the party of Phrjmicus ; and shortly afterwards
that leader himself was assassinated in open daylight wliilst
leaving the Senate House. Some hophtes, of the same tribe as
Aristocrates, now seized the fort at Eetionea. Theramenes gave
his sanction to the demoHtion of the fort, which was forthwith
accomplished ; whilst the inability of the Four Hundred to pre-
vent it, betrayed the extent of their power, or rather of their
weakness.

M6. The Four Hundred now appear to have taken some steps
to call the 5000 into existence. But it was too late. The leaders
of the counter-revolution entering armed into the theatre of
Dionysus at the Piraeus, formed a democratic assembly under
the old forms, which adjourned to the Anaceum, or temple of

356 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXI.

the Dioscuri, immediately under the Acropohs. Here the Four
Hundred sent deputies to negotiate with them, and another
assembly was appointed to he held in the theatre of Dionysus ;
hut just as they were meeting the news arrived that the Lace-
dsemonian fleet w^as approaching the Piraeus. The Athenians
were immediately on the alert, and the Lacedaemonian admiral,
perceiving no signs of assistance from within, doubled Cape
Sunium and proceeded to Oropus. It was now plain that their
object was to excite a revolt in Euboea. In all haste the Athe-
nians launched an inadequate fleet of 36 triremes, manned by
inexperienced crews. At Eretria in Euboea it was encountered
hy the Lacedaemonian fleet, and completely defeated with the
loss of 22 ships. Euboea, supported by the Lacedaemonians and
Boeotians, then revolted from Athens.

§ 17. Great was the dismay of the Athenians on receiving this
news. The loss of Euboea seemed a death blow. The Lacedae-
monians might now easily blockade the ports of Athens and starve
her into surrender ; whilst the partisans of the Four Hundred
would doubtless co-operate with the enemy. But from this fate
they were again saved by the characteristic slowness of the
Lacedaemonians, who confined themselves to securing the con-
quest of Euboea. Thus left unmolested, the Athenians convened
an assembly m the Pnyx. Yotes were passed for deposing the
Four Hundred, and placing the government in the hands of the
5000, of whom every citizen who could furnish a panoply might
be a member. In short, the old constitution was restored,
except that the franchise was restricted to 5000 citizens, and
payment for the discharge of civil functions abolished. In sub-
sequent assemblies, the Archons, the Senate, and other institu-
tions were revived ; and a vote was passed to recall Alcibiades
and some of his friends. The number of the 5000 was never
exactly observed, and was soon enlarged into universal citizen-
ship. Thus the Four Hundred were overthroMTi after a reign
of four months. Theramenes stood forward and impeached the
leaders of the extreme ohgarchical party, on the ground of their
embassy to Sparta. Most of them succeeded in making their
escape from Athens; but Antiphon and Archiptolemus w^ere
apprehended, condemned and executed, in spite of the admira-
tion excited by the speech of the former m his defence. The
rest were arraigned in their absence and condemned, their
houses razed, and their property confiscated.

One ofthe c;ai-j(iudes supporting the southern portico of the Erechtheum.

CHAPTER XXXII.

FROM THE FALL oF THE FOUR HUNDRED AT ATHENS TO THE
BATTLE OF J2GOSPOTAMI.

§ 1. State of the belligerents. § 2. Defeat of the Pelopomiesians at Cynos-
sema. § 3. Capture of Cyzicus by the Athenians, and second defeat of
the Peloponnesians at Abydus. § 4. Arrest of Alcibiades by Tissaph er-
nes, and his subsequent escape. Signal defeat of the Peloponnesians at
Cyzicus. § 5. The Athenians masters ofthe Bosporus. The Lacedsemo-
nians propose a peace, which is rejected. § 6. Pharnabazus assists the
Lacedaemonians. § 7. Capture of Chalcedon and Byzantium by the
Athenians. § 8. Keturn of Alcibiades to Athens. § 9. He escorts the
sacred procession to Eleusis. § 10. Cyrus comes down to the coast of
Asia. Lysander appointed oommander ofthe Peloponnesian fleet. § 1 1.
Interview between Cyrus and Lysander. § 12. Alcibiades at Samos.
Defeat of Antiochus atJS'otium. § 13. Alcibiades is dismissed. § 14.
Lysander superseded by Callicratidas. Energetic measures of the lat-
ter. § 1 5. Defeat of Conon at My tilene, and investment of that town by
Callicratidas. § 16. Excitement at Athens, and equipment of a large

358 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIL

fleet. § 17. Battle of Argiimsfe. Defeat and death of Callicratidas. §18.
Arraignment and condemnation of the Athenian generals. § 19. Reap-
pointment of Lysander as Navarchus. § 20. Siege of Lampsacus, and
battle of -^gospotami.

§ 1. It is necessary now to revert to the war, and the state of
the contending parties. The struggle had become wholly mari-
time. Although the Lacedsemonians occupied at Decelea a
strong post within sight of Athens, yet their want of skill in the
art of besieging towns prevented them from making any regular
attempt to capture that city. On the other hand, the great re-
verses sustained by the Athenians in Sicily disabled them from
carrying the war, as they had formerly done, into the enemy's
country. Yet they still possessed a tolerable fleet, with which
they were endeavouring to maintaui their power in the ^gean
and on the coasts and islands of Asia Minor. This was now
become the vital pomt where they had to struggle for empire,
and even for existence ; for, since the commencement of the war,
the maritime power of the Spartans and their allies had become
almost equal to the maritime power of Athens. They now put to
sea with fleets generally larger than the fleets of the Athenians ;
and their ships were handled, and naval manoBuvres executed,
with a skill equal to that of their rivals. The great attention
which the Lacedaemonians had bestowed on naval affairs is evinced
by the importance into which the new office of the Navarchia^
had now risen amongst them. The Navarchus^ enjoyed a power
even superior, whilst it lasted, to that of the Spartan kings,
since he was wholly uncontrolled by the Ephors ; but liis tenure
of office was limited to a year. From this state of things it
resulted that the remainder of the war had to be decided on the
coasts of Asia ; and it will assist the memory to conceive it divided
into four periods : 1 . The war on the Hellespont (which must be
taken to include the Propontis, whither it was transfen-ed soon
after the oligarchical revolution at Athens) ; 2. From the Hel-
lespont it was transferred to Ionia ; 3. From Ionia to Lesbos ;
4. Back to the Hellespont, where it was finally decided.

k 2. Mindarus, who now commanded the Peloponnesian fleet,
disgusted at length by the often-broken promises of Tissaphernes,
and the scanty and irregular pay which he furnished, set sail
from Miletus and proceeded to the Hellespont, with the inten-
tion of assisting the satrap Pharnabazus, and of effecting, if pos-
sible, the revolt of the Athenian dependencies in that quarter.
Hither he was pursued by the Athenian fleet imder Thrasyllus.
In a few days an engagement ensued (in August, 411 B.C.), in the
famous straits between Sestos and Abydos, in which the Athe-

B.C. 411. NAVAL VICTORY AT CYNOSSEMA. 359

nians, though with a smaller force, gained the victory, and erected
a trophy on the promontory of Cynossema, near the tomb and
chapel of the Trojan queen, Hecuba. After this defeat Mindarus
sent for the Peloponnesian fleet at EubcEa, which, however, was
overtaken by a violent storm near the headland of Mount Athos,
and totally destroyed. But though this circumstance afibrded
some relief to Athens, by withdrawing an annoying enemy from
her shores, it did not enable her to regain possession of Eubosa.
The Euboeans, assisted by the Boeotians, and by the inhabitants
of Chalcis and other cities, constructed a bridge across the nar-
rowest part of the Euripus, and thus deprived Eubcea of its in-
sular character.

§ 3. The Athenians followed up their victory at Cynossema by
the reduction of Cyzicus, which had revolted from them. A
month or two afterwards another obstinate engagement took
place between the Peloponnesian and Athenian fleets near Aby-
dos, which lasted a whole day, and was at length decided in
favour of the Athenians by the arrival of Alcibiades with his
squadron of eighteen ships from Samos. The Peloponnesian ships
were run ashore, where they were defended with great personal
exertion, by Pharnabazus and his troops.

§ 4. Shortly after this battle Tissaphemes arrived at the
Hellespont with the view of conciliating the oflended Pelopon-
nesians. He was not only jealous of the assistance which the
latter were now rendering to Pharnabazus, but it is also evident
that liis temporizing policy had displeased the Persian court.
This appears from his conduct on the present occasion, as well
as from the subsequent appointment oi" Cyrus to the supreme
conunand on the Asiatic coast, as w^e shall presently have to
relate. "When Alcibiades, who imagined that Tissaphemes was
still favourable to the Athenian cause, waited on him with the
customary presents, he was arrested by order of the satrap, and
sent in custody to Sardis. At the end of a month, however, he
contrived to escape to Clazomense, and again joined the Athenian
fleet early in the spring of 410 b.c. Mindarus, with the assist-
ance of Pharnabazus on the land side, was now engaged in the
siege of Cyzicus, which the Athenian admirals determined to
relieve. Having passed up the Hellespont in the night they
assembled at the island of Proconnesus. Here Alcibiades ad-
dressed the seamen, telling them that they had nothing further
to expect from the Persians, and must be prepared to act with
the greatest vigour both by sea and land. He then sailed out
with his squadron towards Cyzicus, and by a pretended flight
inveigled Mindarus to a distance from the harbour ; whilst the
other two divisions of the Athenian fleet, under Thrasybulus and

360 HISTORY OF GKEECE. Chap. XXXIL

Thrasyllus, being favoured by hazy weather, stole between Min-
darus and the harbour, and cut oil' his retreat. In these circum-
stances the Spartan commander ran his vessels ashore, where,
with the assistance of Phamabazus, he endeavoured to defend
them against the attacks of the xlthenians. Alcibiades having
landed his men, a battle ensued, in wliich Muidarus was slain,
the Lacedaemonians and Persians routed, and the whole Pelopon-
nesian fleet captured, with the exception of the SjTacusan ships,
which Hermocrates caused to be burnt. The severity of this
blow was pictured in the laconic epistle in. which Hippocrates,
the second in connxiand,=^ amiounced it to the Ephors : " Our
good luck is gone ; Mindarus is slain ; the men are starving ;
we know not what to do."

§5. The results of tliis victory were most important. Perin-
thus and Selymbria, as well as Cyzicus, were recovered ; and the
Athenians, once more masters of the Propontis, fortified the town
of Chr}'sopohs, over against Byzantium, at the entrance of the
Bosporus ; re-estabhshed their toll of ten per cent, on all vessels
passing from the Euxhie ; and left a squadron to guard the strait
and collect the dues. So great was the discouragement of the
Lacedsemonians at the loss of their fleet that the Ephor Endius
proceeded to Athens to treat for peace on the basis of both
parties standing just as they were. The Athenian assembly was
at this time led by the demagogue Cleophon, a lamp-maker,
known to us by the later comedies of Aristophanes. Cleophon
appears to have been a man of considerable abihty ; but the late
\-ictories had inspired him with too sanguine hopes, and he ad-
^-ised the Athenians to reject the terms proposed by Endius.
Athens thus threw away the golden opportmiity of recruiting
her shattered forces of which she stood so much in need ; and to
this mifortunate ad^-ice must be ascribed the calamities wliich
subsequently overtook her.

§ 6. Meanwliile Pharnabazus was active m affording the Lace-
dsemonians all the assistance in his power. He clothed and
armed their seamen, furnished them with pro"visions and pay for
two months, opened to them the forests of Mount Ida for sup-
plies of timber, and assisted them in building new ships at
Antandros. He helped them to defend Chalcedon, now besieged
by Alcibiades, and by liis means that town was enabled to hold
out for a long time. But the Athenians had already obtained
their principal object. The possession of the Bosporus reopened
to them the trade of the Euxine. From his lofty fortress at
Decelea the Spartan king, Agis, could descry the corn-ships

* Called I^pistoleus {'E'ncaTo?.ev^) or "Secretary" in the Lacedaemonian
fleet.

B.C. 401. ALCIBIADES RETURNS TO ATHENS. 361

from the Euxine sailing into the harbour of the Piraeus, and
felt how fruitless it was to occupy the fields of Attica, whilst
such abundant supplies of provisions were continually finding
their way to the city.

§ 7. The year 409 b.c. was not marked by any memorable
events ; but in the following year Chalcedon at length surren-
dered to the combined Athenian forces, in spite of an attempt
of Pharnabazus to save it. Selymbria was also taken by Alci-
biades about the same time. Byzantium fell next. After it had
been besieged by Alcibiades for some months, the gates were
opened to the Athenians towards the close of the year 408 B.C.,
through the treachery of a party among its inhabitants.

§ 8. These great achievements of Alcibiades naturally paved
the way for his return to Athens. In the spring of 407 B.C. he
proceeded with the fleet to Samos, and firom thence sailed to
Piraeus. His reception was far more favourable than he had
ventured to anticipate. The whole population of Athens flocked
down to Pireeus to welcome him, and escorted him to the city.
In the Senate and in the assembly he protested his innocence of
the impieties imputed to him, and denounced the injustice of
his enemies. His sentence was reversed without a dissentient
voice ; his confiscated property restored ; the curse of the Eu-
molpidse revoked, and the leaden plate on which it was engraven
thrown into the sea. He seemed to be in the present juncture
the only man capable of restoring the grandeur and the empire
of Athens : he was accordingly named general with unlimited
powers, and a force of 100 triremes, 1500 hoplites, and 150
cavalry placed at his disposal.

§ 9. But whatever change eight years of exile and his recent
achievements had produced in the public feeling towards Alci-
biades, it was one of forgiveness rather than of love, and rested
more on the hopes of the future than on the remembrance of the
past. The wounds which he had inflicted on Athens in the
affairs of Syracuse and Decelea, in the revolts of Chios and Mi-
letus, and in the organization of the conspiracy of the Four
Hundred, were too severe to be readily forgotten ; and he had
still many enemies who, though silent amid the general applause,
did not cease to whisper their secret condemnation. Alcibiades,
however, disbeheved or disregarded their machinations, and
yielded himself without reserve to the breeze of popular favour
which once more filled his sails. Before his departure, he took
an opportunity to atone for the impiety of which he had been
suspected. Although his armament was in perfect readiness, he
delayed its sailing till after the celebration of the Eleusinian
mysteries at the beginning of September. For seven years the

K.

362 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXII.

customary procession across the Thriasian plain had been sus-
pended, owing to the occupation of Decelea "by the enemy, which
compelled the sacred troop to proceed by sea. Alcibiades now
escorted them on their progress and return with his forces, and
thus succeeded in reconcihng himself with the offended god-
desses and with their holy priests, the Eumolpidse,

§ 10. Meanwhile, a great change had been going on in the
state of affairs in the East. We have already seen that the
Great Khig was displeased with the vacillating pohcy of Tissa-
phemes, and had determined to adopt more energetic measures
against the Athenians. Durmg the absence of Alcibiades, C}tus,
the younger son of Darius, a prince of a bold and enterprising
spirit, and animated with a hvely hatred of Athens, had arrived
at the coast for the purpose of carrving out the altered pohcy of
the Persian comt ; and with that view had been invested with
the satrapies of Lydia, the Greater Phrygia, and Cappadocia, as
well as with the mihtary command of all those forces which
mustered at Castolus. The arrival of C}tus opens the last
phase of the Peloponnesian w-ar. Another event, in the highest
degree unfavourable to the Athenian cause, was the accession of
Lysander, as JS'avarchus, to the command of the Peloponnesian
fleet. Lysander w^as the third of the remarkable men wiiom
Sparta produced during the w^ar. In abihty, energ}', and suc-
cess he may be compared with Brasidas and Gyhppus, though
inuneasurably mferior to the former in every moral quahty.
He was bom of poor parents, and w^as by descent a motluix,
or one of those Lacedeemonians who could never enjoy the
full rights of Spartan citizenship. The allm'ements of money
and of pleasure had no influence over him ; but his ambition
was boundless, and he was wholly unscrupulous about the means
which he employed to gratif}^ it. In pursuit of his objects he
hesitated at neither deceit, nor perjury, nor cruelt}-, and he is
reported to have laid it down as one of his maxims ui life to
avail himself of the fox's skin w^here the hon's failed.

§ 11. Lysander had taken up his station at Ephesus, with the
Lacedaemonian fleet of 70 triremes ; and w*hen Cyrus arrived at
Sardis, in the spring of 407 B.C., he hastened to pay his court
to the young prince, and w'as received with every mark of fa-
vour. A \igorous hue of action was resolved on. Cjtus at
once offered 500 talents, and affirmed that if more were needed,
he was prepared to devote his private funds to the cause, and
even to coin into money the verj' throne of gold and silver on
which he sat. In a banquet which ensued Cyrus drank to the
health of Lysander, and desired him to name any wish Avhich
he could gratify. Lysander immediately requested an addition

B.C. 407. AREIVAL OF CYRUS ON THE COAST. 363

of an obolus to the daily pay of the seamen. Cyrus was sur-
prised at so disinterested a demand, and from that day conceived
a high degree of respect and confidence for the Spartan com-
mander. Lysander on his return to Ephesus employed himself
in refittmg his fleet, and in organizing clubs in the Spartan ui-
terest in the cities of Asia.

§12. Alcibiades set sail from Athens in September. He first
proceeded to Andros, now occupied by a Lacedaemonian force ;
but, meeting with a stouter resistance than he expected, he left
Conon with 20 ships to prosecute the siege, and proceeded with
the remainder to Samos. It was here that he first learnt the
altered state of the Athenian relations with Persia. Being ill
provided with funds for carrying on the war, he was driven to
make predatory excursions for the purpose of raising money. He
attempted to levy contributions on Cyme, an unoffending Athe-
nian dependency, and being repulsed, ravaged its territory ; an
act which caused loud complaints agauist him to be lodged at
Athens. During his absence on this expedition he intrusted the
bulk of the fleet at Samos to his pilot, Antiochus, with strict
injunctions not to venture on an action. Notwithstanding these
orders, however, Antiochus sailed out and brought the Pelo-
ponnesian fleet to an engagement off Notium, in which the
Athenians were defeated with the loss of 15 ships, and An-
tiochus himself was slain. Among the Athenian armament
itself great dissatisfaction was growmg up against Alcibiades.
Though at the head of a splendid force, he had in three months'
time accomplished literally nothing. His debaucheries and dis-
solute conduct on shore were charged against him, as well as
his selecting for confidential posts not the men best fitted for
tliem, but those who, like Antiochus, were the boon companions
and the chosen associates of his revels.

§ 13. These accusations forwarded to Athens, strengthened by
complaints from Cyme, and fomented by his secret enemies,
soon produced an entire revulsion in the public feeling towards
Alcibiades. It was seen that he was still the same man, and
that he had relapsed into all his former habits, in the confidence
that his success and two or three years of good behaviour had
succeeded in recovering for him the favour and esteem of his
countrymen. The Athenians voted that he should be dismissed
from his command, and appointed in his place ten new generals,
with Conon at their head.

§ 14. The year of Lysander's command expired about the same
time as the appointment of Conon to the Athenian command.
Through the intrigues of Lysander, his successor Calhcratidas
was received with dissatisfaction both by the Lacedaemonian sea-

364 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXII.

men and by Cyrus. Loud complaints were raised of the im-
policy of an annual change of commanders. Lysander threw
all sorts of difficulties into the way of his successor, to whom
he handed over an empty chest, having first repaid to Cyrus
all the money in his possession, under the pretence that it was
a private loan. The straightforward conduct of Callicratidas,
however, who summoned the Lacedsemonian commanders, and
after a dignified remonstrance, plainly put the question whether
he should return home or remain, silenced all opposition. But
he was sorely embarrassed for funds. Cyrus treated him with
haughtiness ; and when he waited on that prince at Sardis, he
was dismissed not only without money, but even without an
audience. Callicratidas, however, had too much energy to be
daunted by such obstacles. Sailing with his fleet from Ephesus
to Miletus, he laid before the assembly of that city, in a spirited
address, all the ills they had suffered at the hands of the Per-
sians, and exhorted them to bestir themselves and dispense with
their alliance. He succeeded in persuading the Milesians to
make him a large grant of money, whilst the leading men even
came forward with private subscriptions. By means of this
assistance he was enabled to add 50 triremes to the 90 delivered
to him by Lysander ; and the Chians further provided him with
ten days' pay for the seamen. He now sailed for Lesbos, and
taking the town of Methymna by storm, delivered it over to be
plundered by his men. He likewise caused all the slaves to be
sold for their benefit, but he nobly refused to follow the example
of his predecessors, in selling the Athenian garrison and Methym-
naean citizens as slaves ; declaring, that so long as he held the
command, no G-reek should ever be reduced to slavery.

§ 15. The fleet of Callicratidas was now double that of Conon.
Like the doge of Venice in modern times, he claimed the sea as
his lawful bride, and warned Conon by a message to abstain from
his adulterous intercourse. The latter, who had ventured to ap-
proach Methymna, was compelled to run before the superior
force of Callicratidas. Both fleets entered the harbour of My-
telene at the same time, where a battle ensued in which Conon
lost 30 ships, but he saved the remaining 40 by hauling them
ashore under the walls of the town. Callicratidas then blockaded
Mytilene both by sea and land ; whilst Cyrus, on learning his
success, immediately furnished him with supplies of money. Co-
non, however, contrived to despatch a trireme to Athens with
the news of his desperate position.

§ 16. As soon as the Athenians received intelligence of the
blockade of Mytilene, vast efforts were made for its relief ; and
we learn with surprise that in thirty days a fleet of 110 triremes

B.C. 406. BATTLE OF AEGINUS^. 365

was equippea and despatched from Piraeus. The armament
assembled at Samos, where it was reinforced by scattered Athe-
nian ships, and by contingents from the alUes to the extent of 40
vessels. The whole fleet of 150 sail then proceeded to the
small islands of Arginusae, near the coast of Asia, and facing
Malea, the south-eastern cape of Lesbos. Callicratidas, who went
out to meet them, took up his station at the latter point, leaving
Eteonicus with 50 ships to maintain the blockade of Mytilene.
He had thus only 120 ships to oppose to the 150 of the Athe-
nians, and his pilot, Hermon, advised him to retire before the
superior force of the enemy. But Callicratidas replied that he
would not disgrace himself by flight, and that if he should perish,
Sparta would not feel his loss.

§ 17. The greatest precautions were taken in drawing up the
Athenian fleet. The main strength was thrown into the wings,
each of which consisted of 60 Athenian ships, divided into four
squadrons of 15 each, ranged in a double line. The Pelopon-
nesian fleet, on the contrary, was drawn up in a single extended
line ; a circumstance displaying great confidence of superiority,
and which denoted a vast change in the relative naval skill of the
parties ; for at the beginning of the war their tactics had been
precisely the reverse. It must, however, be borne in mind, that
the far greater part of the Athenian fleet was on this occasion
manned by hastily raised crews, who had never been to sea
before ; whilst the Peloponnesian sailors had been well trained
by several years' experience.

The battle was long and obstinate. All order was speedily
lost, and the ships fought singly with one another. In one of
these contests, Callicratidas, who stood on the prow of his vessel
ready to board the enemy, was thrown overboard by the shock
of the vessels as they met, and perished. At length victory
began to declare for the Athenians. The Lacedaemonians, after
losing 77 vessels, retreated with the remainder to Chios and
Phocsea. The loss of the Athenians was 25 vessels.

Eteonicus was now in jeopardy at Mytilene. When informed
of the defeat of his countrymen, he directed the vessel which
brought the news to put to sea again, and to return with wreaths
and shouts of triumph ; whilst, taking advantage of the false im-
pression thus raised in the minds of the Athenians, he hastily
got ready for sea, and reached Chios in safety. At the same
time the blockading army was withdrawn to Methymna. Conon,
thus unexpectedly liberated, put to sea, and the united fleet took
up their station at Samos.

§ 18. The battle of Arginusse led to a deplorable event, which
has for ever sullied the pages of Athenian history. At least a

366 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXII.

dozen Athenian vessels were left floating about in a disabled
condition after the battle ; but, owing to a violent storm that
ensued, no attempt was made to rescue the survivors, or to
collect the bodies of the dead for burial. Eight of the ten
generals were summoned home to answer for this conduct ;
Conon, by his situation at Mytilene, was of course exculpated,
and Archestratus had died. Six of the generals obeyed the
summons, and were denounced in the Assembly by Theramenes,
formerly one of the Four Hundred, for neglect of duty. The
generals replied that they had commissioned Theramenes him-
self and Thrasybulus, each of whom commanded a trireme in
the engagement, to undertake the duty, and had assigned 48
ships to them for that purpose. This, however, was denied by
Theramenes ; and unluckily the generals, from a feehng of kind-
ness towards the latter, had made no mention of the circum-
stance in their public despatches, but had attributed the aban-
donment of the foundering vessels solely to the violence of the
storm. There are discrepancies in the evidence, and we have
no materials for deciding positively which statement was true ;
but probabihty inclines to the side of the generals. Public feel-
ing, however, ran very strongly against them, and was increased
by an incident wliich occurred during their trial. After a day's
debate the question was adj oumed ; and in the interval the
festival of the Apatui'ia was celebrated, in which, according to
annual custom, the citizens met together according to their
famiUes and phratries. Those who had perished at Arginusse
were naturally missed on such an occasion ; and the usually
cheerful character of the festival was deformed and rendered
melancholy by the relatives of the deceased appearing in black
clothes and with shaven heads. The passions of the people
were violently roused. At the next meeting of the Assembly,
Callixenus, a senator, proposed that the people should at once
proceed to pass its verdict on the generals, though they had
been only partially heard in their defence ; and, moreover, that
they should all be included in one sentence, though it was con-
trary to a rule of Attic law, knowm. as the psephisma of Can-
nonus, to indict citizens otherwise than individually. Callixenus
carried his motion in spite of the threat of Eurj'ptolemus to
indict him for an illegal proceeding under the G raphe Pa ranomon.
The Pr^^tanes, or senators of the presiding tribe, at first refused
to put the question to the Assembly in this illegal way ; but
their opposition was at length overaAved by clamour and vio-
lence. There was, however, one honourable exception. The
philosopher Socrates, who was one of the Pr}'tans, refused to
vnthdraw his protest. But his opposition was disregarded, and

B.C. 406. EXECUTION OF THE GENERALS. Set

the proposal of Callixenus was carried. The generals were con-
demned, delivered over to the Eleven for execution, and com-
pelled to drink the fatal hemlock. Among them was Pericles,
the son of the celebrated statesman. The Athenians afterwards
repented of their rash precipitation, and decreed that Callixenus
and his accomphces should in their turn be brought to trial ;
but before the appointed day they managed to escape.

§ 19. After the battle of Arginusae the Athenian fleet seems
to have remained inactive at Samos during the rest of the year.
Through the influence of Cyrus, and the other allies of Sparta,
Lysander again obtained the command of the Peloponnesian fleet
at the commencement of the year 405 B.C. ; though nominally
under Aracus as admiral ; since it was contrary to Spartan usage
that the same man should be twice Navarchus.^ His return to
power was marked by more vigorous measures. Fresh funds
were obtained from Cyrus ; the arrears due to the seamen were
paid up ; and new triremes were put upon the stocks at Antan-
drus. Oligarchical revolutions were effected in Miletus and
other towns. Summoned to visit his sick father in Media,
Cyrus even delegated to Lysander the management of his satrapy
and revenues during his absence. Lysander was thus placed in
possession of power never before reahzed by any LacedsBmonian
commander. But the Athenian fleet under Conon and his coad-
jutors was still superior in numbers, and Lysander carefully
avoided an engagement. He contrived, however, to elude the
Athenian fleet, and to cross the iEgean to the coast of Attica,
where he had an interview with Agis ; and, proceeding thence
to the Hellespont, wliich Conon had left unguarded, he took up
his station at Abydos.

§ 20. The Athenians were at this time engaged in ravagmg
Chios ; but when they heard of this movement, and that Ly-
sander had com.menced the siege of Lampsacus, they iiimie-
diately sailed for the Hellespont. They arrived too late to save
the town, but they proceeded up the strait and took post at -Slgos-
potami, or the "Groat's River;" a place wliich had nothing to
recommend it, except its vicinity to Lampsacus, from which it
was separated by a channel somewhat less than two miles broad.
It was a mere desolate beach, without houses or inhabitants, so
that all the supplies had to be fetched from Sestos, or from the
surrounding country, and the seamen were compelled to leave
their ships in order to obtain their meals. Under these circum-
stances the Athenians were very desirous of bringing Lysander
to an engagement. But the Spartan commander, who was in a

* Lysander received the title of Epistoleus. See note on p. 360.

368 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXTT.

strong position, and abundantly furnished with provisions, was
in no hunry to run any risks. In vain did the Athenians sail
over several days in succession to ofier him battle ; they always
found his ships ready manned, and drawn up in too strong a
position to warrant an attack ; nor could they by all their ma-
noeuvres succeed m enticing him out to combat. This cowardice,
as they deemed it, on the part of the Lacedaemonians, begat a
corresponding neghgence on theirs ; disciphne was neglected and
the men allowed to straggle almost at will. It was in vain that
Alcibiades, who since his dismissal resided hi a fortress m that
neighbourhood, remonstrated with the Athenian generals on the
exposed nature of the station they had chosen, and ad-sdsed
them to proceed to Sestos. His counsels were received with
taunts and insults. At length on the fifth day, Lysander, ha^^g
watched an opportmiit}^ when the Athenian seamen had gone on
shore and were dispersed over the country, rowed swiftly across
the strait with all his ships. He found the Athenian fleet, with
the exception of 10 or 12 vessels, totally unprepared, and suc-
ceeded in capturing nearly the whole of it, \s'ithout having occa-
sion to strike a suigle blow. Of the 150 ships which composed
the fleet, only the trireme of Conon himself, the Paralus, and 8
or 10 other vessels succeeded in escaping. Conon was afraid
to return to Athens after so signal a disaster, and took refuge
with Evagoras, prince of Salamis in Cyprus. All the Athenian
prisoners, amoimting to 3000 or 4000, together "s\T.th the generals,
were put to death by order of Lysander, in retahation for the
cruelty wdth which the Athenians had treated the prisoners they
had lately made.

By this momentous victoiy, which was suspected to have been
achieved through the corrupt connivance of some of the Athe-
nian generals, the contest on the Hellespont, and \drtually the
Peloponnesian war, was brought to an end. The closing scene
of the catastrophe was enacted at Athens itself ; but the fate of
the imperial city must be reserved for another chapter.

View of Fhye.

CHAPTEU XXXIII.

FROM THE BATTLE OF iEGOSPOTAMI TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE
THIRTY TYRANTS AND THE RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY
AT ATHENS.

.§ 1. Alarm at Athens. § 2. Proceedings of Lysander. Capture of the
Athenian dependencies. § 3. Measures of the Athenians. Athens in-
vested. § 4. Embassy of Theramenes. Conditions of capitulation.
§ 5. Lysander takes possession of Athens. Destruction of the long
"walls, (fee. § 6. Return of the oligarchical exiles. Establishment of
the Thirty. § 1. Surrender of Samos and triumph of Lysander. § 8. Pro-
ceedings of the Thirty at Athens. § 9. Opposition of Theramenes.
§ 10. Proscriptions. Death of Theramenes. § 11. Suppression of in-
tellectual culture. Socrates. §12. Deathof Alcibiades. §13. Jealousy
of the Grecian states towards Sparta and Lysander. § 14. Thrasy-
bulus at Phyle. § 15. Seizure and massacre of the Eleusinians.
§ 16. Thrasybulus occupies Piraeus. Death of Critias. § 17. Deposi-
tion of the Thirty, and establishment of the Ten. Return of Lysander
to Athens, and arrival of Pausanias. § 18. Peace with Thrasybulus,
and evacuation of Attica by the Peloponnesians. § 1 9. Restoration of
the democracy. § 20. Archonship of Euclides. Reduction of Eleusis.

^ 1. The defeat of JEgospotami, which took place about Sep-
tember, 405 B.C., was announced at Pireeus in the night, by the

R^

210 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXIII.

arrival of the Paralus. " On that night," says Xenophon, " no
man slept." The disaster, indeed, was as sudden and as authen-
tic as it was vast and irretrievable. The proceedings of the de-
jected assembly which met on the following day at once showed
that the remaining struggle was one for bare existence. In
order to make the best preparations for a siege, it was resolved to
block up two of the three ports of Athens — a plain confession
that maritime supremacy, the sole basis of her power, had de-
parted from her.

§ 2. Lysander, secure of an easy triumph, was in no haste to
gather it by force. The command of the Euxine enabled him to
control the supplies of Athens ; and sooner or later, a few weeks
of famine must decide her fall. With the view of hastening the
catastrophe he compelled the garrisons of aU the towns which
surrendered to proceed to the capital. The question was not
one of arms, but of hunger ; and an additional garrison, so far
from adding to her strength, would complete her weakness. A
strong proof of the insecure foundation of her power I A naval
defeat in a remote quarter had not only deprived hereof empire,
but was about to render her in tm-n a captive and a subject.

Lysander now sailed forth to take possession of the Athenian
towns, which fell one after another into his power as soon as
he appeared before them. In all a new form of government
was estabhshed, consisting of an oligarchy of ten of the citizens,
called a decarchy, under a Spartan harmost. Chalcedon, Byzan-
tium, Mytilene, surrendered to Lysander himself ; whilst Eteoni-
cus was despatched to occupy and revolutionize the Athenian
towns in Thrace. Amidst the general defection, Samos alone
remained faithful to Athens. All her other dependencies at
once yielded to the Lacedaemonians ; whilst her cleruchs were
forced to abandon their possessions and return home. In many
places, and especially in Thasos, these revolutions were attended
with violence and bloodshed.

§ 3. The situation of Athens was now more desperate even
than when Xerxes was advancing against her with his countless
host. The juncture demanded the hearty co-operation of all
her citizens ; and a general amnesty was proposed and carried
for the purpose of releasing all debtors, accused persons, and
state prisoners, except a few of the more desperate criminals
and homicides. The citizens were then assembled in the Acro-
polis, and swore a solemn oath of mutual forgiveness and har-
mony.

About November Lysander made his appearance at ^gina,
with an overwhelming fleet of 150 triremes, and proceeded to
devastate Salamis and blockade Piraeus. At the same time the

B.C. 404. CAPITULATION OF ATHENS. Zll

whole Peloponnesian army was marched into Attica, and en-
camped in the precincts of the Academus, at the very gates of
Athens. Famine soon began to be felt within the walls. Yet
the Athenians did not abate of their pretensions. In their pro-
posals for a capitulation they demanded the preservation of their
long walls, and of the port of Piraeus. But the Spartan Ephors,
to whom, the Athenian envoys had been referred by king Agis,
refused to listen to such terms, and insisted on the demohtion
of the long walls for the space of 1 0 stadia at least. The spirit
of the people, however, was still so unsubdued — though some of
them were actually dying of hunger — that the sena.tor Arches-
tratus was imprisoned for proposing to accept the terms offered
by the Ephors ; and on the motion of Cleophon, it was forbidden
to make any such proposal in future.

§ 4. Theramenes, formerly one of the Four Hundred, now
offered to proceed to Lysander for the purpose of learning his
real intentions with regard to the fate of Athens ; and as he
pretended that his personal connexions would afford him great
facihties in such an undertaking, his offer was accepted. After
wasting three months with Lysander, — three months of ter-
rible suffering to the Athenians, — he said that Lysander had
then informed him for the first time that the Ephors alone
had power to treat. The only construction that can be put on
this conduct of Theramenes is, that he designed to reduce the
Athenians to the last necessity, so that they should be compelled
to purchase peace at any price. If such was his object he com-
pletely succeeded. When he returned to Athens the famine had
become so dreadful, that he was immediately sent back to con-
clude a peace on whatever terms he could. In the debate which
ensued at Sparta, the Thebans, the Corinthians, and others of
the more bitter enem.ies of Athens, urged the very extinction
of her name and the sale of her whole population into slavery.
But this proposition was resolutely opposed by the Lacedaemo-
nians, who declared, with great appearance of magnanimity,
though probably with a view to their own interest in converting
Athens into a useful dependency, that they would never consent
to enslave or annihilate a city which had rendered such eminent
services to Greece. The terms which the Ephors dictated, and
which the Athenians were in no condition to refuse, were : That
the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be de-
molished ; that the Athenians should give up all their foreign
possessions, and confine themselves to their own territory ; that
they should surrender all their ships of war ; that they should
readmit all their exiles ; and that they should become allies of
Sparta. As Theramenes re-entered Athens, bearing in his hand

372 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXIIL

the roll or scytale, which contained these terms, he was pressed
■upon by an anxious and haggard crowd, who, heedless of the
terms, gave loud vent to their joy that peace was at length con-
cluded. And though there was still a small minority for holding
out, the vote for accepting the conditions was carried, and noti-
fied to Lysander.

k 5. It was ahout the middle or end of March, B.C. 404, that
Lysander sailed into Piraeus, and took formal possession of
Athens ; the war, in singular conformity "v\dth the prophecies
current at the heguming of it, having lasted for a period of tlirice
nme, or 27 years. The Lacedsemonian fleet and army remained
in possession of the city till the conditions of its capitulation
had been executed. Lysander carried away all the Athenian
triremes except twelve, destroyed the naval arsenals, and burned
the ships on the stocks. The insolence of the victors added
another blow to the feehngs of the conquered. The work of de-
struction, at which Lysander presided, was converted into a sort
of festival. Female flute-players and WTeathed dancers inaugu-
rated the demolition of the strong and proud bulwarks of
Athens ; and as the massive walls fell piece by piece excla-
mations arose from the ranks of the Peloponnesians that free-
dom had at length begun to dawn upon Greece. The sohdity of
the works rendered the task of demohtion a laborious one. After
some httle progress had been made in it, Lysander A\'ithdrew
with his fleet to prosecute the siege of Samos.

Thus fell imperial Athens in. the sevent}"-third year after the
formation of the Confederacy of Delos, the origui of her subse-
quent empire. During that interval she had doubtless com-
mitted many mistakes and much injustice ; had miiformly, per-
haps, overrated the real foundations of her strength, and fre-
quently employed unjustifiable means in order to support it.
But on the other hand, it must be recollected that in that brief
career she had risen by her genius and her valour, from the con-
dition of a small and subordinate city to be the leadmg power
in Greece ; that in the first instance empire had not been sought
by her ambition, but laid at her feet, and in a mamier thrust
upon her ; that it had been accepted, and successfully employed,
for the most noble of human purposes, and to avert an over-
whelming deluge of barbarism ; and that Greece, and more
particularly Athens herself, had been thus enabled to become the
mother of refinement, the nurse of Uterature and art, and the
founder of European civilisation.

§ 6. The fall of Athens brought back a host of exiles, all of
them the enemies of her democratical constitution. Of these the
most distinguished was Critias, a man of wealth and family, the

B.C. 404. THE THIRTY TYRANTS. 3T3

uncle of Plato and once the intimate friend of Socrates, distin-
guished both for liis Hterary and pohtical talents, but of unmea-
sured ambition and unscrupulous conscience. Critias and his
companions soon found a party with which they could co-operate.
A large portion of the senators was favourable to the estabhsh-
ment of an oligarchy; of which Theramenes had already laid
the foundation during his residence with Lysander. Scarcely
was the city surrendered, when this faction began to organize
its plans. The pohtical clubs met and named a committee of
five, who, in compliment to the Lacedsemonians, were called
Ephors. Their first step was to seize the leaders of the de-
mocratical party, whom they accused of a design to overturn
the peace. Cleophon had already fallen, on an accusation of
neglect of military duty, but in reahty from his perseverance in
opposing the surrender of Athens. The way being thus pre-
pared, Critias cind Theramenes invited Lysander from Samos, in
order that his presence might secure the success of the move-
ment. It was then proposed in the assembly that a committee
of thirty should be named to draw up laws for the future
government of the city, and to undertake its temporary ad-
raiinistration. .imong the most prominent of the thirty names
were those of Critias and Theramenes. The proposal was of
course carried. Lysander himself addressed the assembly, and
contemptuously told them that they had better take thought for
their personal cafety, which now lay at his mercy, than for their
political constitution. The committee thus appointed soon ob-
tained the title of the Thirty Tyrants, the name by which they
have become known in all subsequent time.

§ 7. After completing the revolution of Athens, Lysander re-
turned to Samos. The island surrendered towards the end of
sujmmer, when an oligarchical government was estabHshed, as
in the other conquered states. Never had Greek commander
celebrated so great a triumph as that which adorned the return
of Lysander to Sparta. He brought with him all the prow orna-
ments of the numerous ships he had taken ; he was loaded
with golden crowns, the gifts of various cities ; and he ostenta-
tiously displayed the large sum of 470 talents, the balance which
still remained of the sums granted by Cyrus for prosecuting the
war.

§ 8. Meanwhile, the Thirty at Athens having named an en-
tirely new Senate, and appointed fresh magistrates, proceeded to
exterminate some of their most obnoxious opponents. In order
to insure their condemnation, the Thirty presided in person in
the place formerly occupied by the Prytanes ; and the senators
were obliged to deposit their voting pebbles on tables placed

3*74 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIII.

immediately before them. Frequently even this show of legality
was dispensed with, and the accused were put to death by the
mere order of the Thirty. But Critias, and the more violent
party among them, still called for more blood ; and with the
view of obtaining it, procured a Spartan garrison, under the
harmost Callibius, to be installed in the Acropolis. Besides
this force, they had an organized band of assassins at their dis-
posal. Blood now flowed on all sides. Many of the leading men
of Athens fell, others took to flight. A still greater refinement
of cunning and cruelty was, to implicate distinguished citizens in
their own crimes by making them accomplices in their acts of
violence. Thus, on one occasion, they sent for five citizens to
the government house, and ordered them with horrible menaces
to proceed to Salamis, and bring back as a prisoner an eminent
Athenian named Leon. Socrates was one of the five, and again
did himself immortal honour by refusing to participate in such
an act of violence.

§ 9, Thus the reign of terror was completely established. In
the bosom of the Thirty, however, there was a party, headed by
Theramenes, who disapproved of these proceedings. Thera-
menes was long-sighted and cunning, as we have seen from
his former acts, and so shifting and unstable in his political
views as to have obtained the nick-name of Cothurnus, from
resembling a shoe that would fit either foot. But he was not
unnecessarily and gratuitously cruel ; and though he had ap-
proved of the slaughter of those citizens whom, from their former
political conduct, he deemed dangerous and irreconcilable ene-
mies to the new state of things, yet he was not disposed to
sanction murder merely for the sake of obtaining the wealth of
the victims. He was also inclined to give the new government
a more constitutional form ; and it was at his suggestion that
the Thirty were induced to bestow the franchise on 3000 citi-
zens, chosen, however, as much as possible from their own
adherents. But this show of liberality, as managed by the ma-
jority of the Thirty, was in reality only a vehicle for greater
oppression towards the remainder of the citizens. All except
the chosen 3000 were considered to be without the pale of the
law, and might be put to death without form of trial by the
simple fiat of the Thirty ; whilst in order to render them inca-
pable of resistance, they were assembled under pretence of a
review, during which their arms were seized by a stratagem.

§ 10. The Thirty now proceeded more unsparingly than
ever. A regular proscription took place. A list was made
out of those who were to be slain and plundered ; and
the adherents of the Thirty were permitted to insert in it

B.C. 404. DEATH OF THERAMENES. Bl5

whatever names they pleased. So Httle was the proscription
of a poUtical character, that it extended to metics (resident
aliens) as well as to citizens ; and under the metics were in-
cluded Lysias, the celebrated orator, and his brother, Polemar-
chus. Theramenes stood aloof from these atrocities ; and when
offered the choice of a victim among the metics, to be destroyed
and plundered for his own especial benefit, he indignantly re-
jected the offer. His moderation cost him his life. One day
as he entered the Senate-house, Critias rose and denounced him
as a public enemy, struck his name out of the privileged 3000,
and ordered him to be carried off to instant death. Upon hear-
ing these words Theramenes sprang for refuge to the altar in
the Senate-house ; but he was dragged aw^ay by Satyrus, the
cruel and unscrupulous head of the " Eleven," a body of officers
who carried into execution the penal sentence of the law. Being
conveyed to prison, he was compelled to drink the fatal hem-
lock. The constancy of his end might have adorned a better
hfe. After swallowing the draught, he jerked on the floor a
drop which remained in the cup, according to the custom, of the
game called cottabos, exclaiming, " This to the health of the
gentle Critias I"

§11. Thus released from, all check, the tyranny of Critias and
his colleagues raged with tenfold violence. It has been affirmed
by subsequent orators that no fewer than 1500 victims were put
to death without trial by the Thirty ; and, though this is pro-
bably an exaggeration, the number was undoubtedly prodigious.
Measures were taken to repress all intellectual culture, and to
convert the government mto one of brute force. A decree was
promulgated, forbidding the teaching of " the art of words ;" a
phrase which, in its comprehensive G-reek meaning, included
logic, rhetoric, and literature in general, and was more particu-
larly levelled at those ingenious and learned men who went by
the name of " Sophists." Socrates, the most distinguished among
them, had commented with just severity on the enormities per-
petrated by the Thirty. He was summoned before Critias, and
prohibited in future from, all conversation with youths. Socrates
exposed, in his usual searchmg style, the vagueness of the com.-
mand, and the impossibility of its execution ; but this only pro-
voked the more the rage of the t}^rants, who dismissed liim with
the hint that they were not ignorant of the censures he had
passed upon them..

k 12. Alcibiades had been included by the Thirty in the list
of exiles ; but the fate which now overtook him seems to have
sprung from the fears of the Laceda3monians, or perhaps from
the personal hatred of Agis. After the battle of ^gospotami

STG HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXIIL

Alcibiades felt himself insecure on the Thracian Chersonese, and
fled to Pharnabazus in Phrygia, not, however, without the loss of
much of his wealth. He sohcited from the satrap a safe conduct
to the court of Suza, in the hope, perhaps, of playing the same
part as Themistocles. Pharnabazus refused this request, but
permitted him to live in Phrj-gia, and assigned him a revenue
for his maintenance. But a scytale, or despatch, came out from
Sparta to Lysander, directing that Alcibiades should b3 put to
death. Lysander communicated the order to Pharnabazus. The
motives of the latter for carr}dng it into execution are not alto-
gether clear. It seems probable that the demands of the Spar-
tans were supported by Cyrus, who was now forming designs
against his brother's throne, and feared perhaps that Alcibiades
would reveal them at Susa. Be this, however, as it may, it is
certain that the murder was undertaken under the superintend-
ence of the uncle and brother of Pharnabazus. They surrounded
the house of Alcibiades with a band of assassins, and set it on
fire. Alcibiades rushed out wdth drawii sword upon his assail-
ants, who shrank from his attack, but who slew him from a
distance with their javelins and arrows. Timandra, a female
with whom he hved, performed towards his body the last offices
of duty and affection. Thus perished miserably, in the vigour
of his age,, one of the most remarkable, but not one of the
greatest, characters in Grecian histor}\ Alcibiades was endowed
"wdth most of those quahties which serine to constitute gi'eatness.
He possessed talent, ambition, enterprise, courage, great presence
of mind, and inexhaustible resources in emergencies ; but all
these were marred and rendered pernicious, instead of profitable,
to himself and to his countr}^ by profligacy, selfishness, pride,
rapacity, and utter want of principle. With qualities w^hich,
properly applied, might have rendered him the gi-eatest bene-
factor of Athens, he contrived to attain the infamous distinction
of being that citizen w^ho had inflicted upon her the most signal
amount of damage.

§ 13. Meantime an altered state of feeling was springing up in
Greece. Athens had ceased to be an object of fear or jealousy,
and those feehngs began now to be directed towards Sparta.
That state persisted m retaining the large amomit of booty
acquired by the w^ar ; and when the Thebans and Corinthians
sent in their claim it was resented almost as an insult. Yet in
the monument erected at Delphi in commemoration of the vic-
tory at ^Egospotami, Lysander had not oifly caused his own
statue in bronze to be erected, but also that of each commander
of the allied contingents. Lysander had risen to a height of un-
paralleled power. He was in a manner idolized. Poets showered

B.C. 404. THEASYBULUS AT PHYLE. B11

their praises on him, and even altars were raised in his honour by
the Asiatic Greeks. The Ephesians set up his statue in the famous
temple of their goddess Artemis ; the Samians did the like at Olym-
pia, and altered the name of their prmcipal festival from Hersea
to Lysandria. In the name of Sparta he exercised almost uncon'
trolled authority m the cities he had reduced, including Athens
itself But it was soon discovered that, instead of the freedom
promised by the Spartans, only another empire had been esta-
blished, whilst Lysander was even meditating to extort from the
subject cities a yearly tribute of one thousand talents. And all
these oppressions were rendered still more intolerable by the
overweening pride and harshness of Lysander's demeanour.

H4. Even in Sparta itself the conduct of Lysander was be-
ginning to inspire disgust and jealousy. Pausanias, son of Phs-
toanax, who w^as now king with Agis, as well as the new Ephors
appointed in September, B.C. 404, disapproved of his proceedings.
The Thebans and Corinthians themselves were beginning to
sympathise with Athens, and to regard the Thirty as mere in-
struments for supporting the Spartan dominion ; whilst Sparta
in her turn looked upon them as the tools of Lysander's ambi-
tion. Many of the Athenian exiles had found refuge in BcEotia ;
and one of them, Thrasybulus, with the aid of Ismenias and
other Theban citizens, starting from Thebes at the head of a
small band of exiles, seized the fortress of Phyle, in the passes
of Mount Parnes and on the direct road to Athens. The Thirty
marched out to attack Thrasybulus, at the head of the La-
cedaemonian garrison, the three thousand enfranchised citizens,
and all the Athenian knights. But their attack was repulsed
with considerable loss. A timely snow-storm, by compelling
the Thirty to retreat, relieved Thrasybulus and the exiles from
a threatened blockade, and enabled him to obtain reinforce-
ments which raised his little garrison to the number of seven
hundred. In a subsequent rencontre Thrasybulus surprised at
daybreak a body of Spartan hoplites and Athenian horse that
had been sent against him ; and, after kiUing one hundred and
twenty of the Spartans, carried off a considerable store of arms
and provisions to Phyle.

§ 15. Symptoms of wavering now began to be perceptible, not
only among the three thousand, but even among the Thirty
themselves ; and Critias, fearful that power was slipping from his
grasp, resolved to secure Salamis and Eleusis as places of refuge.
All the Eleusians capable of bearing arms were accordingly
seized and carried to Athens, and their town occupied by ad-
herents of the Thirty. The same was done at Salamis. Critias
then convoked the three thousand and the knights in the Odeurai

378 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXm.

which he had partly filled with Lacedaemonian soldiers, and com-
pelled them to pass a vote condemning the Eleusinians to death.
This was done, as he plainly told them, in order the more
thoroughly to identify their interests with those of the Thirty.
The prisoners were immediately led off to execution,

§ 16. Thrasybulus, whose forces were now a thousand strong,
incited probably by this enormity, and reckoning on support
from the party of the reaction at Athens, marched from Phyle to
Piraeus, which was now an open town, and seized upon it without
opposition. When the whole force of the Thirty, including the
Lacedaemonians, marched on the following day to attack him, he
retired to the hill of Munychia, the citadel of Piraeus, the only
approach to which was by a steep ascent. Here he drew up his
hoplites in files of ten deep, posting behind them his slingers
and dartmen, whose missiles, owing to the rising ground, could
be hurled over the heads of the foremost ranks. Against them
Critias and his confederates advanced in close array, his hoplites
formed in a column of fifty deep. Thrasybulus exhorted his men
to stand patiently till the enemy came within reach of the mis-
siles. At the first discharge the assailing column seemed to
waver ; and Thrasybulus, taking advantage of their confusion,
charged down the hill, and completely routed them, kilhng
seventy, among whom was Critias himself.

§ 17. The partisans of the Thirty acknowledged the victory
by begging a truce to bury their dead. The loss of their leader
had thrown the majority into the hands of the party formerly
led by Theramenes, who resolved to depose the Thirty and con-
stitute a new oligarchy of Ten. Some of the Thirty were re-
elected into this body ; but the more violent colleagues of Critias
were deposed, and retired for safety to Eleusis. The new
government of the Ten sent to Sparta to solicit further aid ; and
a similar application was made at the same time from the section
of the Thirty at Eleusis. Their request was complied with ;
and Lysander once more entered Athens at the head of a La-
cedaemonian force, whilst his brother Libys blockaded Piraeus
with 40 triremes. Fortunately, however, the jealousy of the
Lacedaemonians towards Lysander led them at this critical
juncture to supersede him in the command. King Pausanias
was appointed to lead an army into Attica, and when he en-
camped in the Academus he was joined by Lysander and his
forces. It was known at Athens that the views of Pausanias
were unfavourable to the proceedings of Lysander ; and his
presence elicited a vehement reaction against the ohgarchy,
which fear had hitherto suppressed. At first, however, Pausa-
nias made a show of attacking Thrasybulus and his adherents,

B.C. 403. THE THIRTY DEPOSED. 8T9

and sent a herald to require them to disband and return to their
homes. As this order was not obeyed, Pausanias made an attack
on Piraeus, but was repulsed with loss. Retiring to an eminence
at a little distance he rallied his forces and formed them into a
deep phalanx. Thrasybulus, elated by his success, was rash
enough to venture a combat on the plain, in which his troops
were completely routed and driven back to Piraeus with the loss
of 150 men.

§ 18. Pausanias, content with the advantage he had gained,
began to listen to the entreaties for an accommodation which
poured in on all sides ; and when Thrasybulus sent to sue for
peace, he granted him a truce for the purpose of sending envoys
to Sparta. The Ten also despatched envoys thither, offering to
submit themselves and the city to the absolute discretion of
Sparta. The Ephors and the Lacedaemonian Assembly referred
the question to a committee of fifteen, of whom Pausanias
was one. The decision of this board was : That the exiles in
Piraeus should be readmitted to Athens ; and that there should
be an amnesty for all that had passed, except as regarded the
Thirty, the Eleven, and the Ten, Eleusis was recognised as a
distinct government, in order to serve as a refuge for those who
felt themselves compromised at Athens.

§ 19. When these terms were settled and sworn to, the Pelopon-
nesians quitted Attica ; and Thrasybulus and the exiles, marching
in solemn procession from Piraeus to Athens, ascended to the
AcropoHs and offered up a solemn sacrifice and thanksgiving.
An assembly of the people was then held, and after Thrasybulus
had addressed an animated reproof to the ohgarchical party, the
democracy was unanimously restored. This important counter-
revolution appears to have taken place in the spring of 403 b.c.
The archons, the senate of 500, "the public assembly, and the
dicasteries seem to have been reconstituted in the same form as
before the capture of the city. All the acts of the Thirty were
annulled, and a committee was appointed to revise the laws of
Draco and Solon, and to exhibit their amendments at the statues
of the eponymous heroes. These laws, as afterwards adopted
by the whole body of 500 nomothetae, and by the Senate, were
ordered to be inscribed on the walls of the Poecile Stoa, on which
occasion the fuU Ionic alphabet of 24 letters was for the first
time adopted in public acts, though it had long been in private
use. The old Attic alphabet, of 16 or 18 letters, had been pre-
viously employed in public documents.

§ 20. Thus was terminated, after a sway of eight months, the
despotism of the Thirty. The year which contained their rule
was not named after the archon, but was termed " the year of

380

HISTORY OF GREECK

Chap. XXXIIL

anarchy." The first archon drawn after their fall was Euclides,
who gave his name to a year ever afterwards memorable among
the Athenians. The democracy, though smarting under recent
wrongs, behaved with great moderation ; a circumstance, how-
ever, which may in some degree be accounted for by the facts,
that 3000 of the more influential citizens had been more or less
impHcated m the proceedings of the Thirty, and that the number
of those entitled to the franchise was now reduced by its being
restricted to such only as were bom of an Athenian mother as
well as father. Eleusis was soon afterwards brought back into
community with Athens. The only reward of Thrasybulus and
his party were wreaths of oHve, and 1000 drachmae given for a
common sacrifice.

But though Athens thus obtained internal peace, she was left
a mere shadow of her former self. Her fortifications, her fleet,
her revenues, and the empire founded on them had vanished ;
and her history henceforwards consists of struggles, not to rule
over others, but to maintain her own independence.

Clio, the Muse of History.

The Erechtbeum restored, viewed from the S.W. angle.

CHAPTER XXXIV.

ATHENS, AND ATHENIAN AND GRECIAN ART DURING THE PERIOD
OF HER EMPIRE.

§ 1. Situation of Athens. § 2. Origin and progress of the ancient city.
§ 3. Extent of the new city. Piraeus and the ports. § 4. General
appearance of Athens. Population. § 5. Periods and general char-
acter of Attic art. § 6. Sculptors of the first period. Ageladas, Ona-
tas, and others. § 7. Second period. Phidias. § 8. Polyeletus and
Myron. § 9. Painting. Polygnotus. § 10. Apollodorus, Zeuxis, and
Parrhasius. § 11. Architecture. Monuments of the age of Cimon.
The temple of Xike Apteros, the Theseum, and the Poecile Stoa. § 12.
The Acropolis and its monuments. The Propylsea. § 13. The Par-
thenon. § 14. Statues of Athena. § 15. The Erechtheum. § 16.
Monuments in the Asty. The Dionysiac theatre. The Odeum of
Pericles. The Areopagus. The Pnyx. The Agora and Ceramicus.
§ 17. Monuments out of Attica. The Temple of Jove at Olympia.
§ 18. The Temple of Apollo near Phigalia.

§ 1. In the present book we have beheld the rise of Athens
from the condition of a second or third rate city to the headship
of Greece : we are now to contemplate her triumphs in the

382 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIV.

peaceful but not less glorious pursuits of art, and to behold her
establishing an empire of taste and genius, not only over her
own nation and age, but over the most civilized portion of the
world throughout all time.

First of all, however, it is necessary to give a brief description
of Athens itself, the repository, as it were, in which the most
precious treasures of art were preserved. Athens is situated
about three miles from the sea-coast, in the central plain of
Attica, which is enclosed by mountains on every side except
the south, where it is open to the sea. In the southern part
of the plain rise several eminences. Of these the most pro-
minent is a lofty insulated mountain, with a conical peaked
summit, now called the Hill of St. George, and which bore in
ancient times the name of Lijcabettus. This mountain, which
was not included within the ancient walls, lies to the north-east
of Athens, and forms the most striking feature in the environs
of the city. It is to Athens what Vesuvius is to Naples, or
Arthur's Seat to Edinburgh. South-west of Lycabettus there
are four hills of moderate height, all of which formed part of the
city. Of these the nearest to Lycabettus, and at the distance of
a mile from the latter, was the Acropolis, or citadel of Athens, a
square craggy rock rising abruptly about 150 feet, with a flat
summit of about 1000 feet long from east to west, by 500 feet
broad from north to south. Immediately west of the Acropolis
is a second hill of irregular form, the Areopagus. To the south-
west there rises a third hill, the Pnyx, on which the assemblies
of the citizens were held ; and to the south of the latter is a
fourth hill, known as the Museum. On the eastern and western
sides of the city there run two small streams, which are nearly
exhausted before they reach the sea, by the heats of summer and
by the channels for artificial irrigation. That on the east is the
Ilissus, which flowed through the southern quarter of the city :
that on the west is the Cephissus. South of the city was seen
the Saronic Gulf, with the harbours of Athens. The ground on
which Athens stands is a bed of hard limestone rock, which the
ingenuity of the inhabitants converted to architectural purposes,
by hewing it into walls, levelling it into pavements, and forming it
into steps, seats, cisterns, and other objects of utility or ornament.

The noblest description of Athens is given by Milton in his
Paradise Regained : —

" Look once more, ere we leave this specular mount,
Westward, much nearer by south-west behold,
Where on the ^gean shore a city stands,
Built nobly ; pure the air, and light the soil ;
Athens, the eye of Greece, mother of arts
And eloquence, native to famous wits,

Chap. XXXIV.

CITY OF ATHENS.

383

Or hospitable, in her sweet recess,

City or suburban, studious walks and shades.

See there the olive grove of Academe,

Plato's retirement, where the Attic bird

Trills her thick warbled notes the summer long ;

There flowery hill Hymettus, with the sound

Of bees' industrious murmur, oft invites

To studious musing ; there Ilissus rolls

His whispering stream : within the walls then view

The schools of ancient sages ; his who bred

Great Alexander to subdue the world,

Lyceum there, and painted Stoa next."

Plan of Alliens.

1. Pnyx Ecclesin.

2. Theseum.

3. Theatre of Dionysus.

Odeum of Pericles.
Temple of the Olympii
Jove.

§ 2. Athens is said to have derived its name from the pro-
minence given to the worsiiip of Athena by its King Erechtheus.
The inhabitants vrere previously called Cranai and Cecropidas,
from Cecrops, who, according to tradition, was the original
founder of the city. This at first occupied only the hill or rock
which afterwards became the Acropolis; but gradually the
buildings began to spread over the ground at the southern foot
of this hill. It was not till the time of Pisistratus and his
sons (b.c. 560-514) that the city began to assume any degree
of splendour. The most remarkable building of these despots
was the gigantic temple of the Olympian Jove, which, however,

884 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXTV.

was not finished till many centuries later. In B.C. 500, the
theatre of Dionysus was commenced on the south-eastern slope
of the Acropolis, hut was not completed till b.c. 340 ; though it
must have been used for the representation of plays long before
that period.

§ 3. Xerxes reduced the ancient city almost to a heap of
ashes. After the departure of the Persians, its reconstruction
on a much larger scale was commenced under the superintend-
ence of Themistocles, whose first care was to provide for its
safety by the erection of walls. The Acropolis now formed the
centre of the city, round which the new walls described an ir-
regular circle of about 60 stadia, or 7^ miles in circumference.
The new walls were built in great haste in consequence of the
attempts of the Spartans to interrupt their progress ; but though
this occasioned great irregularity in their structure, they were
nevertheless firm and sohd. The space thus enclosed formed
the Asty,^ or city, properly so called. But the views of Themis-
tocles were not confined to the mere defence of Athens : he
contemplated making her a great naval power, and for this pur-
pose adequate docks and arsenals were required. Previously the
Athenians had used as their only harbour the open roadstead of
FJialerum on the eastern side of the Phaleric bay, where the
sea-shore is nearest to Athens. But Themistocles transferred
the naval station of the Athenians to the peninsula of Piraeus,
which is distant about 4^ miles from Athens, and contains three
natural harbours — a large one on the western side, called simply
PircBUS, or Tlie Harbour, and two smaller ones on the eastern
side, called respectively Zea and Munychia, the latter being
nearest to the city. Themistocles seems to have anticipated
from the first that the port-town would speedily become as large
a place as the Asty or city itself ; for the walls which he built
around the peninsula of Piraeus were of the same circumference
as those of Athens, and were 14 or 15 feet thick. It was not,
however, till the time of Pericles that Piraeus was regularly laid
out as a town by the arcliitect, Hippodamus of Miletus. It was
also in the administration and by the advice of Pericles, but in
pursuance of the policy of Themistocles, that the walls were
built which connected Athens with her ports. These were at
first the outer or northern Long Wall, which ran from Athens to
Piraeus, and the Phaleric wall connecting the city with Phalerum.
These were commenced in b.c. 457, and finished m the folio wmg
year. It was soon found, however, that the space thus inclosed
was too vast to be easily defended ; and as the port of Phalerum

* To 'Kgtv.

Char XXXIV. ITS GENERAL APPEARANCK

385

was small and insignificant in comparison with the Pirgeus, and
soon ceased to be used by the Athenian ships of war, its wall
was abandoned and probably allowed to fall into decay. Its
place was supplied by another Long Wall, which was built parallel
to the first at a distance of only 550 feet, thus rendering both
capable of being defended by the same body of men. The mag-
nitude of these walls may be estimated from the fact that the
foundations of the northern one, which may still be traced, are
about 12 feet thick, and formed of large quadrangular blocks of
stone. Their height in all probability was not less that 60 feet.
In process of time the space between the two Long Walls was
occupied on each side by houses.

§ 4. It will be seen from the preceding description that Athens,
in its larger acceptation, and mcluding its port, consisted of two
circular cities, the Asty and Piraeus, each of about 7^ miles in
circumference, and joined together by a broad street of between
4 and 5 miles long. Its first appearance was by no means agree-
able or striking. The streets were narrow and crooked, and the
meanness of the private houses formed a strong contrast to the

Athens and its Port-towns.

A. The Asty.

B. Piraeus.

C. Munvchia, citadel of Pirseus.

D. Pbaleruni.

EE, FF. The Long Walls; EE, the Northern
lone "all ; FF, the Southern wall.

GG. The Phaleric Wall.

H. Harbour of Piraus.

I. Phaleric P-v.

K. Harbour of Munychia,

L. Harbour of Zea,

386 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIY.

magnificence of the public buildings. None of the houses were
more than one story high, which often projected over the street.
They were for the most part constructed either of a framework
of wood, or of unburnt bricks dried in the open air. The front
towards the street had rarely any windows, and was usually
notliing but a curtain wall covered with a coating of plaster. It
was not till the Macedonian period, when public spirit had de-
cayed, that the Athenians, no longer satisfied with participating
in the grandeur of the state, began to erect handsome private
houses. Athens was badly drained, and scantily supplied with
water. It was not hghted, and very few of the streets were
paved. Little care was taken to cleanse the city ; and it appears
to have been as dirty as the filthiest town of southern Europe in
the present day.

The population of Athens cannot be accurately ascertamed.
The population of the whole of Attica probably exceeded half a
milhon, of whom, however, nearly four-fifths were slaves, and
half the remainder metics, or resident ahens. The number of
citizens — native males above the age of twenty, enjoying the
franchise — was 20,000 or 21,000. The population resident m
Athens itself has been variously estimated at from 120,000 to
192,000 souls.

§ 5. Such was the outward and material form of that city, which
during the brief period comprised in our present book reached
the highest pitch of mihtar}^ artistic, and literary glory. The
progress of the first has been already traced, and it is to the last
two subjects that we are now to devote our attention. The
whole period contemplated embraces about 80 years, the middle
portion of which, or that comprised under the ascendency of
Pericles, exliibits Athenian art in its highest state of perfection,
and is therefore by way of excellence commonly designated as
the age of Pericles. The generation which preceded, and that
which followed the time of that statesman, also exhibit a high
degree of excellence ; but in the former perfection had not yet
attained its full development, and in the latter we already begm
to observe traces of incipient decline. The progress both of
poetry and of the plastic arts during this epoch is strikingly
similar. The great principle that pervaded all was a lively and
truthful imitation of nature, but nature of an ideal and elevated
stamp. Epic poetry and the ode give place to a more accurate
and striking rendering of nature by means of dramatic repre-
sentations ; whilst sculpture presents us not only with more
graceful forms, but with more of dramatic action in the ar-
rangement of its groups. In this latter respect, however, the
age was probably excelled by the succeeding one of Scopas

Chap. XXXIV. BEST PERIOD OF ATHENIAN AUT. 387

and Praxiteles. The process by which Athenian geliius freed
itself from the trammels of ancient stiffness, is as visible in the
tragedies of iEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, as in the pro-
ductions of the great masters of the plastic arts during the same
period. In the dramas of iEschylus majesty and dignity are
not unmixed with a rigid and archaic siraiplicity, which also
marks the works of the contemporary sculptors. In the next
generation, during the time of Pericles, we find this character-
istic giving place to the perfection of grace and sublimity united,
as in the tragedies of Sophocles and in the statues of Phidias,
Art could not be carried liigher. In the next step we find
equal truthfulness and grace ; but the former had lost its ideal
and elevated character, and the latter was beginning to degene-
rate into over-refinement and affectation. Such are the examples
offered by the plays of Euripides, and by the sculptures of Myroh
and Polycletus. In like manaer, with regard to architecture,
the Parthenon, erected in the time of Pericles, presents the most
exquisite example of the Doric style in the happiest mediimi
between antique heaviness and the slender weakness of later
monuments. Painting also, in the hands of Polynotus, attained
its highest excellence in the grace and majesty of single figures.
But painting is a complicated art ; and the mechanical improve-
ments in perspective, light and shade, grouping, and compo-
sition in general, afterwards introduced by Apollod5rus and
Zeuxis, and still later by Apelles, undoubtedly brought the art
to a greater degree of perfection.

§6. Among the artists of this period the sculptors stand out
prominently. In general the eminent sculptors of this period also
possessed not only a theoretical knowledge, but frequently great
practical skill in the sister arts of painting and architecture.

One of the earliest sculptors of note was Ageladas of Argos,
whose fame at present chiefly rests on the circumstance of his
having been the master of Phidias, Myron, and Polycletus. He
was probably born about B.C. 540, so that he must have been an
old man when Phidias became his pupil. Another distinguished
statuary and painter among the immediate predecessors of Phi-
dias was Onatas, an iEginetan, who flourished down to the
year b.c. 460. His merit as a painter appears from the fact
that he was employed, in conjunction with Polygndtus, to deco-
rate with paintings a temple at Platsea.

Contemporary with these elder masters of the beat period of
Greek art were Hegias, Canachus, Calamis, and others. The
somewhat stiff and archaic style which distinguished their pro-
ductions from those of Phidias and his school was preserved even
by some artists who flourished at the same time with Phidias ;

388 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXIV.

as, for instance, by Praxias and Androsthenes, who executed some
of the statuary which adorned the temple of Delphi.

§ 7. Phidias is the head of the new school. He was horn
about 490 B.C., began to flourish about 460, and died just before
the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war in 432. He seems to
have belonged to a family of artists, and to have first turned his
attention towards painting. He was the pupil, as we have said,
of Ageladas, and probably of Hegias ; and his great abilities were
developed in executuig or superintendhig the works of art with
which Athens was adorned during the adnunistration of Pericles.
He went to Ehs about b.c. 437, where he executed his famous
statue of the 01}Tnpian Jove. He returned to Athens about 434,
and shortly afterwards fell a victim to the jealousy against his
friend and patron, Pericles, wliich was then at its height ; and,
though he was acquitted on the charge of peculation, he was con-
demned on that of impiet}^ for. having introduced his own like-
ness, as well as that of Pericles, among the figures in the battle of
the Amazons, sculptured on the shield of Athena. He was in con-
sequence thrown uito prison, where he shortly afterwards died.

The chief characteristic of the works of Phidias is ideal
beauty of the sublimest order, especially in the representation
of divinities and their worship. He entirely emancipated him-
self from the stiffness which had hitherto marked the archaic
school, but without degenerating mto that almost meretricious
grace which began to corrupt art in the hands of some of his
successors. His renderings of nature had notliing exaggerated
or distorted: ail was marked by a noble dignity and repose.
We shall speak of his works when we come to describe the
buildings which contained them.

§ 8. Among the most renowned sculptors contemporary with
Phidias were Polycletus and Myron. There were at least two
sculptors of the name of Polycletus ; but it is the elder one of
whom we here speak, and who was the more famous. He seems
to have been born at Sicyon, and to have become a citizen of
Argos. The exact date of his birth is uncertain, but he was
rather younger than Phidias, and flourished probably from about
452 to 412 B.C. Of his personal liistory we know absolutely
nothing. The art of Polycletus was not of so ideal and elevated
a character as that of Phidias. The latter excelled in statues
of gods, Polycletus in those of men ; but in these he reached so
great a pitch of excellence that on one occasion, when several
artists competed in the statue of an Amazon, he was adjudged
to have carried away the palm from Phidias. The greatest of
his works was the ivory and gold statue of HeTa in her temple
between Argos and Mycenae, which always remained the ideal

Chap. XXXIY. SCULPTURE AND PAINTING. 389

model of the queen of the gods, as Phidias's statue at Olympia
was considered the most perfect image of the king of heaven.

Myron, also a contemporary and fellow-pupil of Phidias, was
a native of Eleutherss, a town on the borders of Attica and
BcEotia. He seems to have been younger than Phidias, and
was probably longer in attaining excellence, since he flourished
about the beginning of the Pelopomiesian war. He excelled
in representing the most diflicult, and even transient, postures
of the body, and his works were marked by great variety and
versatility. He appears to have been the first eminent artist
who devoted much attention to the figures of animals, and one
of his statues most celebrated in antiquity was that of a cow.
It was represented as lowing, and stood on a marble base in the
centre of one of the largest open places in Athens, where it was
still to be seen in the time of Cicero, but was subsequently re-
moved to Rome, This, as well as most of his other works, was
in bronze. He excelled in representing youthful athletse ; and
a celebrated statue of his, of which several copies are still extant,
was the discobolus, or quoit-player.

§ 9. The art of painting was developed later than that of
sculpture, of which it seems to have been the offspring, and in
its earlier period to have partaken very closely of the statuesque
character. The ancient Greek paintings were either in water
colours or in wax : oil colours appear to have been unknown.
We have already given some account of the rudim.ents of the
art among the Greeks.^ The first Grecian painter of any great
renown was Polygnotus, who was contemporary with Phidias,
though probably somewhat older. He was a native of Thasos,
whence he was, in all probability, brought by his friend and
patron Cimon, when he subjugated that island in B.C. 463. At
that period he must at least have been old enough to have
earned the celebrity which entitled him to Cimon's patronage.
He subsequently became naturalized at Athens, where he pro-
bably died about the year 426 b.c. His chief works in Athens
were executed in adorning those buildings which were erected
in the time of Cimon ; as the temple of Theseus, and the Poecile
Stoa, or Painted Colonnade. His paintings were essentially sta-
tuesque— the representation by means of colours on a flat sur-
face of figures similar to those of the sculptor. But the improve-
ments which he introduced on the works of his predecessors
were very marked and striking, and form an epoch in the art.
He first depicted the open mouth, so as to show the teeth, and
varied the expression of the countenance from its ancient stifi'-

* See p. 150.

390 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIY.

ness. He excelled in representing female beauty and com-
plexion, and introduced graceful, flowing draperies, in place of
the hard stiff lines by which they had been previously depicted.
He excelled in accuracy of drawing, and in the nobleness, grace,
and beauty of his figures, which were not mere transcripts from
nature, but had an ideal and elevated character. His master-
pieces were executed in the Lesche (inclosed court or hall for
conversation) of the Cnidians at Delphi, the subjects of which
were taken from the cycle of epic poetr}\ In these there seems
to have been no attempt at perspective, and names were afiixed
to the different figures.

k IQ. Painting reached a further stage of excellence in the
hands of ApoUoddrus, Zeuxis, and Parrhasius, the only other
artists whom we need notice durmg this period. Apollcddrus
was a native of Athens, and first directed attention to the effect
of hght and shade in pamtmg, thus creatmg another epoch in
the art. His immediate successors, or rather contemporaries,
Zeuxis and Parrhasius, brought the art to a still greater degree
of perfection. Is either the place nor date of the birth of Zeuxis
can be accm'ately ascertamed, though he was probably born about
455 B.C., smce tliirty years after that date we find him practising
his art with great success at Athens. He was patronised by
Archelaiis, king of Macedonia, and spent some time at his court.
He must also have visited Magna Greecia, as he painted his
celebrated picture of Helen for the city of Croton. He acquired
great wealth by liis pencil, and was ver}- ostentatious m display-
ing it. He appeared at Olympia in a magnificent robe, having
his name embroidered in letters of gold ; and the same vanity is
also displayed ui the anecdote that, after he had reached the simi-
mit of his fame, he no longer sold, but gave away, Ins pictures,
as being above all price. ATith regard to his stj'le of art, single
figures were his favourite subjects. He could depict gods or
heroes with sufficient majesty, but he particularly excelled in
painting the softer graces of female beauty. In one important
respect he appears to have degenerated from the st}de of Poly-
gndtus, his idealism being rather that oifonn than oi character
and expression. Thus his st5ie is analogous to that of Euripides
in tragedy. He was a great master of colour, and his paintings
were sometimes so accurate and hfe-like as to amount to illusion.
Tliis is exemphfied in the stor)^ told of him and Parrhasius. As
a trial of skill, these artists pamted two pictures. That of Zeuxis
represented a bunch of grapes, and was so naturally executed
that the birds came and pecked at it. After this proof, Zeuxis,
confident of success, called upon his rival to draw aside the cur-
tain which concealed his picture. But the painting of Parrhasius

V^HAP. XXXIV. MONUMENTS OF CIMON. 391

was the curtain itself, and Zeuxis was now obliged to acknow-
ledge himself vanquished ; for, though he had deceived birds,
Parrhasius had deceived the author of the deception. Whatever
may be the historical value of this tale, it at least shows the
liigh reputation which both artists had acquired for the natural
representation of objects. But many of the pictures of Zeuxis
also displayed great dramatic power. He worked very slowly
and carefully, and he is said to have replied to somebody who
blamed him for his slowness, "It is true I take a long time to
paint, but then I paint works to last a long time." His master-
piece was the picture of Helen, already mentioned.

Parrhasius was a native of Ephesus, but his art was chiefly
exercised at Athens, where he was presented with the right of
citizenship. His date cannot be accurately ascertained, but he
was probably rather younger than his contemporary, Zeuxis, and
it is certain that he enjoyed a high reputation before the death
of Socrates. The style and degree of excellence attained by
Parrhasius appear to have been much the same as those of
Zeuxis. He was particularly celebrated for the accuracy of his
drawing, and the excellent proportions of his figures. For these
he established a canon, as Phidias had done in sculpture for gods,
and Polycletus for the human figure ; whence Gluintilian calls
him the legislator of his art. His vanity seems to have been as
remarkable as that of Zeuxis. Among the most celebrated of his
works was a portrait of the personified Athenian Demos, which is
said to have miraculously expressed even the most contradictory
qualities of that many-headed personage.

The excellence attained during this period by the great mas-
ters in the higher walks of sculpture and painting wa?, as may
be well supposed, not without its influence on the lower grades
of art. This is particularly visible in the ancient painted vases,
which have been preserved to us in such numbers, the paintings
on which, though of course the productions of an inferior class
of artists, show a marked improvement, both in design and exe-
cution, after the time of Polygnotus.

§ 11. Having thus taken a brief survey of the progress of
sculpture and painting in the hands of the most eminent masters,
we now turn to contemplate some of the chief buildings which
they were employed to adorn.

The first public monuments that arose after the Persian wars
were erected under the auspices of Cimon, who was, hke Pericles,
a lover and patron of the arts. The principal of these were the
small Ionic temple of Nike Apteros (Wingless Victory), the
Theseum, or temple of Theseus, and the PcEcile Stoa. The
temple of Nike Apteros was only 27 feet in length by 18 in

392 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXJY.

breadth, and was erected on tlie Acropolis in connnemoration
of Cimon's victoiy at the Eur)-medon. It was still in existence
in the year 1676, but it was subsequently destroyed by the Turks
in order to form a battery. Its remains were discovered in 1835,
and it was rebuilt with the original materials. A view of it is
given on p. 216, and its position on the Acropohs, on one side
of the Propylaea, is seen in the drawmgs on pp. 265 and 273.
Four slabs of its sculptured frieze, found in a neighbouruig wall,
are now in the British Museum.

The Theseum is situated on a height to the north of the
Areopagus, and was built to receive the bones of Theseus, which
Cimon brought from Sc}t:os in b.c. 469. It was probably finished
about 465, and is the best preserved of all the monuments of
ancient Athens. (See drawing on p. 239.) It was at once a
tomb and temple, and possessed the privileges of an asylum. It
is of the Doric order, 104 feet in length by 45 feet broad, and
surrounded with colum.ns, of wliich there are 6 at each front,
and 13 at the sides, reckomng those at the angles twice. The
ceUa is 40 feet in length. It is not therefore by its size, but by
its symmetry, that it mipresses the beholder. The eastern front
was the principal one, since all its metopes, together \\dth the
four adjoining ones on either side, are sculptured, whilst all the
rest are plain. The sculptures, of which the subjects are the
exploits of Hercules and Theseus, have sustained great injur}^
though the temple itseH" is nearly perfect. The figures in the
pediments have entirely disappeared, and the metopes and fi:ieze
have been greatly mutilated. The rehef is bold and salient, and
the sculptures, both of the metopes and friezes, were painted,
and still preserve remains of the colours. There are casts fi-om
some of the finest portions of them in the British Museimi. The
st}'le exliibits a striking advance on that of the ^ginetan marbles,
and forms a comiecting link between them and the sculptures
of the Parthenon. The Pcecile Stoa, wliich ran along one side of
the Agora, or market-place, was a long colonnade formed by
columns on one side and a wall on the other, against which were
placed the paintings, w^hich were on panels. =*

§ 12. But it was the Acropohs which was the chief centre of
the architectural splendoiu: of Athens. After the Persian wars
the Acropolis had ceased to be inhabited, and was appropriated
to the worship of Athena, and the otlier guardian deities of the
city. It was covered wdth the temples of gods and heroes ; and
thus its platform j)resented not only a sanctuary, but a museum,
containing the finest productions of the architect and the sculptor,

* Hence it.s name of Poecile (;rot/ciA7?, variegated or painted).

Plan of the Acropolis.

1. Parthenon.

2. Erechtheum.

5. Statue of Athena Proniachus.

3. Propylsea.

4. Temple of Nike Apteros.

in which the whiteness of the marble was reheved by briUiant
colours, and rendered still more dazzHng by the transparent
clearness of the Athenian atmosphere. It was surrounded with
walls, and the surface seems to have been divided into terraces
communicatmg with one another by steps. The only approach to
it was from the Agora on its western side. At the top of a mag-
nificent flight of marble steps, 70 feet broad, stood the PropylaBa,=^
constructed under the auspices of Pericles, and yv'hich served as
a suitable entrance to the exquisite works within. The Pro-
pylaea were themselves one of the masterpieces of Athenian art.
They were entirely of Pentelic marble, and covered the whole of
the western end of the Acropohs, having a breadth of 168 feet.
They were erected by the arcliitect Mnesicles, at a cost of 2000
talents, or 460,000/. The central portion of them consisted of
two hexast}4e porticoes, of which the western one faced the city,
and the eastern one the interior of the Acropolis. Each portico
consisted of a front of six fluted Doric columns, 41 feet in
diameter, and nearly 29 feet in height, supporting a pediment.
The central part of the building just described was 58 feet in
breadth, but the remaining breadth of the rock at this point was
covered by two wings, which projected 26 feet in front of the
western portico. Each of these wings was in the form of a Doric
temple. The northern one, or that on the left of a person ascend-
ing the Acropolis, was called the Pinacotheca, from its walls being
covered with paintings. The southern wing consisted only of a
porch or open gallery. Immediately before its western front

'ngo'7rv?,aca.

9H HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXTfV

^ood the little temjfe cf Kike Apteios abeady iPCTrtionfid^ (See
diawiiig on p. 273.)

§ 13. On pasang throngli the Propylsa. all the ^iades of the
Acropolis became 'vmble. The chief bmlding was the Paithgion.*
the mogt peifbct prodnctMHi of Giecian architectme. It de-
iiYed its name from its bsing the temple of Athena Pardienoe,t
(K Athena the Tiigin, the invincible goddess of war. It 'was also
called HJecatcmpedcn, from its bieadth of 100 feet It was built
nnder ^e administEatim of Fedcles, and was con^eted in b.c.
438. The architects were Ictinns and CaUiciates ; hot as we
hare said, tiie goieral snpeiintendence of the boildiiig "was in-
tmsted to Phidias. The Parthenoii stood on the hi^iest part of
tiie Acropolis, near-its centre, and probably occupied the ate of
an eazlier t^nple destroyed by the Pemans. It was entoely
of Pentelic marble, on a mstic basement of oidinaiy limestone,
and its architectoie, which w^as of the Dorac order, was c: the
purest kind. Its dimensions, taken iraok the upper step c: tie
Etyiobate, were about 228 feet in lengA, 101 feet i h.

and 66 feet in height to the top of the pediment. I: . -ei

of a cella, surrounded by a peristile, which had 8 : . :

either Jront, and 17 at either ade (reckoning the come: r:: s
twice), thus containing 46 columiK in alL These colomiis were
6 feet 2 inches in diameter at the base, and 34 feet in height.
The cella was divided into two chambers of unequal 3ze. the
eastern one of which was about 98 feet l«ig, and the western
one about 43 feet. The ceiling of both tiiese chambers was sup-
ported by rows of columns. The whole building w^as adorned
with the most exquiate sculptures, executed by Taiioas artists
under the direction of Phidias. These conasted o£ 1 . The sculp-
tures in the tympana of the pediments (i^. the inner portion of
^le triangular gable ends of the roof above the two porticoes),
each of which was filled vrith about 24 colossal figures. The
group in the eastern or pnncipal front repanesented the birth of
Athona frcHu the head of Joto, and the western the contest
between Athena and Poseidon for the land of Attica. An en-
graving of one (£ the figures in the pediments is given aa.
p. 296. 2. The metopes between the tr^yphs in the tiieze of
tlie entablature (i.e. the upper of the two portions into which
the space between the cohunns and the loc^ is divided) were
filled with sculptures in bigh reUeC rqnesoiting a variety of
subjects relating to Athena herself^ at to the indigenous heroes
of Attica. Each tablet was 4 feet 3 inches square. Those on
the south ade i^lated to the battle of the Athenians with the

• Ua^derijv, £.«., House of th« ViTghL f A^wb va^Arvof.

1

Chap. XXXIV. THE PARTHEXOX. 39^

Centaurs. One of the metopes is figured on p. 321, 3. The
frieze which ran along outside the wall of the cella, and within
the external columns which surround the building, at the same
height and parallel with the metopes, was sculptured with a
representation of the Panathenaic . festival in very low relief
This frieze was 3 feet 4 inches in height, and 520 feet in length.
A small portion of the frieze is figured on p. 306. A large num-
ber of the slabs of the frieze, together with sixteen metopes
from the south side, and several of the statues of the pediments,
were brought to England by Lord Elgin, of whom they were
purchased by the nation and deposited in the British Museum.
The engraving on p. 285 represents the restored western front of
the Parthenon.

§ 14. Bat the chief wonder of the Parthenon was the colossal
statue of the Virgin Goddess executed by Phidias himself, which
stood in the eastern or principal chamber of the cella. It was
of the sort called chryselephantine,'^ a kind of work said to have
been invented by Phidias. Up to this time colossal statues not
of bronze were acroliths, that is, having only the face, hands, and
feet of marble, the rest being of wood, concealed by real drapery,
But, in the statue of Athena, Phidias substituted ivory for marble
in those parts which were uncovered, and supplied the place of
the real drapery with robes and other ornaments of solid gold.
Its height, including the base, was 26 cubits, or nearly 40 feet.
It represented the goddess standing, clothed with a tunic reach-
ing to the ankles, with a spear in her left hand, and an image
of Victory, 4 cubits high, in her right. She was girded with
the aegis, and had a helmet on her head, and her shield rested
on the ground by her side. The eyes were of a sort of marble
resembling ivory, and were perhaps painted to represent the
iris and the pupil. The weight of solid gold employed in the
statue was, at a medium statement, 44 talents, and was remov-
able at pleasure.

The Acropolis was adorned with another colossal figure of
Athena in bronze, also the work of Phidias. It stood in the
open air, nearly opposite the Propylse, and was one of the first
objects seen after passing through the gates of the latter. With
its pedestal it must have stood about 70 feet high, and conse-
quently towered above the roof of the Parthenon, so that the
point of its spear and the crest of its helmet were visible off the
promontory of Sunium to ships approaching Athens. It was
called the " Athena Promachus,"t because jjb represented the
goddess armed, and in the very attitude of battle. It was still

* i.e., of gold and ivory, from ;:{;pu<Touf,^oM(?ft, and i?^e<pdvTLvog, of ivori/.
f TTQOfiaxo^, the Defender.

896 HISTOEY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIY.

standing in a.d. 395, and is said to have scared away Alaric when
he came to sack the Acropohs. In the annexed coin the statue
of Atheiia Promachus and the Paathenon are represented on the
summit of the Acropohs : helow is the cave of Pan, with a flight
of steps leading up the top of the Acropohs.

Coin showing the Parthenon, Athena Promachus, and the Cave of Pan.

§ 15. The only other monument on the summit of the Acro-
polis which it is necessar}^ to describe is the Erechtheum, or
temple of Erechtheus. The Erechtheum was the most revered of
all the sanctuaries of Athens, and was closely connected with the
earliest legends of Attica. The traditions respecting Erechtheus
vary, hut according to one set of them he was identical with
the god Poseidon. He was worshipped in his temple under the
nazae of Poseidon Erechtheus, and from the earhest times was
associated mth Athena as one of the two protecting deities of
Athens. The original Erechtheum was burnt by the Persians, but
the new temple was erected on the ancient site. This could not
have been othermse ; for on this spot was the sacred ohve-tree
which Athena evoked from the earth in her contest with Posei-
don, and also the w^ell of salt-water which Poseidon produced by
a stroke of his trident, the impression of which was seen upon
the rock. The building w^as also called the temple of Athena
Pohas, because it contained a separate sanctuary of the goddess,
as well as her most ancient statue. The building of the new
Erechtheum was not commenced till the Parthenon and Propylaea
were finished, and probably not before the year preceding the
breaking out of the Peloponnesian war. Its progress was no
doubt delayed by that event, and it was probably not completed
before 393 b.c. ^ATien finished it presented one of the finest
models of the Ionic order, as the Parthenon was of the Doric.
It stood to the north of the latter building, and close to the
northern wall of the Acropolis, The form of the Erechtheum
differs from every known example of a Grecian temple. Usually

Chap. XXXIV. ERECHTHEUM. DIONYSIAC THEATRE. 397

a Grecian temple was an oblong figure with a portico at each
extremity. The Erechtheum, on the contrary, though oblong in
shape, and having a portico at the eastern or principal front, had
none at its western end, where, however, a portico projected
north and south from either side, thus forming a kind of tran-
sept. This irregularity seems to have been chiefly owing to the
necessity of preserving the different sanctuaries and religious
objects belonging to the ancient temple. A view of it from the
north-west angle is given on p. 381. The roof of the southern
portico, as shovm in the view, was supported by six Caryatides,
or figures of young maidens in long draperies, one of which is
figured on p. 357.

Such were the principal objects which adorned the Acropolis
at the time of which we are now speaking. Their general ap-
pearance will be best gathered from the engraving on p. 265.

§ 16. Before quitting the city of Athens, there are two or
three other objects of interest which must be briefly described.
First, the Dionysiac theatre, which, as already stated, occupied
the slope at the south-eastern extremity of the Acropolis. The
middle of it was excavated out of the rock, and the rows of seats
ascended in curves one above another, the diameter increasing
with the height. It was no doubt sufficiently large to accom-
modate the whole body of Athenian citizens, as well as the
strangers who flocked to Athens during the Dionysiac festival,
but its dimensions cannot now be accurately ascertained. It
had no roof, but the spectators were probably protected from
the sun by an awning, and from their elevated seats they had a
distinct view of the sea, and of the peaked hills of Sak-mis in
the horizon. A representation of this theatre viewed from below
is given on a brass coin of Athens. The seats for the spectators
are distinctly seen ; and on the top, the Parthenon in the centre,
with the Propylsea on the left.

Theatre of Dionvsus, from coin.

398 . HISTORY OF GREECE. Chat. XXXIY.

Close to the Dionysiac theatre on the east was the Odeum of
Pericles, a smaller kind of theatre, which seems to have been
chiefly designed for the rehearsal of musical performances. It
was covered vdth a conical roof, like a tent, m order to retain
the sound, and in its original state was perhaps actually covered
with the tent of Xerxes. It served as a refuge for the audience
when driven out of the theatre by rain, and as a place for training
the chorus.

The Areopagus* was a rocky height opposite the western end
of the AcropoUs, from which it was separated only by some
hollow ground. It derived its name from the tradition that
Ares was brought to trial here before the assembled gods, by
Poseidon, for murdering Halirrhothius, the son of the latter.
It was here that the Council of Areopagus met, frequently called
the Upper Council, to distinguish it from the Council of Five
Hundred, which assembled in the valley below. The Areopagites
sat as judges in the open air, and two blocks of stone are still
to be seen, probably those which, according to the description of
Euripides,! were occupied respectively by the accuser and the
accused. The Areopagus was the spot where the Apostle Paul
preached to the men of Athens. At the south-eastern corner of
the rock is a wide chasm leadmg to a gloomy recess, containing
a fountain of very dark water. This was the sanctuary of the
Eumenides, called by the Athenians the SemncBX or Venerable
Goddesses.

The Pnyx, or place for holding the public asseraiblies of the
Athenians, stood on the side of a low rocky hill, at the distance
of about a quarter of a mile from the Areopagus.

Between the Pn3^x on the west, the Areopagus on the north,
and the Acropolis on the east, and closely adjoining the base of
these hills, stood the Agora (or market-place.) Its exact bound-
aries cannot be determined. The Stoa Pcecile, already described,
ran along the western side of it, and consequently between it and
the Pnyx. In a direction from north-west to south-east a street
called the Ceramicus ran diagonally through the Agora, entering
it through the valley between the Pnyx and the Areopagus.
The street was named after a district of the city, which was
divided into two parts, the Inner and Outer Ceramicus. The
former lay wdthin the city walls, and included the Agora. The
Outer Ceramicus, which formed a handsome suburb on the
north-west of the city, was the burial-place of all persons ho-
noured with a pubhc funeral. Through it ran the road to the

* 6 'Xgeioc irdyo^, or Hill of Ares (Mars). f Iphig. T»ur. 961.

J al 'Zefivai.

Chap. XXXIV. STATUE OF THE OLYMPIAN JOVE. 399

gjnunasium and gardens of the Academy, which were situated
about a mile from the walls. The Academy was the place where
Plato and his disciples taught. On each side of this road were
monuments to illustrious Athenians, especially those who had
fallen in battle.

East of the city, and outside the walls, was the Lyceum, a
gymnasium dedicated to Apollo Lyceus, and celebrated as the
place in which Aristotle taught.

M7. Space will allow us to advert only very briefly to two of
the most distinguished monuments of the art of this period out
of Attica. These are the temple of Jove at Olympia, and the
temple of Apollo Epicurius at Bassse, near Phigalia in Arcadia.
The former, built with the spoils of Pisa, was finished about the
year 435. It was of the Doric order, 230 feet long by 95 broad.
There are still a few remains of it. We have already adverted to
the circumstance of Phidias being engaged by the E leans to exe-
cute some of the works here. His statue of the Olympian Jove
was reckoned his masterpiece, and one of the wonders of the
world. The idea which he essayed to embody in this work was
that of the supreme deity of the Hellenic nation, enthroned as a
conqueror, in perfect majesty and repose, and ruling with a nod
the subject world. The statue was about 40 feet high, on a
pedestal of 12 feet. The throne was of cedar- wood, adorned with
gold, ivory, ebony, precious stones, and colours. The god held
in his right hand an ivory and gold statue of Victory, and in his
left a sceptre, ornamented with all sorts of metals, and sur-
mounted by an eagle. The robe which covered the lower part
of the figure, as well as the sandals, was of gold. After the com-
pletion of the statue, Jove is related to have struck the pavement
in front of it with lightning in token of approbation.

§ 18. The Doric temple of Apollo near Phigalia was built by
Ictinus, and finished about 430 B.C. It was 125 feet long by
47 broad. The frieze of this temple, which is preserved in the
British Museum, represents in alto-rihevo the combat of the
Centaurs and Amazons, with Apollo and Artemis hastening
to the scene in a chariot drawn by stags. The sculpture by no
means equals that of the Parthenon, or even of the Theseum.
The figures are short and fleshy. Some of the groups evidently
indicate the influence of Attic art, and especially an imitation of
the sculptures of the Theseum ; but in general they may be re-
garded as affording a standard of the difference between Athe-
nian and Peloponnesian art at this period.

Melpomene, the Muse of Tragedy.

Thalia, the Muse of Comedy.

CHAPTER XXXV.

HISTORY OF ATHENIAN LITERATLTIE BOVTN TO THE END OF THE
PELOPOXXESLA.N WAR,

§ 1. Characteristics of the early literature of Athens. § 2. Origin of the
drama. § 3. Introduction of the drama at Athens. Susarion, Thespis,
Phrrnichus, Pratinas. § 4. ^schylus. § 5. Sophocles. § 6. Euripides.
§ 7. Athenian comedy. Cratinus, Eupolis, Aristophanes. § 8. Prose
■vv-riters of the period. Thucydides. § 9. Xenophon, § lO.^Athenian
education, § 11. Rhetors and sophists. § 12. Life of Socrates. § 13.
How he diifered from the sophists, § 1-i. Enmity against him. 1 15.
His impeachment, trial, and death.

§ 1 . Although the lonians were one of the most intellectual of
the Grecian races, we have had as yet little occasion to mention
the Athenians in the hterar}^ history of Greece, In this path they
were at first outstripped hy their colonists in Asia Minor. The
Asiatic Greeks, settled in a fertile and luxurious coimtry, amongst
a race wealthier but far inferior to themselves, soon found those
means of ease and leisure which, to a certain degree at least,
seem necessary to the development of intellectual culture ;
whilst at the same time their kinsmen in Attica were struggling
for a bare existence, and were often hard pressed by the sur-

Chap. XXXV. ORIGIN OF THE DRMIA. 401

rounding tribes. It was not till the time of Pisistratxis and his
sons that we behold the first dawn of literature at Athens. But
this literature was of an exotic growth ; the poets assembled at
the court of the Pisistratids were mostly foreigners ; and it was
only after the fall of that dynasty, and the establishment of more
liberal institutions at Athens, that we find the native genius
shooting forth with vigour.

It was probably the democratic nature of their new consti-
tution, combined with the natural vivacity of the people, which
caused Athenian literature to take that dramatic form which
pre-eminently distinguishes it. The democracy demanded a
literature^ of a popular kind, the vivacity of the people a litera-
ture that made a lively impression ; and both these conditions
were fulfilled by the drama.

§ 2. Though the drama was brought to perfection among the
Athenians, it did not originate with them. Both tragedy and
comedy, in their rude and early origin, were Dorian inventions.
Both arose out of the worship of Dionysus. There was at first
but little distinction between these two species of the drama,
except that comedy belonged more to the rural celebration of the
Dionysiac festivals, and tragedy to that in cities. The name of
tragedy^ was far from signifying any thing mournful, being de-
rived from the goat-hke appearance of those who, disguised as
satyrs, performed the old Dionysiac songs and dances. In hke
manner, comedy f was called after the song of the band of revel-
lers, $ who celebrated the vintage festivals of Dionysus, and
vented the rude merriment inspired by the occasion in jibes and
extempore witticisms levelled at the spectators. It was among
the Megarians, both those in Greece and those in Sicily, whose
political institutions were democratical, and who had a turn for
rough humour, that comedy seems first to have arisen. It was
long, however, before it assumed anything like a regular shape.
Epicharmus appears to have been the first who moulded the
wild and irregular Bacchic songs and dances into anything ap-
proaching a connected fable, or plot. He was born at Cos,
about B.C. 540, but spent the better part of his life at Sp'acuse.
He wrote his comedies some years before the Persian war, and
from the titles of them still extant it would appear that the
greater part of them were travesties of heroic myths. They
seem, however, to have contained an odd mixture of sententious
wisdom and broad buffoonery, for Epicharmus was a Pythago-
rean philosopher as well as a comic poet.

* Tgay(fi6ia — ^literally "the goat-song.'*

402 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

§ 3. Comedy, in its rude and early state, was introduced into
Attica long before the time of Epicharmus by Susarion, a native
of Tripodiscus, in Megara. It was at Icaria, an Attic village
noted for the worship of Dionysus, where Susarion had taken up
his residence, that he first represented comedy, such as it then
existed among the Megarians, in the year 578 b.c. The per-
formances of Susarion took no root ; and we hear nothing more
of comedy in Attica for nearly a hundred years.

It was during this interval that tragedy was introduced into
Attica, and continued to be successfully cultivated. We have
already observed that tragedy, like comedy, arose out of the
worship of Dionysus ; but tragedy, in its more perfect form,
was the offspring of the dithyrambic odes with which that wor-
ship was celebrated. These were not always of a joyous cast.
Some of them expressed the sufferings of Dionysus ; and it was
from this more mournful species of dithyramb that tragedy,
properly so called, arose. Arion introduced great improvements
into the Dithyrambic odes.=^ They formed a kind of lyrical
tragedy, and were sung by a chorus of fifty men, dancing round
the altar of Dionysus. The improvements in the Dythyramb
were introduced by Arion at Corinth ; and it was chiefly among
the Dorian states of the Peloponnesus that these choral dithy-
rambic songs prevailed. Hence, even in Attic tragedy, the chorus,
which was the foundation of the drama, was written in the Doric
dialect, thus clearly betraying the source from which the Athe-
nians derived it.

In Attica an important alteration was made in the old tragedy
in the time of Pisistratus, in consequence of which it obtained
a new and dramatic character. This innovation is ascribed to
Thespis, a native of the Attic village of Icaria. It consisted in
the introduction of an actor, for the purpose, it is said, of giving
rest to the chorus. He probably appeared in that capacity him-
self, taking various parts in the same piece by means of dis-
guises effected by linen masks. Thus by his successive appear-
ance in different characters, and by the dialogue which he main-
tained with the chorus, or rather with its leader, a dramatic fable
of tolerable complexity might be represented. The first repre-
sentation given by Thespis was in 535 b.c. He was succeeded
by Choerilus and Phrynicus, the latter of whom gained his first
prize in the dramatic contests in 511 b.c. He deviated from the
hitherto established custom in making a contemporary event
the subject of one of his dramas. His tragedy on the capture of
Miletus was so pathetic that the audience were melted into

* Seo p. 132.

Chap. XXXV. ^SCHYLUS. 408

tears ; but the subject was considered so ill-chosen that he was
fined a thousand drachmse.^^ The only other dramatist whom
we need mention before ^Eschylus is the Dorian Pratinas, a
native of Phlius, but who exhibited his tragedies at Athens.
Pratinas was one of the improvers of tragedy by separating
the satyric from the tragic drama. As neither the popular
taste nor the ancient religious associations connected with
the festivals of Dionysus would have permitted the chorus of
Satyrs to be entirely banished from the tragic representations,
Pratinas avoided this by the invention of what is called the
Satyric drama ; that is, a species of play in which the ordinary
subjects of tragedy were treated in a lively and farcical man-
ner, and in which the chorus consisted of a band of Satyrs in
appropriate dresses and masks. After this period it became
customary to exhit dramas in tetralogies, or sets of four ;
namely, a tragic trilogy, or series of three tragedies, followed by
a Satyric play. These were often on connected subjects; and
the Satyric drama at the end served like a merry after-piece to
relieve the minds of the spectators.

The subjects of G-reek tragedy were taken, with few exceptions,
from the national mythology. Hence the plot and story were
of necessity known to the spectators, a circumstance which
strongly distinguishes the ancient tragedy from the modern. It
must also be recollected that the representation of tragedies
did not take place every day, but only, after certain fixed inter-
vals, at the festivals of Dionysus, of which they formed one of
the greatest attractions. During the whole day the Athenian
public sat in the theatre witnessing tragedy after tragedy ; and
a prize was awarded by judges appointed for the purpose to the
poet who produced the best set of dramas.

§ 4. Such was Attic tragedy when it came into the hands of
./Eschylus, who, from the great improvements which he intro-
duced, was regarded by the Athenians as its father or founder,
just as Homer was of Epic poetry, and Herodotus of History,
-^schylus was born at Eleusis in Attica in b.c. 525, and was thus
contemporary with Simonides and Pindar. His father, Eupho-
rion, may possibly have been connected with the worship of
Dsmeter at Eleusis ; and hence, perhaps, were imbibed those
religious impressions which characterized the poet through
life. His first play was exhibited in b.c. 500, when he was 25
years of age. He fought with his brother Cynaegirus at the
battle of Marathon,! and also at those of Artemisium, Salamis,
and Platsea. In b.c. 484 he gained his first tragic prize. The

* See p. 169. f See p. 178.

404 fflSTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

first of his extant dramas, the Persee, was not brought out till
B.C. 472, when he gained the prize with the trilog}^ of which it
formed one of the pieces. In 468 he was defeated in a tragic
contest hy his younger rival Sophocles ; shortly afterwards he
retired to the court of king ffiero, at SjTacuse. In 467 Hiero
died; and in 456 ^schylus must have returned to Athens,
since he produced his trilogy- of the Oresteia in that year. This
trilogy, wliich was composed of the tragedies of the Agamenuioii,
the Choejyhorce, and the Eumenides, is remarkable as the only one
that has come doT^n to us in any thing like a perfect shape. His
defence of the Areopagus, however, contained in the last of these
three dramas, proved unpalatable to the new and more demo-
cratic generation wliich had now sprung up at Athens ; and
either from disappointment or fear of the consequences ^schy-
lus again quitted Athens and retired once more to Sicily. On
this occasion he repaired to Gela, where he died in B.C. 456, in
the 6 9th year of his age. It is imanimously related that an eagle,
mistaking the poet's bald head for a stone, let a tortoise fall
upon it in order to break the shell, thus fulfilling an oracle pre-
dicting that he was to die by a blow fi-om heaven. After his
death, his memory was held m high reverence at Athens. A
decree was passed that a chorus should be provided at the pubhc
expense for any one who might wish to revive his tragedies ; and
hence it happened that they were frequently reproduced upon
the stage.

The improvements introduced into tragedy by ^schylus
concerned both its form and composition, and its maimer of
representation. Li the former liis prmcipal imiovation was the
introduction of a second actor ; whence arose the dialogue, pro-
perly so called, and the Umitation of the choral parts, which
now became subsidiary. His improvements in the maimer of
representing tragedy consisted m the introduction of painted
scenes, drawn according to the rules of perspective, for which
he availed himself of the pictorial skill of Agatharchus. He
furnished the actors with more appropriate and more mag-
nificent dresses, invented for them more various and expres-
sive masks, and raised their stature to the heroic size by pro-
viding them with thick soled cothurni or buskms. He paid
great attention to the choral dances, and invented several new
figures.*

The genius of .3Sschylus inclined rather to the a^\-ful and sub-

* " personse pallaeque repertor honestae

JEschylus, et modicis instravit pulpit a tignie,
Et docuit magnum que loqui, nitique cothurno."

HoK., Ar. Poet. 278.

Chap. XXXV. SOPHOCLES. 405

lime than to the tender and pathetic. He excels in representing
the superhuman, in depicting demigods and heroes, and in tracino-
the irresistible march of fate. His style resembles the ideas
which it clothes. It is bold, sublime, and full of gorgeous
imagery, but sometimes borders on the turgid.^

§ 5. Sophocles, the younger rival and immediate successor of
JEschylus in the tragic art, was born at Colonus, a village about
a mile from Athens, in B.C. 495. We know little of his family,
except that his father's name was Sophilus ; but that he was
carefully trained in music and gymnastics appears from the fact
that in his sixteenth year he was chosen to lead, naked, and with
lyre in hand, the chorus which danced round the trophy, and
sang the hymns of triumph, on the occasion of the victory of
Salamis (b.c. 480). We have already adverted to his wresting
the tragic prize from -Slschylus in 468, which seems to have
been his first appearance as a dramatist. This event was ren-
dered very striking by the circumstances under which it occurred.
The Archon Eponymus had not yet appointed the judges of the
approaching contest, respecting which public expectation and
party feeling ran very high, when Cimon and his nine colleagues
in command entered the theatre, having just returned from
Scyros. After they had made the customary libations to Dio-
nysus, the archon detained them at the altar and administered
to them the oath appointed for the judges in the dramatic con-
tests. Their decision, as we have said, was in favour of Sopho-
cles. From this time forwards he seems to have retained the
almost undisputed possession of the Athenian stage, until a
young but formidable rival arose in the person of Euripides.
In 440 we find Sophocles elected one of the 10 Strategi, of whom
Pericles was the chief, to conduct the expedition against Samos ;
an honour which he is said to have owned to his play of the
Antigone, which was brought out in the spring of that year, and
which is the earliest of his extant dramas. He was now ^^
years of age, yet his poetical life seemed only beginning. From
this time to his death was the period of his greatest literary
activity ; but of his personal history we have few details. He
was one of the ten elders, or Probouli, a sort of committee of
public safety appointed by the Athenians after the failure of the
Sicilian expedition, unless indeed the Sophocles mentioned on
that occasion by Thucydides be some other person. The close

* ^sehylus is said to have written seventy tragedies ; but only seven
are extant, which were probably represented in the following order ; the
Persians, B.C. 472; the Seven against Thebes, B.C. 471; the Suppliants;
the Prometheus ; the Agamemnon, Choephorce, and Eume7nde8, B.C. 458.

406 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

of his life was troubled with family dissensions. lophon, his
son by an Athenian wife, and therefore his legitimate heir, was
jealous of the affection manifested by his father for his grandson
Sophocles, the offspring of another son, Ariston, whom he had
had by a Sicyonian woman. Fearing lest his father should
bestow a great part of his property upon his favourite, lophon
summoned him before the Phratores, or tribesmen, on the ground
that his mind was affected. The old man's only reply was — " If
I am Sophocles I am not beside myself; and if I am beside
myself I am not Sophocles." Then taking up his (Edip^is at Co-
lonus, which he had lately written, but had not yet brought out,
he read from it the beautiful passage beginning —

'EviTTTTOv, ^eve, rdade x^P*^^ —

with which the judges were so struck that they at once dis-
missed the case. He died shortly afterwards in B.C. 406, in his
90th year.

As a poet Sophocles is universally allowed to have brought
the drama to the greatest perfection of which it is susceptible.
His plays stand in the just medium between the sublime but
unregulated flights of ^schylus, and the too familiar scenes and
rhetorical declamations of Euripides. His plots are worked up
with more skill and care than the plots of either of his great
rivals: that of the (Edipus T3/raw?^^^5 in particular is remarkable
for its skilful devolopement, and for the manner in which the in-
terest of the piece increases through each succeeding act. So-
phocles added the last improvement to the form of the drama
by the introduction of a third actor ; a change which greatly
enlarged the scope of the action. The improvement was so
obvious that it was adopted by iEschylus in his later plays ; but
the number of three actors seems to have been seldom, or never
exceeded. Sophocles also made considerable alterations in the
choral parts, by curtailing the length of the songs, and by giving
the chorus itself the character of an impartial spectator and
judge, rather than that of a deeply interested party which it
often assumes in the plays of ^schylus.*

§ 6. Euripides was born in the island of Salamis, in B.C. 460,
his parents having been among those who fled thither at the
time of the invasion of Attica by Xerxes. In early life he prac-
tised painting with some success, but he devoted himself with

* Sophocles is said to have -written 117 tragedies, but of these only
seven are extant, which are to be ranked, probably, in the following
chronological order : the Antigone, b.c. 440 ; Electra ; TVacfmiice ;
(Edipus Tyrannus ; Ajax ; Philoctetes, B.C. 409 ; (Edipus at Colonus,
brought out by the younger Sophocles b.c. 401.

Chap. XXXV. EURIPIDES. 407

still more earnestness to philosophy and literature. He studied
rhetoric under Prodicus, and physics under Anaxagoras, and also
lived on intimate terms with Socrates. He is said to have written
a tragedy at the age of 18 ; but the first play brought out in his
own name was acted in B.C. 455, when he was 25 years of age.
It was not, however, till 441 that he gained his first prize, and
from this time he continued to exhibit plays until B.C. 408, the
date of his Orestes. Soon after this he repaired to the court of
Macedonia, at the invitation of King Archelaiis, where he died
two years afterwards at the age of 74 (b.c. 406). Common re-
port relates that he was torn to pieces by the king's dogs, which,
according to some accounts, were set upon him by two rival
poets out of envy.

Euripides received tragedy perfect from the hands of his pre-
decessors, and we do not find that he made any changes in its
outward form. But he varied from them considerably in the
poetical mode of handling it, and his innovations in this respect
were decidedly for the worse. He converted the prologue into a
vehicle for the exposition of the whole plot, in which he not
only informs the spectator of what has happened up to that
moment, but frequently also of what the result or catastrophe
will be. In his hands too the chorus grew feebler, and its odes
less connected with the subject of the drama, so that they might
frequently belong to any other piece just as well as to the one in
which they were inserted. In treating his characters and subj ects
he often arbitrarily departed from the received legends, and di-
minished the dignity of tragedy by depriving it of its ideal char-
acter, and by bringing it down to the level of every day life. His
dialogue was garrulous and colloquial, wanting in heroic dignity,
and frequently frigid through misplaced philosophical disquisi-
tions. Yet in spite of all these faults Euripides has many
beauties, and is particularly remarkable for pathos, so that Aris-
totle calls him " the most tragic of poets." Eighteen of the tra-
gedies of Euripides are still extant, omitting the Rhesus, the
genuineness of which there are good reasons for doubting. One
of them, the Cyclops, is particularly interesting as the only ex-
tant specimen of the Greek satyric drama.*

k 7. Comedy was revived at Athens by Chionides and his con-
temporaries, about B.C. 488 ; but it received its fuU development

* The following is a list of his extant plays : the Alcestis, b.c. 438 ;
Medea, 431 ; Hippolytus, 428 ; Hecuba, about 424 ; Heraclidce, about 421 ;
Supplices, Ion, Hercules Furens, Andratnache ; Troades, 415; Electra ;
Helena, 425 ; Iphigenia in Tauris ; Orestes, 408 ; Fhcenissce, Bacchce, and
Iphigenia in Aulis were brought out after the death of Euripides by his
eon, the younger Euripides. The date of the Cyclops is quite uncertain.

408 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

from Cratinus, who lived in the age of Pericles. Cratinus, and
his younger contemporaries, Eupolis and Aristophanes, were
the three great poets of what is called the Old Attic Comedy.*'
The comedies of Cratinus and Eupolis are lost ; but of Aristo-
phanes, who was the greatest of the three, we have eleven dramas
extant. Aristophanes was bom about 444 B.C. Of his private
life we know positively nothing. He exhibited his first comedy
in 427, and from that time till near his death, which probably
happened about 380, he was a frequent contributor to the Attic
stage, t

The old Attic comedy was a powerful vehicle for the expres-
sion of opinion ; and most of the comedies of Aristophanes, and
those of his contemporaries likewise, turned either upon political
occurrences, or upon some subject which excited the interest of
the Athenian public. Their chief object was to excite laughter
by the boldest and most ludicrous caricature ; and provided that
end was attained the poet seems to have cared but Uttle about
the justice of the picture. A living historian has well remarked,
" Never probably vdll the full and unshackled force of comedy
be so exhibited again. Without having Aristophanes actually
before us it would have been impossible to imagine the mi-
measured and unsparing Hcence of attack assumed by the old
comedy upon the gods, the institutions, the politicians, philo-
sophers, poets, private citizens, specially named — and even the
women, whose life was entirely domestic — of Athens. With this
universal liberty in respect of subject there is combined a
poignancy of derision and satire, a fecundity of imagination and
variety of turns, and a richness of poetical expression such as
caimot be surpassed, and such as fully explains the admiration
expressed for him by the philosopher Plato, who in other respects
must have regarded him with unquestionable disapprobation.
His comedies are popular in the largest sense of the word, ad-
dressed to the entire body of male citizens on a day consecrated
to festivity, and providing for their amusement or derision with
a sort of drunken abundance, out of all persons or things stand-
ing in any way prominent before the public eye."-t In illustra-
tion of the preceding remarks we may refer to the Knights of
Aristophanes, as an example of the boldness of his attacks on one

* Eupolis atque Cratinus Aristophanesque poetae,

Atque alii quorum comoedia prisea virorum est.

HoR. Sat. i. 4.
f The eleven extant dramas are ; the Acharnians, b.c. 425 ; KnighU,
424 ; Clouds, 423 ; Wasps, 422 ; Peace, 419 ; Birds, 414 ; Lysistrata, 411 ;
Thesniophoriazusce, 411 ; Plutus, 408; Frogs, 405; Ecclesiazusa;, 392.
X Grote's Hist of Greece, vol. viii. p. 450.

Chap. XXXV. ARISTOPHANES. 409

of the leading political characters of the day — the demagogue
Cleon ; whilst the Clouds, in which Socrates is held up to ridi-
cule, and the ThesmophmiazuscE and Frogs, containing slashing
onslaughts on Euripides, show that neither the greatest philoso-
phers nor the most popular poets were secure. Even Pericles
himself is now and then bespattered with ridicule, and the aver-
sion of the poet for the Peloponnesian war is shown in many of
his dramas. From the nature of his plays it would be absurd,
as some have done, to quote them gravely as historical autho-
rity ; though, with due allowance for comic exaggeration, they no
doubt afford a valuable comment on the politics, literature, and
manners of the time. Nor can it be doubted that, under all his
bantering, Aristophanes often strove to serve the views of the
old aristocratical party, of which he was an adherent. The more
serious political remarks were commonly introduced into that
part of the chorus called the parabasis, when, the actors having
left the stage, the choreutse turned round, and, advancing to-
wards the spectators, addressed them in the name of the poet.
Towards the end of the career of Aristophanes the unrestricted
licence and libellous personality of comedy began gradually to
disappear. The chorus was first curtailed and then entirely sup-
pressed, and thus made way for what is called the Middle Co-
medy, which had no chorus at all. The Plutus of Aristophanes,
which contains no political allusions, exhibits an approach to this
phase.

An extract from the Knights of Aristophanes will give some
idea of the unmeasured invective in which the poet indulged.
The chorus come upon the stage, and thus commence their attack
upon Cleon: —

Close around him, and confound him, the confounder of us all ;
Pelt him, pummel him, and maul him ; rummage, ransack, overhaul him,
Overbear him and outbawl him ; bear him down, and bring him under.
Bellow like a burst of thunder, Robber 1 harpy ! sink of plunder !
Rogue and villain ! rogue and cheat ! rogue and villain, I repeat 1
Oftener than I can repeat it, has the rogue and villain cheated.
Close around him, left and right ; spit upon him, spurn and smite :
Spit upon him as you see ; spurn and spit at him like me.
But beware, or he'll evade you, for he knows the private track
Where Eucrates was seen escaping with his mill-dust on his back,

Cleon.
Worthy veterans of the jury, you that, either right or wrong,
With my threepenny provision, I've maintained and cherished long.
Come to my aid ! I'm here waylaid — assassinated and betrayed.

Chorus.
Rightly served! we serve you rightly, for your hungry love of pelf j
For your gross and greedy rapine, gormandizing by yourself;

T

410 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

You that, ere the figs are gathered, pilfer with a privy twitch
Fat delinquents and defaulters, pulpy, luscious, pliunp, and rich;
Pinching, fingering, and pulling — tempering, selecting, culling,
With a nice survey discerning which are green and which are turning,
Which are ripe for accusation, forfeiture, and confiscation.

Him, besides, the wealthy man, retired upon an easy rent,
Hating and avoiding party, noble-minded, indolent,
Fearful of official snares, intrigues, and intricate affairs;
Him you mark ; you fix and hook him, whilst he's gaping \mawares ;
At a fling, at once you bring him hither from the Chersonese,
Down you cast him, roast and baste him, and devour him at your ease.

Cleon.
Yes ! assault, insult, abuse me ! this is the return I find
For the noble testimony, the memorial I designed:
Meaning to propose proposals for a monument of stone,
On the which your late achievements should be carved and neatly done.

Chorus.
Out, away with him ! the slave ! the pompoiis, empty, fawning knave !
Does he think with idle speeches to delude and cheat us all,
As he does the doting elders that attend his daily call ?
Pelt him here, and bang him there ; and here and there and everywhere.

Cleon.
Save me, neighbours ! 0 the monsters ! O my side, my back, my breast !

Chorus.
What, you're forced to call for help? you brutal, overbearing pest.*

§ 8. Of the prose writers of this period, Thucydides is by far
the greatest. Herodotus, who belongs to the same period, and
who was only a few years older than Thucydides, has been no-
ticed in a previous chapter.

Thucydides was an Athenian, and was bom in the year 471
B.C. His father was named Olorus, and his mother Hegesipyle,
and his family was connected with that of Miltiades and Cimon.
Thucydides appears to have been a man of wealth ; and we know
from his own account that he possessed gold mines in Thrace,
and enjoyed great influence in that country. We also leani
from himself that he was one of the sufierers from the great
plague at Athens, and among the few who recovered. He com-
manded an Athenian squadron of seven ships at Thasos, in 424
B.C., at the time when Brasidas was besieging Amphipolis; and,
having failed to relieve that city in time, he went into a volun-
tary exile, in order probably to avoid the punishment of death.
He appears to have spent 20 years in banishment, principally in

* Translated by Mr. Frere.

Chap. XXXV. THUCYDIDES. XENOPHOK 411

the Peloponnesus, or in places under the dominion or influence
of Sparta. He perhaps returned to Athens in B.C. 403, the date
of its liberation by Thrasybulus. According to the unanimous
testimony of antiquity he met with a violent end, and it seems
probable that he was assassinated at Athens, since it cannot be
doubted that his tomb existed there ; but some authorities place
the scene of his death in Thrace. From the beginning of the
Peloponnesian war he had designed to write its history, and he
employed himself in collecting materials for that purpose during
its continuance ; but it is most likely that the work was not
actually composed till after the conclusion of the war, and that
he was engaged upon it at the time of his death. Some critics
are even of opinion that the 8th and concluding book is not from
his hand ; but there seems to be little ground for this assump-
tion, though he may not have revised it with the same care as
the former books. •

Such are all the authentic particulars that can be stated re-
specting the greatest of the Athenian historians. It is only
necessary to add a short account of his work. The first book is
introductory, and contains a rapid sketch of Grecian history
from the remotest times to the breaking out of the war, accom-
panied with an explanation of the events and causes which led
to it, and a digression on the rise and progress of the Athenian
power. The remaining seven books are filled with the details
of the war, related according to the division into summers and
winters, into which all campaigns naturally fall ; and the work
breaks off abruptly in the middle of the 21st year of the war
(b.c. 411). It is probable that the division of his history into
books was the work of the Alexandrine critics, and that as it
came from the hands of the author it formed a continuous nar-
rative. The materials of Thucydides were collected with the
most scrupulous care ; the events are related with the strictest
impartiality ; and the work probably offers a more exact account
of a long and eventful period than any other contemporary his-
tory, whether ancient or modern, of an equally long and import-
ant sera. The style of Thucydides is brief and sententious, and
whether in moral or political reasoning, or in description, gains
wonderful force from its condensation. It is this brevity and
simplicity that renders his account of the plague of Athens so
striking and tragic. But this characteristic is sometimes carried
to a faulty extent, so as to render his style harsh, and his mean-
ing obscure.

§ 9. Xenophon properly belongs to the next period of Grecian
history, but the subject of the earlier portion of his History is
so intimately connected with the work of Thucydides, that it

412 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

will be more convenient to speak of him in the present place.
Xenophon was the son of Gryllus, an Athenian, and was pro-
bably born about e.g. 444. Socrates is said to have saved his
life in the battle of Delium, which was fought in e.g. 424, and
as we know that he lived to a much later period, he could hardly
have been more than 20 at the time of this battle. Xenophon
was a pupil of Socrates, and we are also told that he received
instructions from Prodicus of Ceos, and from Isocrates. His
accompanying Cyrus the younger in his expedition against his
brother Artaxerxes, king of Persia, formed a striking episode in
his life, and has been recorded by himself in his Anabasis ; but
as we shall have occasion to relate this event in our next book,
we need not touch upon it here. He seems to have been still
in Asia at the time of the death of Socrates in 399 e.g., and was
probably banished from Athens soon after that period, in conse-
quence of his close connexioif with the Lacedaemonian autho-
rities in Asia. He accompanied Agesilaus, the Spartan king, on
the return of the latter from Asia to Greece ; and he fought
along with the Lacedaemonians against his own countrymen at
the battle of Coronea in 394 e.g. After this battle he went with
Agesilaus to Sparta, and soon afterwards settled at Scillus in
Ehs, near Olympia, where he was joined by his wife and children.
His time seems to have been agreeably spent at this residence
in hunting, and other rural diversions, as weU as in literary pur-
suits ; and he is said to have composed here his Anabasis, and a
part, if not the whole of the Hellenica. From this quiet retreat
he was at length expelled by the Eleans, but at what date is
uncertain ; though he seems at all events to have spent at least
20 years at this place. His sentence of banishment from Athens
was repealed on the motion of Eubulus, but in what year we do
not know. His two sons, Gryllus and Diodorus, are said to have
fought with the Athenians and Spartans against the Thebans, at
the battle of Mantinea in 362. There is, however, no evidence
that Xenophon ever returned to Athens. He seems to have
retired to Corinth after his expulsion from Elis, and it is pro-
bable that he died there. He is said to have lived to more than
90 years of age, and he mentions an event which occured as late
as 357 E.G.

Probably all the works of Xenophon are still extant. The
Anabasis is the work on which his fame as an historian chiefly
rests. It is written in a simple and agreeable style, and conveys
much curious and striking information. The HeUemca is a con-
tinuation of the history of Thucydides, and comprehends in
seven books a space of about 48 years ; namely, from the time
when Thucydides breaks oif, e.g. 411, to the battle of Mantinea

Chap. XXXV. SOPHISTS. 413

in 362. The subject is treated in a very dry and uninteresting
style; and his evident partiality to Sparta, and dishke of Athens,
have frequently v^^arped his judgment, and must cause his state-
ments to 'be received with some suspicion. The CyropcBdia, one
of the most pleasing and popular of Xenophon's works, professes
to be a history of Cyrus, the founder of the Persian monarchy,
but is in reality a kind of political romance, and possesses no
authority whatever as an historical work. The design of the
author seems to have been to draw a picture of a perfect
state ; and though the scene is laid in Persia, the materials of
the work are derived from his own philosophical notions and the
usages of Sparta, engrafted on the popularly current stories re-
specting Cyprus. Xenophon displays in this work his dislike of
democratic institutions like those of Athens, and his preference
for an aristocracy, or even a monarchy. Xenophon was also the
author of several minor works ; bift the only other treatise which
we need mention is the Memorabilia of Socrates, in four books,
intended as a defence of his master against the charges which
occasioned his death, and which undoubtedly contains a genuine
picture of Socrates and his philosophy. The genius of Xenophon
was not of the highest order ; it was practical rather than specu-
lative ; but he is distinguished for his good sense, his moderate
views, his humane temper, and his earnest piety.

§ 10. In closing this brief survey of Athenian literature, it is
necessary to make a few remarks upon Athenian education, and
upon the greatest teacher of his age — the philosopher Socrates.

A certain amount ef elementary education seems to have pre-
vailed among the free citizens of all the G-recian states at the
time of which we are speaking. Instruction was usually im-
parted in schools. The psedagogue, or private tutor, was not a
teacher ; he was seldom a man of much knowledge — often
indeed a slave — and his office was merely to watch over his
pupils in their idle hours, and on their way to the schools.
When a youth could read with fluency, he was set to learn
by heart passages selected from the best poets, in which moral
precepts and examples of virtuous conduct were inculcated and
exhibited. The works of jEsop and Theognis were much used
for this purpose. He was then taught those accomphshments
which the Greeks included under the comprehensive head of
"music," and which comprised not only the art of playing on the
lyre, and of singing and dancing, so as to enable him to bear a
part in a chorus, but also to recite poetical compositions with
grace and propriety of accent and pronunciation. At the same
time his physical powers were developed and strengthened by a
course of gymnastic exercises. At the age of 18 or 20 the sons

414 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

of the more wealthy citizens attended the classes of the rhetors
and sophists who gave their lectures in the Lyceum, Academy,
or other similar institutions ; — a course somewhat analogous to
entering a university in our own times. Here the young man
studied rhetoric and philosophy; under which heads were in-
cluded mathematics, astronomy, dialectics, oratory, criticism,
and morals.

§ 11. It will be perceived from the above sketch that the
rhetor and sophist — whose provinces were often combined, and
are generally difficult to distinguish with accuracy— played the
most important part in the formation of the future man. They
gave the last bias to his mind, and sent him forth into the world
with habits of thought which in after life he would perhaps have
neither the leisure nor the inclination to alter, or even to exa-
mine. Most of the young men who attended their lectures
had httle more in view than •to become qualified for taking a
practical part in active life. The democratical institutions which
had begun to prevail in Athens, Sicily, and other parts of Greece
during the fifth century before the Christian sera, and which
often obliged a public man to confute an adversary, to defend
himself from an attack, or to persuade a public assembly, ren-
dered it necessary for him to obtain some knowledge of rhetoric
and dialectics. It was for this purpose that the schools of the
rhetors and sophists were frequented by the great mass of their
hearers, without, perhaps, much care lor their speculative prin-
ciples except so far as they might serve as exercises to sharpen
dialectic skiU. Among the most eminent of these teachers in
the time of Socrates were Protagoras of Abdera, Gorgias of
Leontini, Polus of Agrigentum, Hippias of EHs, Prodicus of Ceos,
and others. As rhetorical instructors they may be compared
with Isocrates or Gluintilian ; but, generally speaking, there was
more or less of philosophical speculation mixed up with their
teaching.

The name of " Sophist" borne by these men had not origin-
ally that invidious meaning which it came to possess in later
times. In its early use it meant only a tvise or a clever man.
Thus it was applied to the seven sages, and to the poets, such as
Homer and Hesiod ; men as far removed as possible from the
notion implied in the modern term sophist. The word seems
to have retained its honourable meaning down to the time of
Socrates ; but Plato and Xenophon began to use it in a depre-
ciatory sense, and as a term of reproach. Whenever they
wished to speak of a truly wise man they preferred the word
" philosopher." It may therefore be inferred that the name of
"Sophist" began to fall into contempt through the teaching of

Chap. XXXV. SOCRATES. 416

Socrates, more especially as we find that Socrates himself shrank
from, the name.

§ 12. But the relation of Socrates to the Sophists will be best
shown by a brief account of his life.

Socrates was born in the year 468 B.C. in the deme of Alopece,
in the immediate neighbourhood of Athens. His father, So-
phroniscus, was a sculptor, and Socrates was brought up to, and
for some time practised, the same profession. A group of the
Charities or Graces, from his chisel, was preserved in the Acro-
polis of Athens, and was extant in the time of Pausanias. His
mother, Phsenarete, was a midwife. Thus his station in life was
humble, but his family was of genuine Attic descent. He was
married to Xanthippe, by whom he had tliree sons ; but her
bad temper has rendered her name proverbial for a conjugal
scold. His physical constitution was healthy, robust, and won-
derfully enduring. Indifferent ahke to heat and cold, the same
scanty and homely clothing sufficed him both in summer and
winter ; and even in the campaign of Potidsea, amidst the snows
of a Thracian winter, he went barefooted. He was moderate
and frugal in his diet, yet on occasions of festival could drink
more vdne than any other man without being intoxicated. It
was a principle with him to contra,ct his wants as much as pos-
sible ; for he had a maxim that to want nothing belonged only
to the gods, and to want as Httle as possible was the nearest
approach to the divine nature. But though thus gifted with
strength of body and of mind, he was far from being endowed
with personal beauty. His thick lips, flat nose, and prominent
eyes, gave him the appearance of a Silenus, or satyr. We know
but few particulars of his life. He served with credit as an
hoplite at Potidssa (b.c. 432), Delium (b.c. 424), and Amphipohs
(b.c. 422) ; but it was not till late in life, in the year 406 b.c,
that he filled any pohtical office. He was one of the Pr}i;anes
when, after the battle of Arginusse, Callixenus submitted his
proposition respecting the six generals to the public Assembly,
and his refusal on that occasion to put an unconstitutional ques-
tion to the vote has been already recorded.^ He had a strong
persuasion that he was intrusted with a divine mission, and he
believed himself to be attended by a dsemon, or genius, whose
admonitions he frequently heard, not, however, in the way of
excitement but of restraint. He never ivrote anything, but he
made oral instruction the great business of his life. Early in
the morning he frequented the public walks, the gymnasia, and
the schools ; whence he adjomiied to the market-place at its

* See p. 366.

416 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXV.

most crowded hours, and thus spent the whole day in convers-
ing with young and old, rich and poor, — with all in short who felt
any desire for his instructions. There was, however, a certain set
of persons who were in the habit of following him to hear his con-
versation, and these became known as his disciples.

From this public manner of life, he became one of the best
known characters in Athens, and this circumstance was probably
the reason why he was selected for attack, as the representative
of the Sophists in general, by Aristophanes and the comic poets.
But the picture of Aristophanes shows that he either did not
know, or was not sohcitous about, the real objects and pursuits
of Socrates : his only object seems to have been to raise a laugh.
The dramatist represents Socrates as occupied with physical re-
searches. But though in early life Socrates had paid some atten-
tion to natural philosophy, he soon abandoned the study in disgust,
from reading a treatise of Anaxagoras, in which he found that the
philosopher's hypotheses were not sustained by any basis of reason-
ing. This led Socrates to turn his attention to dialectics. In this
pursuit there can be httle doubt that he derived great assistance
from the Eleatic school of philosophers, especially Parmenides
and Zeno, who visited Athens when Socrates was a yomig man.
He seems to have borrowed from the Eleatics his , negative
method ; namely, that of disproving and upsetting what is ad-
vanced by a disputant, as a means of unmasking not only false-
hood, but also assertion without authority, yet without attempting
to estabhsh anything in its place. ,

M3. We are now in a condition to see in what points Socrates
differed from the ordinary teachers or Sophists of the time.
They were these : 1. He taught without fee or reward, and com-
municated his instructions freely to high and low, rich and poor
alike. 2. He did not talk for mere vain show and ostentation,
but for the sake of gaining clear and distinct ideas, and thus ad-
vancing both himself and others in real knowledge. It was -wath
this view that he had abandoned physics, which, in the manner
in which they were then taught, were founded merely on guesses
and conjectures, and had apphed himself to the study of his fel-
low men, which opened a surer field of observation. And in order
to arrive at clear ideas on moral subjects, he was the first to em-
ploy definition and inference, and thus confine the discourse to
the ehciting of truth, instead of making it the vehicle for empty
display. A contraiy practice on these two points is what con-
stituted the difference between Socrates and the Sophists.

The teaching of Socrates forms an epoch in the history of
philosophy. From liis school sprang Plato, the founder of the
Academic philosophy ; Euclides, the founder of the Megaric

Chap. XXXV. SOCRATES. 417

school ; Aristippus, the founder of the Cyrenaic school ; and many
other philosophers of eminence.

§ 14. That a refoiTner and destroyer, hke Socrates, of ancient
prejudices and fallacies which passed current under the name of
wisdom should have raised up a host of enemies is only what
might be expected ; but in his case this feehng was increased by
the mamier in which he fulfilled his mission. The oracle of
Delphi, in response to a question put by his friend Cheerephon,
had affirmed that no man was wiser than Socrates. No one was
more perplexed at tliis declaration than Socrates himself, since
he was conscious to himself of possessing no wisdom at all.
However, he determined to test the accuracy of the priestess, for
though he had little wisdom, others might have still less. He
therefore selected an eminent politician who enjoyed a high
reputation for wisdom, and soon elicited by his scrutinising me-
thod of cross-examination, that this statesman's reputed wisdom
was no wisdom at all. But of this he could not convince the
subject of his examination ; whence Socrates concluded that he
was wiser than this politician, inasmuch as he was conscious of
his own ignorance, and therefore exempt from the error of be-
lieving himself wise when in reaUty he was not so. The same
experiment was tried with the same result on various classes
of men ; on poets, mechanics, and especially on the rhetors and
sophists, the chief of all the pretenders to v^dsdom.

§ 15. The first indication of the unpopularity which Socrates
had incurred is the attack made upon him by Aristophanes in
the " Clouds" in the year 423 B.C. That attack, however, seems
to have evaporated with the laugh, and for many years Socrates
continued his teaching without molestation. It was not till
B.C. 399 that the indictment was preferred against him
which cost him his life. In that year, Meletus, a leather-seller,
seconded by Anytus, a poet, and Lycon, a rhetor, accused him
of impiety in not worshipping the gods of the city, and in
introducing new deities, and also of being a corrupter of youth.
With respect to the latter charge, his former intimacy with Al-
cibiades and Critias may have weighed against him. Socrates
made no preparations for his defence, and seems, indeed, not to
have desired an acquittal. But although he addressed the di-
casts in a bold uncompromising tone, he was condemned only by
a small majority of jive or six in a court composed of between
five and six hundred dicasts. After the verdict was pronounced,
he was entitled, according to the practice of the Athenian courts,
to make some counter-proposition in place of the penalty of
death, which the accusers had demanded, and if he had done so
with any show of submission it is probable that the sentence

418

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XXXV.

would have been mitigated. But his tone after the verdict was
higher than before. All that he could be brought to propose
against himself by way of punishment was a fine of 30 mince,
which Plato and other friends engaged to pay for him. Instead
of a fine, he asserted that he ought to be maintained in the Pry-
taneum at the public expense, as a public benefactor. This tone
seems to have enraged the dicasts, and he was condemned to
death.

It happened that the vessel which proceeded to Delos on the
annual deputation to the festival had sailed the day before his
condemnation ; and during its absence it was unlawful to put any
one to death. Socrates was thus kept in prison during 30 days,
till the return of the vessel. He spent the interval in philo-
sophical conversations with his friends. Crito, one of these,
arranged a scheme for his escape by bribing the gaoler ; but
Socrates, as might be expected from the tone of his defence,
resolutely refused to save his life by a breach of the law. His
last discourse, on the day of his death, turned on the inunor-
tahty of the soul, and has been recorded, and probably em-
bellished, in the Phcedo of Plato. With a firm, and cheerful
countenance he drank the cup of hemlock am.idst his sorrowing
and weeping friends. His last words were addressed to Crito : —
'* Crito, we owe a cock to JEsculapius \^ discharge the debt, and
by no means omit it."

Thus perished the greatest and most original of the Grecian
philosophers, whose uninspired wisdom, made the nearest ap-
proach to the divine morality of the Gospel.

* In allusion to the sacrifice usually offered by sick persons to that
deity on their recovery.

Bust of Socrates.

The Pactolus at Sardis.

BOOK V.

THE SPARTAN AND THEBAN SUPREMACIES.

B.C. 403—371,

CHAPTEE XXXVL

THE EXPEDITION OF THE GREEKS UNDER CYRUS, AND RETREAT
OF THE TEN THOUSAND.

§ 1. Causes of the Expedition. § 2. Cyrus engages an army of Greek
mercenaries. Their character. § 3. March to Tarsus. § 4. Discon-
tent of the Greeks. March to Myriandrus. § 5. Passage of the Eu-
phrates, and march through the desert. § 6. Battle of Cunaxa, and
death of Cyrus. § 7. Dismay of the Greeks. Preparations for retreat.
§ 8. Retreat of the army to the Greater Zab. Seizure of the generals.
§ 9. Election of Xenophon and others as generals. § 10. March from
the Zab to the confines of the Carduchi. March across the mountains
of the Carduchi. § 11. Progress through Armenia. § 12. March
through the country of the Taochi, Chalybes, Scythini, Macrones, and
Colchi to Trapezus on the Euxine. § 13. March along the coast of
the Euxine to Chrysopolis. Passage to Byzantium. § 14. Proceed-

420 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI.

ings at Byzantium. § 15. The Greeks enter the service of Seuthes.
§ 16. Are engaged by the Lacedsemonians. Last exploits of the army,
and retirement of Xenophon.

§ 1. The intervention of Cyrus in the affairs of Greece, related
in the preceding book, led to a remarkable episode in Grecian
history, which strongly illustrates the contrast between the
Greeks and Asiatics. This was the celebrated expedition of
Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes, in which the superiority
of Grecian to Asiatic soldiers was so strikingly shown. It was
the first symptom of the repulsion of the tide of conquest, which
had in former times flowed from east to west, and the harbinger
of those future victorious expeditions into Asia which were to
be conducted by Agesilaus and Alexander the Great.

It has been already mentioned, in the account of the death of
Alcibiades, that Cyrus was forming designs against the throne
of his brother Artaxerxes. The death of their father, Darius
Nothus, took place about the beginning of the year B.C. 404,
shortly before the battle of ^gospotami. Cyrus, who was pre-
sent at his father's death, was charged by Tissaphemes with
plotting against the new monarch. The accusation was believed
by Artaxerxes, who seized his brother, and would have put
him to death, but for the intercession of their mother, Parysatis,
who persuaded him not only to spare Cyrus, but to confirm him
in his former government. Cyrus returned to Sardis, burning
with revenge, and fully resolved to make an efibrt to dethrone
his brother.

§ 2. From his intercourse with the Greeks Cyrus had become
aware of their superiority to the Asiatics, and of their usefelness
in such an enterprise as he now contemplated. The peace which
followed the capture of Athens seemed favourable to his projects.
Many Greeks, bred up in the practice of war during the long
struggle between that city arid Sparta, were now deprived of
their employment, whilst many more had been driven into exile
by the establishment of the Spartan oligarchies in the various
conquered cities. Under the pretence of a private war with the
satrap Tissaphernes, Cyrus enlisted large numbers of them ui
his service. The Greek, in whom he placed most confidence, and
who collected for him the largest number of mercenaries, was
Clearchus, a Lacedaemonian, and formerly harmost of Byzantium,
who had been condemned to death by the Spartan authorities
for disobedience to their orders.

It was not, however, till the beginning of the year B.C. 401,
that the enterprise of Cyrus was ripe for execution. The Greek
levies were then withdrawn from the various towns in which
they were distributed, and concentrated in Sardis to the number

422 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXVI.

of 7700 hoplites, and 500 light-armed troops ; and in March or
April of this year Cyrus marched from Sardis with them, and
with an army of 100,000 Asiatics. The object of the expedition
was proclaimed to be an attack upon the mountain-freebooters
of Pisidia ; its real destination was a secret to every one except
C}Tus himself and Clearchus.

The Greeks who took part in this expedition were not mere
adventurers and outcasts ; many of them had some position in
their own cities, and several were even opulent. Yet the hope of
gain, founded on the riches of Persia, and on the known liberahty
of Cyrus, was the motive which allured them. Among them was
Xenophon, an Athenian knight, to whom we owe a narrative of
the expedition. He went as a volunteer, at the invitation of his
friend Proxenus, a Boeotian, and one of the generals of C}Tns.

§ 3. The march of Cyrus was directed through Lydia and
Phrygia. After passing Colossse he arrived at Celeense, where he
halted thirt}^ days to await the arrival of Clearchus with the re-
serves and reinforcements. The grand total of the Greeks, when
reviewed here by Cyrus, amounted to 11,000 hoplites and 2000
peltasts. The line of march, which had been hitherto straight
upon Pisidia, was now directed northwards. Cyrus passed in suc-
cession the Phrygian towns of Peltse, Ceramon Agora, the Plain
of Cayster, Thymbrium, and Tyriseum. At the last of these
places he was met by Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis the here-
ditary prince of Cilicia. Epyaxa supplied him with money
enough to furnish four months' pay to the Greeks, who had pre-
viously been m.urmuring at the irregularity with which they
received their stipend. A review was then held, in which the
Greeks, in their best array, and with newly-furbished sliields and
armour, went through their evolutions, and executed a mock
charge with such effect that Epyaxa jimiped out of her palanquin
and fled in affright, followed by a great part of the Asiatics.
Cyrus was delighted at seeing the terror which the Greeks in-
spired.

From Tyriseum Cyrus miarched to Iconium (now Konieh), the
last city in Phrygia, and from thence through Lycaoiiia to Dana,
south of which lay the pass across Mount Taurus into Cilicia.
This pass, called the Gates of Taurus, or the Cilician Gates, was
occupied by Syennesis. But the resistance of that prince, who
was a vassal of the Persian croMTi, was in fact a mere feint. He
had already, as we have seen, supplied Cyrus with money through
his wife ; and he now abandoned his impregnable position, and
retired first to Tarsus, and thence to an inaccessible fortress in .
the mountains. But, when Cyrus arrived at Tarsus, Syennesis,
at the first invitation of his wife, repaired thither, and furnished

B.C. 401. PASSAGE OF THE EUPHRATES. 423

the young prince with a supply of money and a contingent of
troops for his expedition.

§ 4. Pisidia had now been passed, and the Greeks plainly saw
that they had been deceived, and that the expedition was de-
signed against the Persian king. Seized with alarm at the pro-
spect of so long a march, they declared their resolution to pro-
ceed no farther. But they had already advanced so far that to
retreat seemed as difficult and dangerous as to advance ; and,
after considerable hesitation and delay, they sent a deputation
to Cyrus to ask him what his real intentions were. Cyrus re-
plied that his design was to march against his enemy, Abrocomas,
satrap of Syria, who was encamped on the banks of the Euphrates.
The Greeks, th£)ugh they still suspected a delusion, contented
themselves with this answer in the face of their present diffi-
culties, especially as Cyrus promised to raise their pay from one
Daric to one Daric and a half a month. The whole army then
marched forwards to Issus, the last town in Cihcia, seated
on the gulf of the same name. Here they met the fleet, which
brought them a reinforcement of 1100 Greek soldiers, thus
raising the Grecian force to about 14,000 men.

Abrocomas, who commanded for the Great King in Syria and
Phoenicia, alarmed at the rapid progress of Cyrus, fled before
him with all his army, reported as 300,000 strong ; abandoning
the impregnable pass situated one day's march from Issus, and
known as the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. This pass was a narrow
road, nearly half a mile in length, lying between the sea and
Mount Amanus, and enclosed at either end by gates. Marching
in safety through this pass, the army next reached Myriandrus,
a sea-port of PhcEnicia, where the Grecian generals Xenias and
Pasion deserted, and hired a merchant-vessel to convey them
home, Cyrus might easily have captured them with his triremes,
but dechned to do so ; — conduct which won for him the confidence
and love of the army.

§ 5. Cyrus now struck off* into the interior, over Mount Ama-
nus. Twelve days' march brought him to Thapsacus on the
Euphrates, where for the first time he formally notified to the
army that he was marching to Babylon against his brother
Artaxerxes. At this intelligence loud murmm's again broke forth
from the Grecian ranks, and accusations against the generals of
having deceived them. The discontent, however, was by no
means so violent as that which had been manifested at Tarsus.
The real object of the march had evidently been suspected
beforehand by the soldiers, and the promise of a large donative
soon induced them to proceed. The water happened to be very
low, scarcely reaching to the breast ; and Abrocomas made no

424 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI.

attempt to dispute the passage. The army now entered "upon
the desert, where the Greeks were struck with the novel sights
wliich met their view, and at once amused and exhausted them-
selves in the chase of the wild ass and the antelope, or in the
vain pursuit of the scudding ostrich. After several days of toil-
some march, the army at length reached Pylse, the entrance into
the cultivated plains of Babylonia, where they halted a few days
to refresh themselves.

^ 6. Soon after leaving that place symptoms became per-
ceptible of a vast hostile force moving in their front. The
exaggerated reports of deserters stated it at 1,200,000 men ; its
real strength was about 900,000. In a characteristic address
Cyrus exhorted the Greeks to take no heed of the multitude of
their enemies ; they would find in them, he affirmed, nothing but
numbers and noise, and if they could bring themselves to despise
these, they would soon find of what worthless stuff the natives
were composed. The army then marched cautiously forwards,
in order of battle, along the left bank of the Euphrates. They
soon came upon a huge trench, 30 feet broad and 18 deep, which
Artaxerxes had caused to be dug across the plain for a length
of about 42 English miles, reaching from the Euphrates to the
wall of Media. Between it and the river was left only a narrow
passage about 20 feet broad ; yet Cyrus and his army found with
surprise that this pass was left entirely undefended. This cir-
cumstance inspired them with a contempt of the enemy, and
induced them to proceed in careless array ; but on the next day
but one after passing the trench, on arriving at a place called
Cunaxa, they were surprised with the intelligence that Artaxerxes
was approaching with all liis forces. Cyrus immediately drew up
his army in order of battle. The Greeks were posted on the
right, whilst Cyrus himself, surrounded by a picked body-guard
of 600 Persian cuirassiers, took up his station in the centre. It
was longjTiowever, before the army of the Great King appeared
in sight. A white cloud of dust in the extrem.e distance gave the
first indication of their approach. Out of this an undefined and
ominous dark spot began gradually to emerge ; presently arms
and armour glanced in the sunbeams ; and at length the whole
array of the enemy became discernible, advancing in dense and
threatening masses. On their left wing, and consequently op-
posed to the Greeks, appeared Tissaphernes, at the head of the
Persian horsemen, with white cuirasses ; on his right the Persian
bowmen with their gerrha, or light wicker shields, which they
planted in the ground, and from behind them shot their arrows ;
next, the array of the Egyptian infantry, whose long wooden
shields covered their whole body from head to foot. In front

B.C. 401. BATTLE OF CUNAXA. 426

was a line of chariots, having scythes attached to the wheels, and
which were to lead the charge. The Persian line was so vast
that its centre extended beyond the left of Cyrus. Before the
battle began Cyrus desired Clearchus to attack the Persian
centre, where the king in person was posted. But Clearchus,
whose right rested on the river, cared not to withdraw from that
position, lest he should be surrounded by the superior numbers
of the enemy, and therefore returned a general answer that he
would manage everytliing for the best. His over-precaution oc-
casioned the defeat and death of Cyrus. When the enemy w^ere
about half a mile distant, the Greeks charged them with the
usual war-shout. The Persians did not await their onset, but
turned and fled. Tissaphemes and his cavalry alone offered any
resistance ; the remainder of the Persian left was routed without
a blow. As Cyrus was contemplating the easy victory of the
Greeks, his followers surrounded him, and already saluted him
with the title of king. But the centre and right of Artaxerxes
still remained unbroken; and that monarch, unaware of the
defeat of his left wing, ordered the right to wheel and encompass
the army of Cyrus. No sooner did Cyrus perceive tliis move-
ment than with his body-guard he impetuously charged the
enemy's centre, where Artaxerxes himself stood, surrounded with
6000 horse. The latter were routed and dispersed, and were fol-
lowed so eagerly by the guards of Cyrus, that he was left almost
alone with the select few called his " Table Companions." In this
situation he caught sight of his brother Artaxerxes, whose per-
son was revealed by the flight of his troops, when, maddened at
once by rage and amibition, he shouted out, " I see the man 1"
and rushed at him with his handful of companions. Hurling
his javelin at his brother, he wounded him in the breast, but
was himself speedily overborne by superior numbers and slain
on the spot.

§ 7. Meanwhile, Clearchus had pursued the flying enemy up-
wards of three miles ; but hearing that the King's troops were
victorious on the left and centre, he retraced his steps, again
routing the Persians who endeavoured to intercept him. When
the Greeks regained their camp they found that it had been
completely plundered, and were consequently obliged to go sup-
perless to rest. It was not till the following day that they
learned the death of Cyrus ; tidings which converted their
triumph into sorrow and dismay. A Greek in the service of
Artaxerxes now appeared in their camp, with a message re-
quiring them to lay down their arms. " If the King," replied
the Grecian generals, " thinks himself strong enough, let him
come and take them." But they were in a difficult position.

426 HISTORY OF GREECR Ch-u>. XXXYL

They were desirous that Ariseus, who now commanded the army
of C}Tus, should lay claim to the Persian crown, and offered to
support his pretensions ; hut Ariseus answered that the Persian
grandees would not tolerate such a claim ; that he- intended im-
mediately to retreat ; and that if the Greeks wished to accom-
pany him, they must join him during the following night. This
was accordingly done ; when oaths of reciprocal fidehty were
interchanged betvi^een the Grecian generals and Aiiaeus, and
sanctified by a solemn sacrifice.

The difficult question now arose how their retreat was to be
conducted. They were nearly 1500 miles from Sardis, and were
to find their own way back, without guides, and by a new route,
since the former one was impracticable on account of the desert
and the want of provisions. Moreover, though they might easily
defy the Persian infantry, however numerous, yet the Persian
cavalry, ever hovering on their rear, would prove a formidable
obstacle to their retreat. They commenced their march east-
wards towards some Babylonian villages, where they hoped to
find supphes ; but on reachmg them at the end of a long day's
march, they found that they had been plundered, and that no
provisions were to be obtained.

On the following day a message arrived from the Persian king,
with a proposal to treat for peace on equal terms. Clearchus
afiected to treat the offer with great indifierence, and made it an
opportunity for procuring provisions. " Tell your king," said he
to the envoys, "that we must first fight; for we have had no
breakfast, nor will any man presume to talk to the Greeks about
a truce, without first providing for them a breakfast." This
was agreed to, and guides were sent to conduct the Greeks to
some villages where they might obtain food. In these all the
riches of Babylon were spread before them. Com in vast abun-
dance, dates of such size and flavom' as they had never before
seen, wine made from the date palm ; in short, luxury and
abundance in place of their late scanty fare and privations.
"VMiilst they were enjojing these quarters, they received a visit
from Tissaphemes, who came in great state. He pretended
much friendship towards them, and said that he had come from
the Great King to inquire the reason of their expedition. Cle-
archus rephed — what was indeed true of the greater part of the
army — ^that they had not come thither wdth any design to attack
the king, but had been enticed forw^ards by Cjtus under false
pretences ; that their only desire at present was to return home ;
but that if any obstacle was offered, they were prepared to repel
hostilities. In a day or tAvo Tissaphernes retm-ned, and with
some parade stated that he had with great difficulty obtained

B.C. 401. RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 427

permission to save the Greek army ; that he was ready to con-
duct them in person into G-reece, and to supply them with
provisions, for which, however, they were to pay ; but if he
failed to supply them, then they were to be at liberty to help
themselves. An agreement was accordingly entered into to this
effect.

Artaxerxes, indeed, seems to have been heartily desirous of
getting rid of them. They were now within 90 miles of Baby-
lon, in a rich country intersected by canals, and easily defensible
against cavalry. But a painful interval of twenty days ensued
during which Tissaphernes neglected to return ; whilst at the
same time the suspicions of the Greeks were excited by the
friendly messages which Ariseus received from Artaxerxes, with
promises of oblivion and forgiveness of his past conduct. At
length, however, Tissaphernes returned, and undertook the di-
rection of the homeward march.

k 8. The troops of Ariseus were now mingled with those of
Tissaphernes, whilst the Greeks followed the combined army
at a distance of three miles. In three days' march they reached
the wall of Media, and passed through it. This wall was 100
feet high and 20 feet broad, and was said to extend a distance
of 70 miles. Two days more brought them to the Tigris, which
they crossed on the following morning by a bridge of boats.
They then marched northward, arriving in four days at the river
Physcus and a large city called Opis. Six days' further march
through a deserted part of Media brought them to some villages
belonging to queen Parysatis, which, out of enmity to her as
the patron of Cyrus, Tissaphernes abandoned to be plundered
by the Greeks. From thence they proceeded in five days to the
river Zabatus, or Greater Zab, having previously crossed the
Lesser Zab, which Xenophon neglects to mention. In the first
of these five days they saw on the opposite side of the Tigris
a large city called C sense, the inhabitants of which brought
over provisions to them. At the Greater Zab they halted
three days. Mistrust, and even slight hostilities, had been
already manifested between the Greeks and Persians, but they
now became so serious that Clearchus demanded an interview
with Tissaphernes. The latter protested the greatest fidelity
and friendship towards the Greeks, and promised to dehver to
the Greek generals, on the following day, the calumniators who
had set the two armies at variance. But when Clearchus, with
four other generals, accompanied by some lochages, or captains,
and 200 soldiers, entered the Persian camp, according to appoint-
ment, the captains and soldiers were immediately cut down;
whilst the five generals were seized, put into irons, and sent to

428 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI.

the Persian court. After a short imprisonment, four of them
■were beheaded ; the fifth, Menon, who pretended that he had
"betrayed his colleagues into the hands of Tissaphemes, was at
first spared ; but after a year's detention was put to death with
tortures.

j This scene naturally produced a conunotion in the Persian
camp ; and the Greeks who observed it from afar, warned by one
of the companions of the generals, who camp running womided
towards them, rushed to arms in expectation of a general attack.
None, however, followed ; but Ariseus rode up at the head of
300 horse, and relating to the Greeks the fate of their generals,
called upon them to surrender.

! § 9. It seems to have been the opinion of the Persians that
under these circumstances the Greeks would feel themselves
completely helpless ; but some of the Greek officers stepped
forward and dismissed Arieeus with indignant reproaches. Yet
apprehension and dismay reigned among the Greeks. Their
situation was, indeed, appalling. They were considerably more
than a thousand miles from home, in a hostile and unknown
country, hemmed in on all sides by impassable rivers and moun-
tains, without generals, without guides, without provisions.
Despair seemed to have seized on all. Leaving their watch-
fires unlighted and their suppers uncooked, they threw them-
selves on the ground, not to sleep, but to ruminate on their
forlorn condition.* Xenophon slumbered, indeed, but his fancy
was filled with the images naturally conjured up by his desperate
situation. He dreamed that a thunderbolt had struck his pa-
ternal house, and enveloped it in flames. This partly favourable
and partly unfavourable omen indicated at all events a message
from Jove ; and the superstition which formed so marked a trait
in his character, led him to consider it as a warning to rise and
bestir himself. He immediately got up, and calling an assembly
of the captains, impressed upon them the danger of their posi-
tion, and the necessity for taking immediate precautions. Xeno-
phon, though young, possessed as an Athenian citizen some
claim, to distinction ; and his animated address showed liim
fitted for command. He was saluted general on the spot ; and
in a subsequent assembly was, with four others, formally elected
to that office.

^10. The Greeks, having first destroyed their superfluous baggage,
crossed the Greater Zab, and pursued their march on the other bank.
Tissaphemes preceded them with his host, but without daring
to dispute their passage or molest their route : though some
cavalry, under Mithridates, aimoyed the rear guard with their
missiles. In order to meet this species of attack, a small body

B.C. 401. RETREAT OF THE GREEKS. 429

of 50 horse and 200 Rhodian slingers was organized. It was
found highly useful, as the leaden bullets of the Rhodians car-
ried farther than the stones of the Persian slingers. Another
day's march brought the Greeks to the Tigris, near the deserted
city of Larissa, 7 miles in circumference, with walls 25 feet thick
and 100 feet high. Pursuing the course of the Tigris they ar-
rived on the following day at Mespila, another deserted city. It
was in this neighbourhood that Nineveh was situated, and,
according to a modem theory, the two were both formerly com-
prised under the name of Nineveh. Larissa seems to be repre-
sented by the mound now called Nimroud, and Mespila by that
of Kouyunjik, opposite the modern town of Mosul.

The march from Mespila to the mountainous country of the
Carduchi occupied several days, in which the Greeks suffered
much from the attacks of the enemy.

§ 11. Their future route was now a matter of serious per-
plexity. On their left lay the Tigris, so deep that they could
not fathom it with their spears ; while in their front rose the
steep and lofty mountains of the Carduchi, which came so near
the river as hardly to leave a passage for its waters. A Rhodian.
soldier proposed to transport the army across the Tigris by
means of inflated skins ; but the appearance of large masses of
the enemy's cavalry on the opposite bank rendered this inge-
nious scheme impracticable. As all other roads seemed barred,
they formed the resolution of striking into the^rnountains of the
Carduchi, — a tribe of fierce and warlike highlanders, who, though
surrounded on all sides by the dominions of the Persian king,
had succeeded in maintaining their independence. On the
farther side of these mountains lay Armenia, where both the
Tigris and the Euphrates might be forded near their sources.
The Greeks found the first mountain-pass undefended, and de-
scended thence into some villages; but all their attempts to
conciliate the inhabitants proved unavailing. Every pass was
disputed. Sometimes huge rocks were hurled down on the
defiling army ; sometimes they were attacked by the Carduchian
slingers and bowmen. The latter were of extraordinary skill,
and their bows and arrows of such strength as to pierce the
shields and corslets, and even the brazen helmets of the Greeks.
After a difficult and dangerous march of seven days, during
which their sufferings were far greater than any they had ex-
perienced from the Persians, the army at length emerged into the
plain, and reached the river Centrites, the boundary of Ar-
menia.

k 12. Their first attempts to cross the Centrites failed. The
cavalry of Tiribazus, satrap of Armenia, lined the opposite bank

430 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVI.

of the river, which was 200 feet broad, up to the neck in depth,
with a rapid current and shppery bottom. AH the efforts of
the Greeks to ford it proved abortive ; and as the Carduchi
were threatening their rear, their situation seemed altogether
desperate. On the following morning, however, two young men
fortunately discovered a ford about half a mile higher up the
stream, by which the whole army suceeded in getting across.
They now prosecuted their march in Armenia, and in three days
arrived at some villages situated on the river Teleboas. Here
Tiribazus proposed to them that they should proceed unmolested
through his satrapy, taking what supplies they wanted, but with-
out damaging the villages. During the first part of their march
Tiribazus kept his word, and the only annoyance they felt was
the severity of the weather. It was now the month of December,
and Armenia was cold and exposed, being a table-land raised high
above the level of the sea. Whilst halting near some well sup-
plied villages, the Greeks were overtaken by two deep falls of
snow, which almost buried them in their open bivouacs. Hence
a five days' march brought them to the eastern branch of the
Euphrates. Crossing the river, they proceeded on the other
side of it over plains covered with a deep snow, and in the face
of a biting north wind. Here many of the slaves and beasts
of burthen, and even a few of the soldiers, fell victims to the
cold. Some had their feet frost-bitten; some were blinded by
the snow ; whil# others, exhausted with cold and hunger, sunk
down and died. The army next arrived at some singular vil-
lages consisting of dwellings excavated in the earth, and entered
by means of a ladder through an opening like a well. As these
villages were plentifully stocked with cattle, com, vegetables,
and beer, they here took up their quarters for a week, in order
to refresh themselves. On the morning after their arrival, they
despatched a detachment which brought in most of the soldiers
left behind during the march. On the eighth day they pro-
ceeded on their way, ascending the banks of the Phasis, not the
celebrated river of that name, but probably the one usually called
Araxes.

M3. From thence they fought their way through the country
of the Taochi and Chalydes, both of them brave and warlike
tribes. Then, after crossing the Harpasus (the modern Tchorouk),
they reached the country of the Scythini, in whose territory they
fQund abundance in a large and populous city called Gymnias,
The chief of this place having engaged to conduct them within
sight of the Euxine, they proceeded for five days under his
guidance ; when, after ascending a mountain, the sea suddenly
burst on the view of the vanguard. The men proclaimed their

B.C. 401. ARRIVE AT TRAPEZUS, ON THE EUXINE. 481

joy by loud shouts of " The sea I the sea I" The rest of the
army hurried to the summit, and gave vent to their joy and
exultation in tears and mutual embraces. With spontaneous
impulse they erected a pile of stones, by way of trophy, to mark
the spot ; and dismissed their guide with many presents and
expressions of the warmest gratitude.

The Greeks now entered the country of the Macrones, with
whom they opened negotiations through a peltast conversant
with their language, and agreed for an unmolested passage and
the purchase of provisions. The Colchians, through whose ter-
ritory the march next lay, attempted to oppose their progress,
but were soon dispersed. The honey of this region produced a
singular effect upon the Greeks. It was grateful to the palate,
and when eaten in moderation produced a species of intoxication ;
but those who partook largely of it were seized with vomiting
and diarrhoea, and thrown into a state resembling madness.

Two days' further march at length brought them to the ob-
jects for which they had so often pined, and which many at one
time had never hoped to see again — a Grecian city and the sea.
By the inhabitants of Trapezus or Trebizond, on the Euxii||,
where they had now arrived, they were hospitably received, and
being cantoned in some Colchian villages near the town, re-
freshed themselves after the hardships they had undergone by a
repose of thirty days. They also seized this opportunity to dis-
charge the vows which they had made for a*safe deliverance,
after the capture and massacre of their generals by Tissaphemes,
by offering up sacrifices to Jove the Preserver, Hercules the Con-
ductor, and other gods. Solemn games followed and completed
these sacred ceremonies.

§ 14. The most difficult part of the return of the Ten Thou-
sand was now accomphshed, but much still remained to be done.
The sight of the sea awakened in the army a universal desire to
prosecute the remainder of their journey on that element.
*' Comrades," exclaimed a Thurian soldier, " I am weary of pack-
ing up, of marching and running, of shouldering arms and falling
into hne, of standing sentinel and fighting. For my part I
should hke to get rid of all these labours, and go home by sea
the rest of the way, so that I might arrive in Greece outstretched
and asleep, hke Ulysses of old." The shouts of applause which
greeted this address showed that the Thurian had touched the
right chord ; and when Chirisophus, one of the principal officers,
oftered to proceed to Byzantium and endeavour to procure
transports for the conveyance of the army, his proposal was joy-
fully accepted. Meanwhile, the Ten Thousand were employed
in marauding expeditions, and in collecting ail the vessels possible.

AS% HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXVL

in case Chirisophus should fail in obtaining the requisite supply.
That officer delayed to return ; provisions grew scarce, and the
army found itself compelled to evacuate Trapezus. Vessels
enough had been collected to transport the women, the sick, and
the baggage to Cerasus, whither the army proceeded by land.
Here they remained ten days, during which they were mustered
and reviewed ; when it was found that the number of hoplites
still amounted to 8600, and with peltasts, bowmen, &c., made
a total of more than 10,000 men.

From Cerasus they pursued their journey to Cotyora, through
the territories of the Mosynseci and Chalybes. They were obliged
to fight their way through the former of these people, capturing
and plundering the wooden towers in which they dwelt, and
from which they derived their name. At Cotyora they waited
in vain for Chirisophus and the transports. Many difficulties
still stood in the way of their return. The inhabitants of Sinope
represented to them that a march through Paphlagonia was im-
practicable, and the means of a passage by sea were not at
hand. After remaining 45 days at Cotyora a sufficient number
oj^vessels was collected to convey the army to Sinope. A pas-
sage of 24 hours brought them to that town, where they were
hospitably received and lodged in the neighbouring sea-port of
Armene. Here they were joined by Chirisophus, who, however,
brought with him only a single trireme. From Sinope the army
proceeded to Heraclea, and from thence to Calpe, where Chiri-
sophus died. From Calpe they marched across Bithynia to
Chrysopolis, a town immediately opposite to Byzantium, where
they spent a week in realizing the booty which they had brought
with them.

^15. The satrap Pharnabazus was desirous that the Greeks
should evacuate Asia Minor ; and, at his instance, Anaxibius,
the Lacedsemonian admiral on the station, induced them to cross
over by promising to provide them with pay when they should
have reached the other side. But instead of fulfilling his agi-ee-
ment, Anaxibius ordered them, after their arrival at Byzantium,
to proceed to the Thracian Chersonese, where the Lacedaemonian
harmost, Cyniscus, would find them pay ; and during this long
march of 150 miles they were directed to support themselves by
plundering the Thracian villages. Preparatory to the march
they were ordered to muster outside the walls of Byzantium.
But the Greeks, irritated by the deception which had been
practised on them, and which, through want of caution on the
part of Anaxibius, became known to them before they had all
quitted the town, prevented the gates from being closed, and
rushed in infuriated masses back into the city, uttering loud

B.C. 400. RETURN TO EUROPE. 488

threats and bent on plunder and havoc. The lives and property
of the citizens were at their mercy ; for at the first alarm Anaxi-
bius had retired with his troops into the citadel, whilst the
affrighted inhabitants were either barricading their houses, or
flying to the ships for refuge. In this conjuncture Xenophon
felt that the destruction of a city like Byzantium would draw
down upon the army the vengeance not merely of the Lacedae-
monians, but of all Greece. With great presence of mind, and
under colour of aiding their designs, he caused the soldiers to
form in an open square called the Thracian, and by a well-timed
speech diverted them from their designs.

Shortly afterwards, the army entered into the service of
Seuthes, a Thracian prince, who was anxious to recover his
sovereignty over three revolted tribes. But after they had ac-
complished this object, Seuthes neglected to provide the pay
which he had stipulated, or to fulfil the magnificent promises
which he had made to Xenophon personally, of giving him his
daughter in marriage, and putting him in possession of the town
of Bisanthe.

The army, now reduced to 6000, was thus again thrown in||||
difficulties, when it entered on the last phase of its checkered
career by engaging to serve the Lacedaemonians in a war which
they had just declared against the satraps Tissaphernes and
Phamabazus. Xenophon accordingly conducted his comrades to
Pergamus in Mysia, where a considerable booty fell into their
hands by the capture of a castle not far from that place. Xeno-
phon was allowed to select the choicest lots from the booty thus
acquired, as a tribute of gratitude and admiration for the ser-
vices which he had rendered.

Shortly after this adventure, in the spring of b.c. 399, Thim-
bron, the Lacedaemonian commander, arrived at Pergamus, and
the remainder of the Ten Thousand G-reeks became incorporated
with his army. Xenophon now returned to Athens, where he
must have arrived shortly after the execution of his master
Socrates. Disgusted probably by that event, he rejoined his
old comrades in Asia, and subsequently returned to Greece along
with Agesilaus, as we have already related.*

* See p. 412.

V

Choragic Monument of Lysicrates.

CHAPTER XXXra.

FROM THE COJDIENCEMENT OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE TO THE
BATTLE OF CNIDUS.

§ 1. Invasion and reduction of Elis by King Agis. §2. Ambitious pro-
jects of Lysander. § 3. He procures the throne for Agesilaus. § 4.
Character of Agesilaus. § 5. Is'ature of the Spartan empire. § 6. Af-
fairs of Asia ^Minor. § T. Agesilaus proceeds thither. § 8. Mortifies
Lysander. § 9. Campaigns of Agesilaus against Tissaphernes and
Pharnabazus. § 10. Execution of" Tissaphernes. § 11. Proceedings
of Conon. Rhodes revolts from Sparta. § 12. Agesilaus ravages the
satrapy of Pharnabazus. Interview between them. § 13. Recall of
Agesilaus. § 14. Battle of Cnidus.

B a 401. ELIS REDUCED BY KING AGIS. 435

^ 1. Resuming the thread of the narrative, we shall now briejfly
trace the history of the Spartan supremacy, which resulted from
the battle of ^gospotami, and the consequent capture of Athens,
related in the preceding book. This supremacy lasted altogether
34 years, from the victory of JEgospotami in b.c. 405 to the
defeat of Leuctra in b.c. 371. It was, however, only during the
first nine years of this period that Sparta exercised an undis-
puted sway in Greece, since the battle of Cnidus, fought in B.C.
394, deprived her of her maritime ascendency, and consequently
of much of her power.

After the fall of Athens Sparta stood without a rival in Greece.
The first use she made of her undisputed power was to take
vengeance on her neighbours the Eleans for some wrongs and
insults which she had received at their hands. It will be recol-
lected that in the year in which Alcibiades conducted the Athe-
nian theory at Olympia with so much splendour, the Eleans had
excluded the Spartans from the festival ; and moreover that they
had subsequently, in conjunction with Argos and Mantinea,
borne arms against Sparta. To these causes of offence a fresh
insult had been recently added, by the exclusion of King Agis
from the temple of Olympia, whither he had gone to offer sa-
crifice and consult the oracle. The Spartans also viewed with
dislike and suspicion the democratical form of government esta-.
blished in Elis. Accordingly, they now demanded that the
Eleans should make good their quota of the expenses of the
war against Athens, and also that they should relinquish their
authority over their dependent townships in the district of
Triphylia. Upon the refusal of the Eleans to comply with these
demands, King Agis entered their territory at the head of a
Lacedaemonian army m the summer of b.c. 402, but he was in-
duced to retire and disband his troops by the unfavourable omen
of an earthquake. In the following year, however, he resumed
the expedition with more success. Assisted by the allies of
Sparta, among whom even the Athenians now furnished their
contingent, he ravaged and plundered the territory of Elis, per-
formed by force the sacrifice at Olympia from which he had
been debarred, and ultimately compelled the Eleans to accept a
humiliating peace. This success placed Sparta in a more com-
manding position than she had ever before occupied ; and she took
advantage of it to root out her ancient enemies the Messenians,
some of whom had been planted by the Athenians in Naupactus,
and others in the island of Cephallenia.

§ 2. Meanwhile the overgrown wealth and power of Lysander
made him ill-satisfied to remain in the condition of a private
citizen. Stimulated by the flattery which he received from

436 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cuap. XXXVII.

every quarter, he began to contemplate setting aside the two
regal families of Pausanias and Agis, and by rendering the crown
elective, to pave the way for his own accession to it. It is to be
recollected, however, that at Sparta such a design must not be
regarded in quite the same light as in any other monarchy
Although the two chief magistrates there enjoyed the title of
Basileus, or King, they were not kings in the modern sense of the
term. They were merely hereditary magistrates, enjoying indeed
certain privileges, and exercising certain definite civil and military
functions ; but they had no share in the government, which was
carried on by the Ephors and the senate, with occasional appeals
to the public assembly ; and even in the discharge of their ap-
pointed duties they were subject to the control of the Ephors.

k 3. Aware of the influence of religion over-the Spartan mind,
Lysander, in pursuance of his scheme, endeavoured by bribery
to procure for it the sanction of the oracles of Delphi, Dodona,
and Jove Ammon in Libya. But the priests of those famous
temples proving on this occasion incorruptible, he employed his
influence in obtaining for another the sceptre which had eluded
his own grasp. About a year after his campaign in Elis, King
Agis died, leaving a son named Leotychides, about fifteen years
of age. The legitimacy of Leotychides was however doubted,
and Agis himself suspected him to be the oflspring of Alcibiades.
Agesilaus, the younger brother of Agis, but by a diflerent mo-
ther, took advantage of these doubts, and being assisted by the
powerful influence of Lysander, succeeded in setting aside Leo-
tychides and ascending the throne, b.c. 398.

k 4. Agesilaus was now forty years of age, and esteemed a
model of those virtues more peculiarly deemed Spartan. He was
obedient to the constituted authorities, emulous to excel, cou-
rageous, energetic, capable of bearing all sorts of hardship and
fatigue, simple and frugal in his mode of life. To these severer
qualities he added the popular attractions of an agreeable coun-
tenance and pleasing address. The character of Agesilaus seems,
however, to have been magnified beyond its real worth by the
indiscriminating panegyrics of his biographers, who relate of
him many trivial anecdotes with a sort of unctuous admiration ;
and though he was indisputably a good general, yet his cam-
paigns present us with little that is striking or decisive. Pre-
viously to his accession he had filled no prominent public office,
and his character consequently remained in a great measure
unknown even to Lysander himself; who erroneously considered
him to be of a yielding and manageable disposition, and hoped
by a skilful use of those qualities to extend his own influence,
and under the name of another to be in realitv king himself

B.C. 898. ACCESSION OF AGESILAUS. 437

The personal defects of Agesilaus at first stood in the way of
his promotion. He was not only low in stature, but also lame
of one leg ; and there was an ancient oracle which warned the
Spartans to beware " of a lame reign." The ingenuity of Lysan-
der, assisted probably by the popular qualities of Agesilaus,
contrived to overcome this objection by interpreting a lame
reign to mean not any bodily defect in the king, but the reign
of one who was not a genuine descendant of Hercules. Once
possessed of power, Agesilaus supplied any defect in his title by
the prudence and policy of his conduct ; and, by the marked
deference which he paid both to the Ephors and the senators,
he succeeded in gaining for himself more real power than had
been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. The very beginning
of his reign was threatened by the conspiracy of Cinadon, one
of the poorer class of citizens, but possessing all the pride of an
ancient Spartan. The conspiracy, however, was discovered, and
Cinadon and his accomplices were arrested by a stratagem of
the Ephors and put to death.

§ 5. The discontent which gave birth to this conspiracy ori-
ginated in a great measure from the altered condition of Spartan
citizens, in consequence of the extension of Spartan power and
dominion. Sparta had now stepped into the place of Athens.
In the various cities which had belonged to the Athenian em-
pire, Lysander established an ohgarchical Council of ten, called
a Decharchij^ or Decemvirate, subject to the control of a Spartan
Harmost^ or governor. The Decarchies, however, remained only
a short time in power, since the Spartan government regarded
them with jealousy as the partisans of Lysander ; but Harmosts
continued to be placed in every state subject to their empire.
The government of the Harmosts was corrupt and oppressive ;
no justice could be obtained against them by an appeal to the
Spartan authorities at home ; and the Grrecian cities soon had
cause to regret the milder and more equitable sway of Athens.

The commencement of the Spartan degeneracy and decay may
be dated from her entrance upon imperial power. Before the
victories of Lysander, iron had formed the only Spartan money.
That commander brought vast sums of gold and silver into the
public treasury, in spite of the opposition of some of the Ephors,
who regarded such a proceeding as a flagrant violation of the
ordinances of Lycurgus. Several instances of corruption re-
corded in the course of this history have, however, shown that the
Spartans were far from insensible to the love of money, and that
they contrived to gratify it even under the old system. But

* hEKogXia. \ ' kqjioaTriq., literally " one who fits or arranges."

438 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXYIL

properly regarded, an extension of the currency was rendered
necessary by the altered situation of Sparta. It would have
been impossible to maintain a large fleet and a colonial empire
without the requisite funds ; and how, for instance, could a re-
venue of 1000 talents, which Sparta levied from the subject
states, have been represented in iron money ? Whether Sparta
had now entered on a career to which the national genius was
suited is another question ; and it would not perhaps be diffi-
cult to show that in grasping the splendid prize of empire, she
lost those homely virtues which previously formed her chief dis-
tinction, and for which her children were naturally most fitted.
It is at all events certain that the influx of wealth caused a
great alteration in her internal condition. It was only the
leading men who were enabled to enrich themselves by foreign
commands or at the expense of the public treasury. Hence arose
a still more marked distinction between the higher class of citizens,
called Peers, and the lower, called the Equals or the Inferiors.*
The latter, though nominally in the enjoyment of equal privileges,
were no longer able, in consequence of the altered scale of living,
to bear their share at the Syssitia, or pubhc tables, and thus
sank into a degraded and discontented class, in which Cinadon
found the materials of his sedition.

^ 6. The affairs of Asia Minor soon began to draw the atten-
tion of Agesilaus to that quarter. The assistance lent to Cyrus
by the Spartans was no secret at the Persian court, and Tissa-
phernes, who had been rewarded for his fidelity with the satrapy
of Cyrus in addition to his own, no sooner returned to his go-
vernment than he attacked the Ionian cities, then under the
protection of Sparta. A considerable Lacedaemonian force under
Thimbron was despatched to their assistance, and which, as
related in the preceding chapter, was joined by the remnant of
the Greeks who had served under Cyrus. Thimbron, however,
proved so inefficient a commander, that he w^as superseded appa-
rently at the end of 399 or beginning of 398 b.c , and Dercylidas
appointed in his place, a man who from his cunning and re-
sources had acquired the name of Sisyphus. On assuming the
command, Dercyllidas concJuded a truce with Tissaphernes, in
order that he might direct his whole force against Pharnabazus,
from whom he had received a personal injury. He overran the
greater part of ^olis with great rapidity, reducing nine towns
in eight days, and took up his winter quarters in Bithynia.
Early in the ensuing spring he proceeded into Thrace, where he
built a wall across the Chersonese, to protect the Grecian colo-

* See p. 62.

B.C. 397. WAR m ASIA MINOR. 439

nies from the attacks of the barbarians of the interior. On his
return to Asia he received orders from the Ephors to attack
Tissaphernes in Caria, whilst the Lacedaemonian fleet under
Pharax co-operated with him on the coast. But here the Per-
sians appeared in such force, the two satraps having united their
armies, that he was able to effect but little ; and being surprised
in an unfavorable position would himself have suffered severely
but for the tmiidity of Tissaphernes, who was afraid to venture
upon an action. Under these circumstances an armistice was
agi'eed to for the purpose of treating for a peace. Dercylhdas de-
manded on the part of the Spartans the complete independence
of the Grecian cities in Asia : the Persians on their side required
the Lacedaemonians to withdraw their army from Asia as well as
their various harmosts, or governors.

This ai-mistice took place in 397 B.C. Pharnabasus availed
himself of it to make active preparations for a renewal of the
war. He obtained large reinforcements of Persian troops, and
began to organize a fleet in Phcenicia and Cilicia. This was
to be intrusted to the Athenian admiral Conon, of whom we now
first hear again after a lapse of seven years since his defeat at
iEgospotami. After that disastrous battle, Conon fled with 9
triremes to C}^rus, where he was now living under the protec-
tion of Evagoras, prince of Salamis. At the instance of Pharna-
bazus, seconded by Evagoras, Conon consented to accept the
command of the Persian fleet, which was to be raised to the
number of 300 vessels.

^ 7 . It was the news of these extensive preparations that in-
duced Agesilaus, on the suggestion of Lysander, to volunteer his
ser^-ices against the Persians. He proposed to take wath him
only 30 full Spartan citizens, or peers, to act as a sort of council,
together with 2000 Neodamiodes, or enfranchised Helots, and
6000 hopHtes of the allies. But Thebes, Corinth, and Athens
refused on different pleas to join the expedition. Lysander in-
tended to be the leader of the 30 Spartans, and expected through
them to be the \drtual commander of the expedition of which
Agesilaus was nominally the head.

Since the time of Agamemnon no Grecian king had led an
army into Asia ; and Agesilaus studiously availed himself of the
prestige of that precedent iii order to attract recruits to his
standard. The Spartan kings claimed to iiilierit the sceptre of
Agamemnon; and to render the parallel more complete, Age-
silaus proceeded with, a division of his fleet to Aulis, intending
there to imitate the memorable sacrifice of the Homeric hero.
But as he had neglected to ask the permission of the Thebans,
and conducted the sacrifice and solemnities by means of his

440 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXVII.

own prophets and ministers, and in a manner at variance wdth
the usual rites of the temple, the Thebans were offended, and
expelled him by armed Ibrce : — an msult which he never
forgave.

§ 8. It was in 396 b.c. that Agesilaus arrived at Ephesus, and
took the command in Asia. He demanded the same conditions
of peace as those previously made by Dercyllidas ; and in order
that there might be time to commimicate with the Persian court,
the armistice was renewed for three months. During this in-
terval of repose, Lysander, by his arrogance and pretensions,
offended both Agesilaus and the Thirty Spartans. Agesilaus,
determined to uphold his dignity, subjected Lysander to so
many humiliations that he was at last fain to request his dis-
missal from Ephesus, and was accordingly sent to the Hellespont,
where he did good service to the Spartan interests.

§ 9. Meanwliile Tissaphernes, having received large rein-
forcements, sent a message to Agesilaus before the armistice
had expired, ordering him to quit Asia. Agesilaus replied by
saying that he thanked the satrap for perjuring himself so
flagrantly as to set the gods against him, and immediately made
preparations as if he would attack Tissaphames in Caria ; but
having thus put the enemy on a false scent, he suddenly turned
northwards into Phrj^gia, the satrapy of Phamabazus, and marched
without opposition to the neighbourhood of Dascylium, the re-
sidence of the satrap himself. Here, however, he was repulsed
hy the Persian cavalry ; and the sacrifices proving unfavourable
for an advance, Agesilaus gave orders to retreat. He now pro-
ceeded into winter quarters at Ephesus, where he employed him-
self in organizing a body of cavalry to compete with the Persians.
A conscription was accordingly made of the richest Greeks in
the various towns, who, however, were allowed if they pleased
to provide substitutes. By these and other energetic exertions,
which during the winter gave to Ephesus the appearance of one
vast arsenal, the army was brought into excellent condition ; and
Agesilaus gave out early in the spring of 395 b.c. that he should
inarch direct upon Sardis. Tissaphernes, suspecting another
feint, now dispersed his cavalry in the plain of the Mseander.
But this time Agesilaus marched as he had announced, and in
tliree days arrived unopposed on the banks of the Pactolus, be-
fore the Persian cavalry could be recalled. When they at last
came up, the newly-raised Grecian horse, assisted by the peltasts,
and some of the younger and more active hoplites, soon succeeded
in putting them to flight. Many of the Persians were drowned
in the Pactolus, and their camp, containing much booty and
Beveral camels, was taken.

B.C. 396. AGESILAUS IN ASIA. 441

§ 10. Agesilaus now pushed his ravages up to the very gates
of Sardis, the residence of Tissaphernes. But the career of that
timid and treacherous satrap was drawing to a close. The
queen-mother, Parysatis, who had succeeded in regaining her
influence over Artaxerxes, making a pretext of the disasters
which had attended the arms of Tissaphernes, but in reality -to
avenge the part which he had taken against her son Cyrus,
caused an order to be sent down from Susa for his execution ; in
pursuance of which he was seized in a bath at Colossae, and be-
headed. Tithraustes, who had been intrusted with the execution
of this order, succeeded Tissaphernes in the satrapy, and imme-
diately reopened negotiations with Agesilaus ; proposing that if
he quitted Asia the Greek cities there should enjoy their in-
dependence, with the sole exception of paying to Persia the tri-
bute originally imposed upon them. Agesilaus replied that he
could decide nothing without consulting the authorities at home.
For this purpose an armistice o{ six months was concluded ; and
meanwhile Tithraustes, by a subsidy of 30 talents, induced Age-
silaus to move out of his satrapy into that of Pharnabazus.

^11. During this march into Phrygia Agesilaus received a new
commission from home, appointing him the head of the naval as
well as of the land force — two commands never before united
in a single Spartan. For the first time since the battle of
.iEgospotami the naval supremacy of Sparta was threatened.
Conon, with a fleet of 40 triremes, occupied the port of Caunus,
on the confines of C aria and Lycia, and was there blockaded by a
Lacedaemonian fleet of 120 triremes under Pharax; but a re-
inforcement of 40 more ships having come to the aid of Conon,
Pharax raised the blockade and retired to Rhodes. Here the
first symptoms appeared of the detestation in which the Spartan
government was held. The inhabitants rose, compelled the Spar-
tan fleet to leave the island, and put themselves under the pro-
tection of Conon, who now sailed thither.

§12. Agesilaus, having despatched orders to the Lacedaemonian
maritime dependencies to prepare a new fleet of 120 triremes
against the following year, and having appointed his brother-
in-law, Pisander, to the command of it, marched himself into the
satrapy of Pharnabazus. He passed the winter in the neighbour-
hood of Dascylium, the rich and fertile country about which
afforded comfortable quarters and abundant plunder to the
Grecian army.

Towards the close of the winter a Greek of Cyzicus, named
Apollophanes, brought about an interview beteen Agesilaus and
Pharnabazus. Agesilaus, with the Thirty, having arrived first at
the appointed place, sat down without ceremony on the grass.

442 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XX XVI I.

When the Satrap came, accompanied with all the luxury of ori-
ental pomp, his attendants prepared to spread some rich carpets
for him ; but Pharnabazus, observing how the Spartans were
seated, was ashamed to avail himself of such luxuries, and sat
down on the grass by the side of Agesilaus. After mutual
salutes, Pharnabazus began to reproach the Greeks with their
treatment of one who had always been their faithful ally. " You
have reduced me so low," he observed, "that I have scarcely a
dinner except from your leavings. My residences, my parks and
hunting-grounds, the charm of my life, are all burnt or destroyed.
Pray tell me if this is gratitude." The Spartans seemed struck
with shame ; and Agesilaus, after a long pause, remarked in
apology that their war with the Persian king compelled them to
act as they had done ; that towards himself personally they had
the most friendly feelings, and invited him to join their alliance,
when they would support hun in independence of the Persian
king. The reply of Pharnabazus was characterized by a noble
frankness. "If the king," he said, "should deprive me of my
command, I would willmgly become your ally ; but so long as I
am intrusted with the supreme power, expect from me nothing
but war." Agesilaus was touched with the satrap's magnanimity.
Taking him by the hand, he observed, " Would to Heaven that
with such noble sentiments it were possible for you to be our
friend. But at all events I will at once quit your territory, and
never again molest you or your property so long as there are
other Persians against whom to turn my anncis."

§ 13. In pursuance of this promise Agesilaus now entered the
plains of Thebe, near the gulf of Elseus ; but whilst he was here
preparing an expedition on a grand scale into the interior of
Asia Minor, he was suddenly recalled home (b.c. 394) to avert
the dangers which threatened his native country.

Meanwhile Conon, who had remained almost inactive since the
revolt of Rhodes, proceeded in person to Babylon, and succeeded
in obtauiing a considerable simi of money from Aitaxerxes. He
shared his command with Pharnabazus, and by their joint exer-
tions a powerful fleet, partly Phoenician and partly G-recian, was
speedily equipped, superior m number to that of the Lacedae-
monians under Pisander. About the month of July Conon
proceeded to the peninsula of Cnidus, m Caria, and offered
Pisandar battle. Though inferior in strength, Pisander did
not shrink from the encounter. Being abandoned, however,
by his Asiastic allies, he was soon overpowered by numbers,
and fell gallantly fighting to the last. More than half the Lace-
daemonian fleet was either captured or destroyed. This event
occurred about the beginning of August b.c. 394.

^■;ew of Corinth and the Acrocorinthus.

CHAPTER XXXVIIL

THE CORINTHIAN WAR. FROM THE BATTLE OF CNIDUS TO THE
PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS.

§ 1. Mission of Timocrates to the Grecian cities, § 2. Hostilities between
Sparta and Thebes. § 3. The Athenians join the Thebans. Defeat
and death of Lysander. Retreat of Pausanias. § 4. League against
Sparta. Battle of Corinth. § 5. Homeward march of Agesilans.
§ 6. Battle of Coronea. § Y. Loss of the Spartan maritime empire.
§ 8. Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens. § 9, Civil dissensions at
Corinth. § 10. Campaign of Agesilaus in the Corinthian territory.
§ 11. New system of tactics introduced by Iphicrates. Destruction
of a Spartan onora by his light-armed troops. § 12. Negotiations of
Antalcidas with the Persians. Death of Conon. Defeat and death
of Thimbron. §13. Maritime war on the coast of Asia. Revolt of
Rhodes. Thrasybulus appointed Athenian commander. His death
at Aspendus. Anaxibius defeated by Iphicrates at the Hellespont.
§ 14. War between Athens and ^gina. Teleutias surprises the Piraeus.
§ 15. Peace of Antalcidas. § 16. Its character.

k 1. The jealousy and ill-will with which the newly acquired
empire of the Spartans was regarded by the other Grecian states
had not escaped the notice of the Persians ; and when Tithraustes
succeeded to the satrapy of Tissaphernes he resolved to avail
himself of this feeling by exciting a war against Sparta in the
heart of Greece itself With this view he despatched one Timo-
crates, a Rhodian, to the leading Grecian cities which appeared

444 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXVIII.

hostile to Sparta, carrying with him a sum of 50 talents to be
distributed among the chief men in each for the purpose of
bringing them over to the views of Persia. This transaction,
however, is scarcely to be viewed in the light of a private bribe,
but rather as a sum publicly advanced for a specific purpose.
Timocrates was successful in Thebes, Corinth, and Argos ; but
he appears not to have visited Athens.

§ 2. Hostilities were at first confined to Sparta and Thebes.
A quarrel having arisen between the Opuntian Locrians and the
Phocians respecting a strip of border land, the former people
appealed to the Thebans, who invaded Phocis. The Phocians on
their side invoked the aid of the Lacedaemonians, who elated
with the prosperous state of their affairs in Asia, and moreover
desirous of avenging the affronts they had received from the
Thebans, readily listened to the appeal. Lysander, who took an
active part in promoting the war, was directed to attack the
town of Haliartus, having first augmented the small force which
he took with him by contingents levied among the tribes of
Mount CEta ; and it was arranged that King Pausanias should
join him on a fixed day under the walls of that town, with
the main body of the Lacedaemonians and their Peloponnesian
allies,

^ 3. Nothing could more strikingly denote the altered state
of feeling in G-reece than the request for assistance which the
Thebans, thus menaced, made to their ancient enemies and rivals
the Athenians ; even offering, as an inducement, to assist them
in recovering their lost empire. Nor were the Athenians back-
ward in responding to the appeal Disunion, however, prevailed
among the Boeotians themselves ; and Orchomenus, the second
city in importance in their confederacy, revolted at the approach
of Lysander, and joined the Lacedaemonians. That commander,
after ravaging the country round Lebadea, proceeded according
to agreement to Haliartus, though he had as yet received no
tidings of Pausanias. Here, in a sally made by the citizens,
opportunely supported by the unexpected arrival of a body of
Thebans, the army of Lysander was routed, and himself slain :
and though his troops, favoured by some rugged ground in their
rear, succeeded in rallying and repulsing their assailants, yet, dis-
heartened by the severe loss which they had suffered, and by the
death of their general, they disbanded and dispersed themselves
in the night time. Thus when Pausanias at last came up, he
found no army to unite with ; and as an imposing Athenian
force had arrived, he now, with the advice of his council, took
the humiliating step — always deemed a confession of inferiority —
of requesting a truce in order to burj^ the dead who had fallen

B.C. 894. BATTLE OF CORINTH. 445

in the preceding battle. Even this, however, the Thebans would
not grant except on the condition that the Lacedaemonians
should immediately quit their territory, "With these terms Pau-
sanias was forced to comply ; and after duly interring the bodies
of Lysander and his fallen comrades, the Lacedaemonians deject-
edly pursued their homeward march, followed by the Thebans,
who manifested by repeated insults, and even by blows admin-
istered to stragglers, the insolence inspired by their success. Pau-
sanias, afraid to face the public indignation of the Spartans,
took refuge in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea ;; and being
condemned to death in his absence, only escaped that fate by
remaining in the sanctuary. He was succeeded by his son
Agesipolis.

§ 4. The enemies of Sparta took fresh courage from this dis-
aster to her arms. Athens, Corinth, and Argos now formed with
Thebes a solemn alliance against her. The league was soon joined
by the Euboeans, the Acarnanians, the Ozolian Locrians, the Am-
braciots, the Leucadians, and the Chalcidians of Thrace. In the
spring of 394 b.c. the allies assembled at Corinth, and the war,
which had been hitherto regarded as merely Boeotian, was now
called the Corinthian, by which name it is known in history. This
threatening aspect of affairs determined the Ephors to recall
Agesilaus, as related in the preceding chapter.

The allies were soon in a condition to take the field with a
force of 24,000 hoplites, of whom one-fourth were Athenians,
together with a considerable body of light troops and cavalry.
The Lacedaemonians, under the conduct of Aristodemus, had
also made the most active preparations. The exact amount of
their force is not known, but it was in all probability consi-
derably inferior to that of the allies. The latter were full of
confidence, and the Corinthian Timolaus proposed marching
straight upon Sparta, in order, as he expressed it, to burn the
wasps in their nest before they came forth to sting. This bold,
but perhaps judicious advice, was, however, anticipated by the
unwonted activity of the Lacedaemonians, who had already
crossed their border, and, advancing by Tegea and Mantinea,
had taken up a position at Sicyon. The allies, who had pro-
ceeded as far as Nemea, now fell back upon Corinth, and en-
camped on some rugged ground in the neighbourhood of the city.
Here a battle ensued, in which the Lacedaemonians gained the
victory, though their allied troops were put to the rout. Of the
Spartans themselves only 8 men fell ; but of their allies 1100
perished, and of the confederates as many as 2800. This battle,
called the battle of Corinth, was fought apparently about the
same time as that of Cnidus, in July 394 b.c.

446 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXYIIT.

^ 5. Agesilaus, who had relinquished with a heavy heart his
projected expedition into Asia, was now on his homeward march.
By the promise of rewards at Sestus in the Chersonese, he had
persuaded the bravest and most efficient soldiers in his army to
accompany him, amongst whom were many of the Ten Thousand,
with Xenophon at their head. The route of Agesilaus was much
the same as the one formerly traversed by Xerxes, and the camels
which accom.panied the army gave it somewhat of an oriental
aspect. At Amphipolis he received the news of the victory at
Corinth ; but his heart was so full of schemes against Persia,
that the feehng which it awakened in his bosom was rather one
of regret that so many Greeks had fallen, whose united efforts
might have emancipated Asia Minor, than of joy at the success
of his countrymen. Having forced his way through a desultory
opposition offered by the Thessalian cavalry, he crossed Mount
Othrys, and marched unopposed the rest of the way through the
straits of Thermopylae to the frontiers of Phocis and Boeotia.
Here the evil tidings reached liim — foreshadowed according to
ancient superstition by an eclipse of the sun (14 Aug. 394 B.C.) —
of the defeat and death of his brother-in-law, Pisander, at Cnidus.
Fearing the impression which such sad news might produce upon
his men, he gave out that the Lacedaemonian fleet had gained a
victory, though Pisander had perished ; and, having offered sacri-
fice as if for a victory, he ordered an advance.

§ 6. Agesilaus soon came up with the confederate army, which
had prepared to oppose him in the plain of Coronea. The hostile
forces approached each other slowly and in silence, till within
about a furlong, when the Thebans raised the psean, and charged
at a running pace. They succeeded in driving in the Orchome-
nians, who formed the left wing of the army of Agesilaus, and
penetrated as far as the baggage in the rear. But on the re-
mainder of the line Agesilaus was victorious, and the Thebans
now saw themselves cut off from their companions, who had
retreated and taken up a position on Mount Helicon. Facing
about and forming in deep and compact order, the Thebans
sought to rejoin the miain body, but they were opposed by Age-
silaus and his troops. The shock of the conflicting masses which
ensued was one of the most terrible recorded in the annals of
Grecian warfare. The shields of the foremost ranks were shat-
tered, their spears broken, so that daggers became the only
available arm. The regular war-shout was suppressed, but the
silence was occasionally broken by deep and furious exclamations.
Agesilaus, who was in the front ranks, unequal by his size and
strength to sustain so furious an onset, was flung down, trodden
on, and covered with wounds ; but the devoted courage of the

B.C. 894. BATTLE OF CORONEA. 44*7

50 Spartans forming his body-guard rescued him from death.
The Thebans finally forced their way through, but not without
severe loss. The victory of Agesilaus was not very decisive ;
but the Thebans tacitly acknowledged their defeat by soliciting
the customary truce for the burial of their dead.

After the battle Agesilaus visited Delphi, where he dedicated
to Apollo a tithe, valued at the large sum of 100 talents, of the
booty which he had acquired during his Asiatic campaigns. He
then returned to Sparta, where he was received with the most
hvely demonstrations of gratitude and esteem, and became hence-
forwards the sole director of Spartan policy.

§ 7. Thus in less than two months the Lacedsemonians had
fought two battles on land, and one at sea ; namely, those of
Corinth, Coronea, and Cnidus. But, though they had been vic-
torious in the land engagements, they were so little decisive as
to lead to no important result ; whilst their defeat at Cnidus
produced the most disastrous consequences. It was followed by
the loss of nearly all their maritime empire, even faster than they
had acquired it after the battle of ./Egospotami. For as Conon
and Pharnabazus sailed with their victorious fleet from island
to island, and from port to port, their approach was everywhere
the signal for the flight or expulsion of the Spartan harmosts.
Abydus formed the only exception to this universal surrender.
Fortunately for Sparta the able and experienced Dercyllidas was
then harraost in that city, and by his activity and courage he
succeeded m preserving not only Abydus, but also the opposite
Chersonese from the grasp of Pharnabazus.

§ 8. In the spring of the following year, B.C. 393, Conon and
Pharnabazus sailed from the Hellespont with a powerful fleet,
and, after visiting Melos and several of the Cyclades, directed
their course to the Peloponnesus. After ravaging the coast of
Laconia at several points, and taking the island of Cythera,
where they established an Athenian garrison, they sailed to the
isthmus of Corinth, then occupied as a central post by the allies.
The appearance of a Persian fleet in the Saronic gulf was a
strange sight to Grecian eyes, and one which might have served
as a severe comment on the eflect of their suicidal wars. Phar-
nabazus assured the allies of his support, and gave earnest of it
by advancing to them a considerable sum of money. Conon
dexterously availed himself of the hatred of Pharnabazus towards
Sparta to procure a boon for his native city. As the satrap was
on the point of proceeding homewards Conon obtained leave to
employ the seamen in rebuilding the fortifications of Piraeus and
the long walls of Athens. Pharnabazus also granted a large sum
for the same purpose ; and Conon had thus the glory of appear-

448

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XXXYHI.

ing, like a second Themistocles, the deliverer and restorer of liis
country. By a singular revolution of fortune, the Thebans, who
had most rejoiced at the fall of Athens, as well as the Persians,
who had subsidized Sparta to destroy the city, now gave their
funds and labour to restore it. Before the end of autumn the walls
were rebuilt. Athens seemed now restored, if not to power, at
least to independence ; and if she reflected but the shadow of her
former greatness, she was at least raised up from the depths of
her degradation. Having thus, as it were, founded Athens a
second time, Conon sailed to the islands to lay again the founda-
tions of an Athenian maritime empire.

§ 9. During the remamder of this and the whole of the follow-
ing year (b.c. 392), the war was carried on in the Corinthian
territory. The Onean mountains, which extend across the Isth-
mus south of its narrowest part, afford an excellent line of
defence against an invaduig army. Through these mountains
there are only three passes, one by the Saronic gulf close to
Cenchreae, a second through a ra\dne at the eastern side of the
Acrocormthus or citadel of Corinth, and a third along the
narrow strip of land which lies between the western foot of the
Acrocorinthus and the Corintliian gulf. The two former of
these passes could easily be defended by a resolute body of
troops against superior numbers ; and the third was completely
protected by two long walls rumiing down from Corinth to
Lechseum, the port of the cit}' upon the Corinthian gulf Corinth

Plan of Corinth.

A. Acrocorinthns.

B. Corinth.

C. LechaBum.
I, 1. Long W.IU.

B.C. 892. THE CORINTHIAN WAR. 449

and the passes of the Onean mountains were now occupied by
the allied troops ; but while the aUies themselves suffered httle
or nothing, the whole brunt of the war fell upon Corinth. The
Spartans took up their head-quarters at Sicyon, whence they
ravaged the fertile Corinthian plain upon the coast. The wealthy
Corinthian proprietors suffered so much from the devastation of
their lands, that many of them became anxious to renew their
old alliance with Sparta. A large number of the other Co-
rinthians participated in these feelings, and the leadmg men in
power, who were violently opposed to Sparta, became so alarmed
at the wide-spread disaffection among the citizens, that they in-
troduced a body of Argives mto the city during the celebration
of the festival of the Eucleia, and miassacred numbers of the
opposite party in the market-place and in the theatre. The go-
vernment now formed such a close union with Argos, that even
the boundary marks between the two states were removed, and
the very name of Corinth was changed to that of Argos. But
the aristocratical party at Corinth, which was still numerous,
contrived to admit Praxitas, the Lacedaemonian commander at
Sicyon, withm the long walls wliich connected Corinth with
Lechseum. In the space between the walls, which was of con-
siderable breadth, and about a mile and a half in length, a battle
took place between the Lacedaemonians and the Corinthians,
who had marched out of the city to dislodge them. The Co-
rinthians, however, were defeated, and this victory was followed
by the demolition of a considerable part of the long walls by
Praxitas. The Lacedaemonians now marched across the Isthmus,
and captured Sidus and Crommyon. These events happened in
B.C. 392.

MO. The breach effected in the long walls of Corinth excited
great alarm at Athens, as it opened a secure passage to the Lace-
daemonians into Attica and Boeotia. Accordingly the Athenians
moved in great force to Corinth, with carpenters and other ne-
cessary workmen ; and with this assistance the Corinthians soon
restored the breach. In the summer of b.c. 391, this step was,
however, rendered useless in consequence of Agesilaus, assisted
by the Laecdaemonian fleet under his brother Teleutias, having
obtained possession not only of the long walls, but also of the
port of Lechaeum itself. Agesilaus followed up his success by
marching into the rocky peninsula between the bay of Lechaeum
and the Alcyonian sea, from which Corinth derived both support
and assistance. The two principal places in this district, Piraeum
and (Enoe, together with large booty and many captives, fell into
his hands. Corinth was now surrounded on every side ; and the
T-iebans were thrown into such alarm that they sent envoys to

450 HISTORY OF GREECR Chap. XXXMU.

Agesilaus to treat of peace. Agesilaus had never forgiven the
Thebans for having interrupted his sacrifice at Auhs : and he
now seized the opportunity of gratif^-iug his spite agaiQst them.
Accordingly, when they were introduced into his presence, he
treated them \%ith the most marked contempt, and afiected not
to notice them. But a retributive Xemesis was at hand. As
Agesilaus sat in a pavihon on the banks of a lake which adjoined
the sacred grove of Hera, feasting his eyes with the spectacle of
a long train of captives, paraded under the guard of Lacedaemo-
nian hoplites, a man galloped up on a foaming horse, and ac-
quainted him -^"ith a disaster more novel and more astoimding
than any that had ever yet befallen the Spartan arms. This was
nothing less than the destruction of a whole Lacedaemonian
mora, or battahon, by the light- armed mercenaries of the Athe-
nian Iphicrates,

§ 11. For the preceding two years Iphicrates had commanded
a body of mercenaries, consisting of peltasts,=* who had been
first organised by Conon after rebuilding the walls of Athens.
For this force Iphicrates introduced those improved arms and
tactics which form an epoch in the Grecian art of war. His
object was to combine as far as possible the pecuhar advantages
of the hophtes and light-armed troops. He substituted a linen
corslet for the coat of mail worn by the hophtes, and lessened
the shield, while he rendered the hght javelin and short sword
of the peltasts more eiiective by lengthening them both one-half
These troops soon proved very effective. At their head Iphi-
crates attacked and defeated the Phhasians, gamed a victor}' near
Sicyon, and inflicted such loss upon the Arcadian hophtes that
they were afraid to meet his peltasts in the field. He now ven-
tured upon a bolder exploit.

A body of Amycleean hoplites had obtained leave to celebrate
the festival of the Hyacinthia in their native cit}' ; and a Lace-
daemonian mora, 600 strong, was appointed to escort them till
they should be considered out of reach of attack. Iphicrates,
who was in Corinth Tvith his peltasts, sufiered the Amy else elus
and their escort to pass unmolested; but on the return of the
Lacedaemonians he saUied forth with inconceivable hardihood, and
attacked them in flank and rear. So many fell mider the darts
and arrows of the peltasts that the Lacedaemonian captain called
a halt, and ordered the yoimgest and most active of his hophtes
to rush for^-ard and drive ofi' the assailants. But their hea^-y
arms rendered them quite unequal to such a mode of fighting ;
nor did the Lacedcemonian cavalry, which now came up, but

* So called from the pelta, or kind of shield -vrhich they carried.

B.C. 391. VICTORY OF IPHICRATES. 451

which acted with very Httle vigour and courage, produce any-
better effect. At length the Lacedsemonians succeeded m reach-
ing an eminence, where they endeavoured to make a stand ; but
at this moment CaUias arrived with some Athenian hophtes
from Corinth, whereupon the already disheartened Lacedsemo-
nians broke and fled in confusion, pursued by the peltasts, who
committed such havoc, chasing and killing some of them even
in the sea, that but veiy few of the whole body succeeded in
reaching Lechseum. ^

The news of this defeat produced a great change in the con-
duct of the Theban envoys then with Agesilaus. They did not
say another word about peace, but merely asked permission to
communicate with their countrymen at Corinth. Agesilaus, per-
ceiving their altered sentiments, and taking them with him,
marched on the following day with his whole force to Corinth,
where he defied the garrison to come out to battle. But Iphi-
crates was too prudent to hazard his recently achieved success ;
and Agesilaus marched back to Sparta as it were by stealth,
avoiding all those places where the inhabitants, though allies,
were likely to show their satisfaction at the disgi-ace of the Spar-
tan arms. No sooner was he departed than Iphicrates sallied
forth from Corinth and retook Sidus, Crommyon, Piraeum, and
CEnoe, thus liberatmg all the northern and eastern territory of
Corinth. But, in spite of his mihtary abilities and great services,
the domineering character of Iphicrates had rendered him so
unpopular at Corinth, that the Athenians were obliged to recall
him, and appoint Chabrias in his place.

§ 12. Meantime important events had taken place hi connexion
with the maritime war. The successes of Conon had inspired
the Lacedsemonians with such alarm that they resolved to spare
no efforts to regain the goodwill of the Persians. With this
view they sent Antalcidas, an able politician trained in the
school of Lysander, to negotiate with Tiribazus, who had suc-
ceeded Tithraustes in the satrapy of Ionia, in order to bring
about a general peace under the mediation of Persia. His nego-
tiations, however, though supported by the influence of Tiri-
bazus, at present proved unsuccessful. Conon, and the other
representatives of the allies in Asia, rejected with indignation
the proposal of Antalcidas to abandon the Grecian cities in Asia
to Persia ; nor was the court of Susa itself as yet disposed to
entertain any amicable relations with Sparta. Tiribazus, how-
ever, covertly supplied the Lacedsemonians with money for the
purposes of their fleet, and, by a gross breach of public faith,
caused Conon to be seized and detained, under the pretence that
he was acting contraiy to the interests of the Great King. This

452 HISTORY OF GREECH Ch^lp. XXX^TIL

event proved the end of Conon's public life. Accoiding to one
account the Persians caused him to be put to death in. prison ;
but it seems more probable that he escaped and again took
refuge vdih Evagoras in Cyprus. Be this, however, as it may,
the public labours of one of the most useful, if not one of the
greatest, of Athenian citizens, were now brouorht to a close : a
man from whose hands his coimtry reaped nothiog but benefit,
and to whose reputation history seems to have done but scanty
justice. «

Struthas. who held the command ia Ionia during the absence
of Tiribazus at Susa, carried on hostilities with vigour against
the Lacedaemonians. In spite of his proved incapacit}", Thimbron
had been again intrusted with the command cf an army of SOOO
men ; but while on his march from Ephesus he was surprised
by Struthas, and suffered a complete deleat. Thimbron himseLf
was among the slain, and those of his soldiers who escaped were
compelled to take refuge in the neighbouring cities.

\^ 13. The island of Rhodes now demanded the attention of the
belligerents. The demoeratical party in this island, having ob-
tained the upper hand, had revolted from Persia ; and the Spar-
tans, fearing that they would ibrm an alliance with Athens, sent
Teleutias, the brother of Agesilaus, with a fleet to reduce the
island, although they were themselves at war with Persia, so
much greater was their fear of the Athenians than of the Per-
sians. On his way from C nidus, Teleutias fell in with and cap-
tured an Athenian squadron of 10 triremes under Philocrates,
which was proceeding to assist Evagonis in a struggle that was
impending between bim and the Persians. The news of this
reverse, as well as the great increase of the Lacedsemonian fleet,
induced the Athenians to despatch, in e.g. 3S9. a fleet of 40
triremes, mider Thrasybulus, to the coasts of Asia Minor — a feat
which betokens a considerable renovation of their naval power.
Thrasybulus flrst proceeded to the Hellespont, where he ex-
tended the Athenian alliance among the people on both sides of
the straits, persuaded or compelled Byzantiiun and other cities
to establish demoeratical governments, and reimposed the toll of
a tenth on all vessels passing from the Eusine. After this. Thra-
sybulus saded to Lesbos^ where he defeated the Lacedaemonian-
harmost, and next visited several places on the mainland, \sith
the view of raising funds for his meditated expedition to Rhodes.
But the inhabitants of Aspendus in Pamphyha. where he had
obtained some contributions, surprised his naval camp in the
night, and slew him. Thus perished the man who had dehvered
las country from the Thirt}* Tyrants. He was succeeded in his
command by AgjTrhius.

B.C. 389. TELEUTIAS SURPRISES PIR^US. 453

The success of Thrasybulus in the Hellespont created such
anxiety at Sparta that the Ephors were induced to supersede
DercyUidas, and appoint Anaxibius to the government of Aby-
dus. Anaxibius took with him a force that rendered him master
of the straits, and enabled him to intercept the merchantmen
bound to Athens and other ports belongmg to the allies. The
Athenians now despatched Iphicrates with 8 triremes and 1200
peltasts to make head against Anaxibius ; and by a well-laid
stratagem the Athenian commander succeeded in suprising
Anaxibius among the mountain-ranges of Ida, whilst on his
homeward march from Antandrus to Abydus. The troops of
Anaxibius were completely routed, and himself and twelve other
harmosts slain.

§14:. This exploit rendered the Athenians again masters of the
Hellespont. But whilst thus successful in that quarter, their
attention was attracted nearer home by the affairs of ^Egina.
After the battle of ^Egospotami, Lysander had restored to the
island as many of the ancient population as he could find ; and
they were now induced by the Lacedaemonian harmost to infest
the Athenian trade with their privateers ; so that, in the lan-
guage of Pericles, vEgina again became " the eyesore of Piraeus."
The most memorable event m this period of the war was the
surprise of Piraeus by Teleutias with a squadron of only 12 sail.
Teleutias was the most popular commander in the Lacedaemonian
fleet, and was sent by the Ephors to appease the discontent
among the Lacedaemonian seamen at ^gina, in consequence of
not receiving their pay. Teleutias plainly told them that they
had nothing to depend upon but their swords, and he bade them
prepare for an enterprise, the object of which he did not then
disclose. This was nothing less than an attack upon Piraeus ;
an enterprise which it seemed almost insane to attempt with a
force of only 12 triremes. But Teleutias reckoned on taking the
Athenians by surprise. Gluitting the harbour of iEgina at night-
fall, and rowing along leisurely and in silence, Teleutias found
himself at daybreak within half a mile of Piraeus, and when it
was fully light he steered his vessels straight into the harbour,
which was beginning to assume again some of its former com-
mercial importance. Here, as he expected, he found no pre-
parations for repelling an attack, and though the alarm was
immediately raised, he had time to inflict considerable damage
before any troops could be got together to oppose him. His
men disembarked on the quays, and carried off not only the
portable merchandise, but also the shipmasters, tradesmen, and
others whom they found there. The larger merchant ships
were boarded and plundered ; several of the smaller were towed

454 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXYIIL

off with their whole cargoes ; and even thi'ee or four triremes
met the same fate. All this booty Teleutias succeeded in can.y-
ing safely into iEgina, together with several corn-ships, and
other merchantmen which he fell m with off Sunium. The
prizes were then sold, and yielded so large a sum that Teleutias
was able to pay the seamen a month's wages.

§ 15. "VMiilst these things were passing in G-reece, Antalcidas,
conducted by Tiribazus, had repaired to the Persian court a
second time for the purpose of renewmg his negotiations for a
general peace on the same basis as he had proposed before.
This time he succeeded in \\dnning the favour of the Persian
monarch, m spite of his dislike of the Spartans generally, and
prevailed on him both to adopt the peace, and to declare war
against those who should reject it. Antalcidas and Tiribazus
again arrived on the coasts of Asia Minor in the spring of b.c.
387, not only armied with these powers, but provided with an
ample force to carry them hito execution. In addition to the
entire fleet of Persia, Dionysius of SjTacuse had placed 20 tri-
remes at the service of the Lacedsemonions ; and Ajitalcidas now
sailed with a large fleet to the Hellespont, where Iphicrates and
the Athenians were still predominant. But the overwhelming
force of Antalcidas, the largest that had been seen in. the Helles-
pont since the battle of ^gospotami, rendered all resistance
hopeless. The supphes of corn from the Euxine no longer
fomid their way to Athens ; the .^guietan privateers resumed
their depredations ; and the Athenians, depressed at once both
by what they felt and by what they anticipated, began to long
for peace. The Argives participated in the same desire ; and
as Avithout the assistance of Athens it seemed hopeless for the
other aUies to struggle against Sparta, all Greece seemed in-
clined to listen to an accommodation.

Under these circumstances deputies from the Grecian states
were siunmoned to meet Tiribazus ; who, after exhibiting to
them the royal seal of Persia, read to them the following terms
of a peace : " King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in
Asia and the islands of Clazomenee and Cyprus should belong to
him. He also tliinks it just to leave all the other Grecian cities,
both small and great, independent — except Lemnos, Imbros, and
Scyros, wdiich are to belong to Athens, as of old. Should any
parties refuse to accept this peace, I wall make war upon them,
along with those who are of the same mind, both by land and
sea, wdth ships and with money."

The deputies reported these terms to their respective govern-
ments, all of which at once accepted the peace with the exception
of the Thebans, who claimed to take the oath not in their own

B.C. 387.

PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS.

455

behalf alone, but for the Boeotian confederacy in general. But
when Agesilaus threatened the Thebans with war if they did
not comply, they consented to take the oath for their own city
alone — thus virtually renouncing their federal headship.

§ 16. This disgraceful peace, called the peace of Antalcidas,
was concluded in the year b.c. 387. By it Helles seemed pro-
strated at the feet of the barbarians ; for its very terms, engraven
on stone and set up in the sanctuaries of Greece, recognized the
Persian king as the arbiter of her destinies. Although Athens
cannot be entirely exonerated from the blame of this transac-
tion, the chief guilt rests upon Sparta, whose designs were far
deeper and more hypocritical than they appeared. Under the
specious pretext of securing the independence of the Grecian
cities, her only object was to break up the confederacies under
Athens and Thebes, and, with the assistance of Persia, to pave
the way for her own absolute dominion in Greece. Her real
aim is pithily characterized in an anecdote recorded of Agesi-
laus. When somebody remarked " Alas, for Hellas, that our
Spartans should be Medizing /" "Say rather," replied Agesi-
laus, "that the Medes are Laconizing."

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Adventures of Dionysus, from the Choragic monument of Lysicrates.

Adventures of Dionysus, from the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates,

CHAPTER XXXIX.

FROM THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS TO THE PEACE OF CALLIAS.

§ 1. Aggressions of Sparta in Bceotia. Rebuilding of Platsea. § 2.
Reduction of Mantinea. § 3. Olynthian confederation. Sparta in-
terferes. § 4. Seizure of the Cadmea at Thebes by the Lacedaemo-
nians. § 5. Reduction of Olynthus. § 6. Unpopularity of Sparta.
§ 7. Revolution at Thebes. § 8. The Lacedaemonians expelled from
the Cadmea. § 9. Their expeditions against Thebes. Alarm of the
Athenians, who ally themselves with Thebes. § 10. Reorganization
of the Athenian confederation. § 11. Preparations for war. The
Theban "Sacred Band." §12. Character of Epaminondas. §13.
Spartan invasions of Boeotia. 14. Maritime affairs. Battle of Naxos.
Success of Timotheus. § 15. Progress of the Theban arms. § 16.
The Athenians form a peace with Sparta, which is immediately
broken. Proceedings at Coi'cyra. § 17. The Lacedsemonians solicit
Persian aid. .§ 18. Congress at Sparta to treat of peace. The The-
bans are excluded from it.

^ 1 . No sooner was the peace of Antalcidas concluded than
Sparta, directed by Agesilaus, the ever-active enemy of Thebes,
exerted all her power to weaken that city. She began by pro-
claiming the independence of the various Boeotian cities, and
by organizing in each a local oligarchy, adverse to Thebes and
favourable to herself The popular feeling in these cities was
in general opposed to the Spartan dominion ; two alone, Orcho-
menus and Thespise, preferred it to that of Thebes ; and in these
the Lacedaemonians placed garrisons, and made them their main
stations in Boeotia. Even such a step as this seemed to exceed
the spirit of the treaty, which required merely the independence
of each city ; but the restoration of Platsea, now effected by the
Lacedaemonians, was an evident work of supererogation, under-
taken only to annoy and weaken Thebes, and to form a place
for another Lacedaemonian garrison. Since the destruction of

RC. 885. DESTRUCTION OF MANTINEA. 457

Plataea, most of her remaining citizens had become domiciled at
Athens, had married Athenian women, and had thus almost
forgotten their native country. These were now restored, and
their city rebuilt ; but merely that it might become a Spartan
out-post. Thebes was at present too weak to resist these en-
croacliments on her dignity and power, which even at Sparta were
regarded with dissatisfation by king Agesipolis and the more
moderate party.

§ 2. The Lacedeemonians now found themselves in a condition
to Vv^reak their vengeance on the Mantineans, by whom they
deemed themselves aggrieved. They could not, indeed, bring
any charge of positive hostility against the Mantineans ; but they
accused them of lukewarmness and equivocal fidelity ; of having
been slack in furnishing their contingents during the late war ;
and of having supplied the Argives with corn when at war with
Sparta. On these grounds a message was sent requiring the
Mantineans to raze their walls ; and as they hesitated to comply,
an army was despatched under Agesipolis to enforce obedience.
Agesipolis succeeded in taking Mantinea, which was well sup-
plied with provisions, by damming up the river Ophis which
ran through it. The inundation thus caused undermined the
walls which were built of baked bricks, and obliged the citizens
to capitulate. Much harder terms were now exacted from
them. They were required not only to demolish their fortifica-
tions but also a great part of their town, so as to restore it to
the form of five villages, out of which it had been originally
formed. Each of these villages was left unfortified, and placed
under a separate oligarchical government. About the same
time the Lacedeemonians compelled the city of Phhus to recall
a body of exiles who had been expelled on account of their at-
tachment to the interests of Sparta.

§ 3. But the attention of Sparta was soon called to more
distant regions. Olynthus, a town situated at the head of the
Toronaic gulf in the peninsula of the Macedonian Chalcidice, had
become the head of a powerful confederation, which included
several of the adjacent Grrecian cities, and among them Potidaea,
on the isthmus of Pallene. Acanthus and ApoUonia, the largest
cities after Olynthus, in the Chalcidic peninsula, had refused to
join the league ; and as they were threatened with war by Olyn-
thus, they despatched envoys to Sparta to solicit aid (b.c. 383).
The envoys gave an alarming account of the designs of Olyn-
thus : and being seconded by ambassadors from Amyntas, king
of Macedonia, the Lacedeemonians were easily persuaded to enter
upon an undertaking which harmonised with their present course
of policy. Their allies were persuaded or rather overawed into

X .

458 HISTOKY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIX.

the adoption of their views, and an array of 10,000 men was
voted. The emergency, however, was so pressing that Euda-
midas was despatched at once wdth a force of 2000 hophtes.
Marching rapidly with only a portion even of these, he arrived
in time enough to defend Acanthus and Apollonia, and even suc-
ceeded in inducing Potidsea to revolt from the league. But,
though joined by Amyntas with his forces, he was not strong
enough to take the field openly against the Olynthians.

§ 4. This expedition of the Lacedsemonians led incidentally to
an affair of much greater importance. The Thehans had entered
into an alliance with Olynthus, and had forbidden any of their
citizens to join the Lacedaemonian army destmed to act agamst
it ; but they were not strong enough to prevent its marching
through their territory. Phoebidas, the brother of Eudamidas,
was appointed to collect the troops which were not in readiness
at the time of his brother's departure, and to march with all pos-
sible speed towards Ohnthus. On his way through Bceotia he
halted A\dth his di\asion at a gj'irmasium not far fi:om Thebes ;
where he was visited by Leontiades, one of the polemarchs of
the city, and tw^o or three other leaders of the Lacedaemonian
party in Thebes. It happened that the festival of the Thes-
mophoria was on the point of being celebrated, duruig which the
Cadmea, or Theban Acropohs, was given up for the exclusive use
of the women. The opportunity seemed favourable for a sur-
prise ; and Leontiades and Phoebidas concerted a plot to seize it.
WTiilst the festival w^as celebrating, Phoebidas pretended to re-
sume his march, but only made a circuit round the city walls ;
whilst Leontiades, stealmg out of the senate, mounted his horse,
and joining the Lacedaemonian troops, conducted them towards
the Cadmea= It was a sultr}- summer's afternoon, so that the
very streets were deserted ; and Phcebidas, without encounter-
ing any opposition, seized the citadel and all the women in it, to
serve as hostages for the quiet submission of the Thebans.
Leontiades then returned to the senate, and caused his fellow
Polemarch, Ismenias, who was the head of the opposite, or pa-
triotic, part}', to be seized and imprisoned. After this blow,
300 of the leading men of his party fled to Athens for safety.
Ismenias was shortly aftei-wards brought to trial by Leontiades
before a packed court, and put to death on the ground of his
receiving money from Persia and stirring up the late war.

This treacherous act during a period of profound peace
awakened the liveliest indignation throughout Greece. Sparta
herself could not venture to justify it openly, and Phoebidas was
made the scape-goat of her affected displeasure. The Ephoi-s,
though they had secretly authorised the proceeding, now dis-

"B-C. 879. END OP THE OLYNTHIAN WAR. 469

avowed him ; and Agesilaus alone, prompted by his burning
hatred of Thebes, stood forth in his defence. The result was a
truly Laconian piece of hypocrisy. As a sort of atonement to
the violated feeling of Greece, Phcebidas was censured, fined, and
dismissed. But that this was a mere farce is evident from the
fact of his subsequent restoration to command ; and, however
indignant the Lacedsemonians affected to appear at the act of
Phoebidas, they took care to reap the fruits of it by retaining
their garrison in the Cadmea.

§ 5. The once haughty Thebes was now enrolled a member of
the Lacedaemonian alliance, and furnished her contingent — the
grateful offering of the new Theban government — for the war
which Sparta was prosecuting with redoubled vigour against
Olynthus. The troops of that city, however, especially its cav-
alry, were excellent, and the struggle was protracted for several
years. During the course of it king Agesipolis died of a fever
brought on by his exertions ; and the war, which had begun in
B.C. 383, was ultimately brought to a close by his successor,
Poly blades, in B.C. 379 : who, by closely blockading Olynthus,
deprived it of its supplies, and thus forced it to capitulate. The
Olynthian confederacy was now dissolved ; the Grecian cities be-
longing to it were compelled to join the Lacedaemonian alliance ;
whilst the maritime towns of Macedonia were again reduced
under the dominion of Amyntas. Sparta thus inflicted a great
blow upon Hellas ; for the Olynthian confederacy might have
served as a counterpoise to the growing power of Macedon, des-
tined ^on to overwhelm the rest of Greece.

About the same time as the reduction of Olynthus, Phlius
yielded to the arms of Agesilaus, who, on the complaint of the
restored exiles that they could not obtain a restitution of their
rights, had undertaken the siege of that city. A government
nominated by Agesilaus was now appointed there.

^ 6. The power of Sparta on land had now attained its greatest
height. At sea, she divided with Athens the empire of the
smaller islands, whilst the larger one seems to have been inde-
pendent of both. Her unpopularity in Greece was commen-
surate with the extent of her harshly administered dominion.
She was leagued on all sides with the enemies of Grecian free-
dom— with the Persians, with Amyntas of Macedon, and with
Dionysius of Syracuse. But she had now reached the turning-
point of her fortunes, and her successes, which had been earned
v/ithout scruple, were soon to be followed by misfortunes and
disgrace. The first blow came from Thebes, where she had per-
petrated her most signal injustice.

^ 7. That city had been for three years in the hands of

460 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXIX.

Leontiades and the Spartan party. During this time great dis-
content had grown up among the resident citizens ; and there
was also the party of exasperated exiles, who had taken refuge at
Athens. Among these exiles was Pelopidas, a young man of
birth and fortune, who had akeady distinguished himself by his
disinterested patriotism and ardent character. He applied a
great part of his wealth to the relief of his indignant fellow-
citizens, and gave such undivided attention to public affairs as
to neglect the management of his own property.

Pelopidas took the lead in the plans now formed for the libe-
ration of his country, and was the heart and soul of the enter-
prise. Rebuked by his friends on account of liis carelessness, he
replied that money was certainly useful to such as were lame
and blind. His warm and generous heart was irresistibly at-
tracted by everything great and noble ; and hence he was led to
form a close and intimate friendship with Epaminondas, who
was several years older than himself and of a still loftier cha-
racter. Their friendship is said to have originated in a cam-
paign in which they served together, when Pelopidas having
fallen in battle apparently dead, Epammondas protected his
body at the imminent risk of his own life. Pelopidas afterwards
endeavoured to persuade Epaminondas to share his riches with
him ; and when he did not succeed, he resolved to live on the
same frugal fare as his great friend. A secret correspondence
was opened with his friends at Thebes, the chief of whom were
Phyllidas, secretary to the polemarchs, and Charon. Epaminon-
das was solicited to take a part in the conspiracy ; but? though
he viewed the Lacedaemonian government with abhorrence, his
principles forbade him to paticipate in a plot which was to be
carried out by treacheiy and murder.

The dominant faction, besides the advantage of the actual
possession of power, was supported by a garrison of" 1500 Lace-
daemonians. The enterprise, therefore, was one of considerable
difficulty and danger. In the execution of it Phyllidas took a
leading part. It was arranged that he should give a supper to
Archias and Philippus, the two polemarchs, whose company was
to be secured by the allurement of an introduction to some
Theban women remarkable for their beauty. After they had
partaken freely of wine, the conspirators were to be intro-
duced, disguised as women, and to complete their work by the
assassination of the polemarchs. On the day belbre the banquet,
Pelopidas, with six other exiles, arrived at Thebes from Athens,
and, straggling through the gates towards dusk in the disguise
of rustics and huntsmen, arrived safely at the house of Charon,
where they remained concealed till the appointed hour. Before

RC. 379. LIBERATION OF THEBES. 461.

it arrived, however, a summons which Charon received to attend
the polemarchs filled the cons}3irators with the Uveliest alarm.
These magistrates, whilst enjoying the good cheer of Phyllidas,
received a vague message Irom Athens respecting some plot
formed by the exiles ; and, as Charon was known to be connected
with them, he was immediately sent for and questioned. By
the aid of Phyllidas, however, Charon contrived to lull the sus-
picions of the polemarchs, who were already half intoxicated.
Shortly after the departure of Charon another messenger arrived
from Athens with a letter for Archias, in which the whole plot
was accurately detailed. The messenger, in accordance with his
nistructions informed Archias that the letter related to matters
of serious importance. But the polemarch, completely engrossed
by the pleasures of the table, thrust the letter under the pillow
of his couch, exclaiming, " Serious matters to-morrow,"

The hour of their fate was now ripe, and the polemarchs,
flushed with wine, desired Phylhdas to introduce the women.
The conspirators, disguised with veils, and in the ample folds of
female attire, were ushered into the room. For men in the
state of the revellers the deception was complete ; but when they
attempted to lift the veils from the women, their passion was
rewarded by the mortal thrust of a dagger. After thus slaying
the two polemarchs, the consphators went to the house of Leon-
tiades, whom they found reclining after supper, whilst his wife
sat spinning by his side. Leontiades, who was strong and
courageous, immediately seized his sword and inflicted a mortal
wound on one of the conspirators, but was at length overpowered
and killed by Pelopidas. Then the conspirators proceeded to the
gaol, and, having liberated the prisoners, supplied them with
arms.

The news of the revolution soon spread abroad. Epaminondas,
whose repugnance to these proceedings attached only to their
secret and treacherous character, now appeared accompanied by
a few friends in arms. Proclamations were issued announcing
that Thebes was free, and calhng upon all citizens who valued
their liberty to muster in the market-place. As soon as day
dawned, and the citizens became aware that they were sum-
moned to vindicate their liberty, their joy and enthusiasm were
unbounded. For the first time since the seizure of their citadel
they met in public assembly ; the conspirators, being introduced,
were crowned by the priest with wreaths, and thanked in the
name of their country's gods ; whilst the assembly, with grateful
acclamation, unanimously nominated Pelopidas, Charon, and Mel-
lon as the first restored Boeotarchs.

^ 8, Meanwhile the remainder of the Theban exiles, accoin-

46*2 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIX.

panied by a body of Athenian volunteers, assembled on the
frontiers of Boeotia ; and, at the first news of the success of the
conspiracy, hastened to Thebes to complete the revolution. The
Lacedaemonian garrison sent to Thespise and Platsea for reinforce-
ments ; but these were dispersed by the Theban cavalry before
they could approach the gates. The Thebans, under their new
Boeotarchs, were already mounting to the assault of the Cadmea,
when the Lacedsemonians capitulated, and were allowed to march
out with the honours of war. But several of the Theban citizens
of the Lacedaemonian party, who had taken refuge in the citadel,
were put to death, and in some cases even their children shared
their fate. The surrender of the Cadmea seems to have been a
disgraceful derehction of duty on the part of the three com-
manding Spartan harmosts ; nor are we surprised to hear that
two of them were put to death and the third fined and banished.
§ 9. The news of this revolution gave a shock to the Lace-
daemonian power throughout Greece. At Sparta itself it occa-
sioned the greatest consternation. Although it was the depth
of winter, the allied contingents were immediately called out
and an expedition undertaken against Thebes. As Agesilaus,
being now more than sixty years of age, declined to take the
command, it was assigned to his colleague, Cleombrotus, who
penetrated as far into Boeotia as Cynoscephalse ; but, after re-
maining there sixteen days, he returned to Sparta without having
effected anything, leaving, however, a third of his army at Thes-
pise, under the command of Sphodrias. This expedition caused
great alarm at Athens. The Lacedsemonians sent envoys to
demand satisfaction for the part which the Athenians had taken
in the Theban revolution. Among those who had aided and
abetted the plot were two of the Strategi or Generals, who were
now sacrificed to the public security, one of them being con-
demned and executed, and the other, who fled before trial, sen-
tenced to banishment. The Thebans, now fearing that the
Athenians would remain quiet and leave them to contend single-
handed against the Spartans, bribed Sphodrias to invade Attica.
Accordingly Sphodrias set out from Thespise with the intention
of surprising the Piraeus by night ; but, being overtaken by day-
light whilst still on the Thriasian plain near Eleusis, he retreated,
though not without committing various acts of depredation.
This attempt excited the liveliest indignation at Athens. The
Lacedaemonian envoys, still at Athens, w^ere seized and interro-
gated, but exculpated themselves from all knowledge of the en-
terprise. Sphodrias himself was indicted for it at Sparta, but
the influence of Agesilaus procured his acquittal. His escape
■was denounced bv the unanimous voice of Greece. At Athens

B.C. 878. ALLIAKCE BETWEEN ATHENS AND THEBES. 4«&

it at once produced an alliance with Thebes, and a declaration
of war against Sparta (b.c. 378).

§ 10. From this time must be dated the sera of a new poUtical
combination in Greece. Athens strained every nerve to organ-
ize a fresh confederacy. She already possessed the nucleus of one
in a small body of maritime allies, and envoys were now sent to
the principal ports and islands in the ^gean, inviting them to
join the alliance on equal and honourable terms. Thebes did
not scruple to enrol herself as one of its earliest members. At
Athens itself the fortifications of Piraeus were completed, new
ships of war were built, and every means taken to ensure naval
supremacy. The basis on which the confederacy was formed
closely resembled that of Delos. The cities composing it were
to be independent, and to send deputies to a congress at Athens,
for the purpose of raising a common fund for the support of a
naval force. Care was taken to banish all recollections con-
nected with the former unpopularity of the Athenian empire.
The name of the tribute was no longer phoros,^ but syntaxis,f or
*' contribution ;" and all previous rights of cleruchia were formally
renounced. The confederacy, which ultimately numbered 70
cities, was chiefly organized through the exertions of Chabrias,
of Timotheus the son of Conon, and of the orator Callistratus ;
but of these Timotheus was particularly successful in procuring
accessions to the league.

§11. The first proceeding of the assembled congress was to vote
20,000 hoplites, 500 cavalry, and 200 triremes. To meet the ne-
cessary expenses, a new graduated assessment of the eisphora,t or
property tax, was instituted at Athens itself (b.c. 378) ; a species
of tax never imposed except on urgent occasions. These pro-
ceedings show the ardour with which Athens embarked in the
war. Nor were the Thebans less zealous, amongst whom the
Spartan government had left a lively feeling of antipathy. They
hastened to enrol themselves under Pelopidas and his colleagues ;
the most fertile portion of the Theban territory was surrounded
with a ditch and palisade, in order to protect it from invasion ;
the military force was put in the best training, and the famous
" Sacred Band" was now for the first time instituted. This
band was a regiment of 300 hoplites. It was supported at the
public expense, and kept constantly under arms. It was com-
posed of young and chosen citizens of the best families, and
organized in such a manner that each man had at his side a dear
and intimate friend. Its special duty was the defence of the
Cadmea.

* 06po(. -j- avvra^L^. \ elacpopd.

4»4 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XXXIX.

H 2. The Thebans had always been excellent soldiers ; but their
good fortune now gave them the greatest general that Greece had
hitherto seen. Epaminondas, who now appears conspicuously
in public life, deserves the reputation not merely of a Theban
but of a Grecian hero. Sprung from a poor but ancient family,
Epaminondas possessed all the best qualities of his nation with-
out that heaviness, either of body or of mind, which characterized
and deteriorated the Theban people. In the exercises of the
gymnasium he aimed rather at feats of skill, than of mere cor-
poreal strength. He excelled in music — a term which among
the Greeks denoted not only instrumental and vocal perform-
ance, and dancing, but also the just and rhythmical intonation
of the voice and movement of the body. To these accomplish-
ments he united the more intellectual study of philosophy.
Through the Theban Simmias, and the Tarentine Spintharus,
both of whom had been companions of Socrates, Epaminondas
imbibed the wisdom and the method of the great philosopher
of Athens ; whilst by the Pythagorean Lysis, a Tarentine exile
resident at Thebes, he was initiated into the more recondite
doctrines of the earliest of Grecian sages. By these varied com-
munications his mind was enlarged beyond the sphere of vulgar
superstition, and emancipated from that timorous interpretation
of nature, which caused even some of the leading men of those
days to behold a portent in the most ordinary phenomenon. A
still rarer accomplishment for a Theban Avas that of eloquence,
which he possessed in no ordinary degree. These intellectual
qualities were matched with moral virtues worthy to consort
with them. Though eloquent, he was discreet ; though poor, he
was neither avaricious nor corrupt ; though naturally firm and
courageous, he was averse to cruelty, violence, and bloodshed ;
though a patriot, he was a stranger to personal ambition, and
scorned the little arts by which popularity is too often courted.
Pelopidas, as we have already said, was his bosom friend. It
was natural, therefore, that when Pelopidas was named Bceo-
tarch, Epaminondas should be prominently employed in organ-
izing the means of war ; but it was not till some years later
that his military genius shone forth in its full lustre.

§ 13. The Spartans were resolved to avenge the repulse they
had received — and in the summer of b.c. 378, Agesilaus marched
with a large army into Boeotia. He succeeded in breaking
through the Theban circumvallation, and ravaged the country
up to the very gates of Thebes ; though the combined Theban
and Athenian armies — the latter under Chabrias — presented
too formidable a front for him to venture upon an engagement.
After spending a month in the BoBotian territory without

B.C. 876. BATTLE OF KAXOS. 466

striking a decisive blow, Agesilaus returned to Sparta with
the bulk of his army, leaving the rest under the command of
Phosbidas at Thespiee ; who shortly afterwards fell in a skirmish.
A second expedition undertaken by Agesilaus in the following
summer (b.c. 377) ended much in the same manner. An injury
to his leg, which he received on the homeward march, and which
was aggravated by the unskilfulness of his surgeon, disabled him
for a long time from active service ; so that the invasion in the
summer of b.c. 376 was conducted by Cleombrotus. But the
Thebans had now acquired both skill and confidence. They an-
ticipated the Lacedaemonians in seizing the passes of Cithseron;
and Cleombrotus, instead of invading Boeotia, was forced to re-
treat ingloriously.

^14. This ill-success on land determined the Lacedaemonians
to try what they could effect at sea ; and a fleet of 60 triremes
under Pollio was accordingly despatched into the ^gean. Near
Naxos they fell in with the Athenian fleet under Chabrias, who
completely defeated them, thus regaining once more for Athens
the mastery of the seas. (b.c. 376.) It was on this occasion
that young Phocion first distinguished himself. The Athenians
followed up this success by sending Timotheus, the son of
Conon, with a fleet into the western seas. Timotheus won
success as much by prudence and conciliation as by arms. The
inhabitants of Cephallenia and Corcyra, several of the tribes
of Epirus, together with the Acarnanians dwelling on the coast,
were persuaded to join the Athenian alliance. OfFAcarnania
he was attacked by the Peloponnesian fleet, which, however, he
defeated; and being subsequently reinforced by some triremes
from Corcyra, he became completely master of the seas in that
quarter.

§15. The justice and forbearance, however, which Timotheus
observed towards friends and neutrals, obliged him to draw
largely upon the Athenian treasury ; and the losses inflicted on
the Athenian commerce by the privateers of JEgina. caused the
drain to be still more seriously felt. Athens was thus compelled
to make fresh demands on the members of the confederacy ;
with which however the Thebans refused to comply, though it
was partly at their instance that the Athenian fleet had been
sent into the ^gean. This refusal was embittered by jealousy
of the rapid strides, which, owing to the diversion caused by the
maritime efforts of Athens, Thebes had recently been making.
For two years Boeotia had been free from Spartan invasion ; and
Thebes had employed this time in extending her dominion over
the neighbouring cities. One of her most important successes
during this period was the victory gained by Pelopidas near

4&6 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XXXIX.

Tegyra, a village dependent upon Orchoraenus (b.c. 375). The
Spartan harmost of Orchomenus having left that town with the
greater part of the garrison m order to make an incursion into
Locris, Pelopidas formed the project of surprising Orchomenus,
but finding it impracticable, was on his road home, when he fell
in near Tegyra with the Lacedaemonians on their return from
Locris. Pelopidas had with him only the Sacred Band and a
small body of cavalry, while the Lacedaemonians were nearly
twice as numerous. He did not, however, shruik from the con-
flict on this account ; and when one of his men, running up to
him, exclaimed, "We are fallen into the midst of the enemy,"
he replied, " Why so, more than they into the midst of us ?" In
the battle which ensued, the two Spartan commanders fell at
the first charge, and their men were put to the rout. So signal
a victory inspired the Thebans with new confidence and vigour,
as it showed that Sparta was not invincible even in a pitched
battle, and with the advantage of numbers on her side. By the
year 374 b.c, the Thebans had succeeded in entirely expelling
the Lacedaemonians from Boeotia, had put down the oligarchical
factions in the various cities, and revived the Boeotian confe-
deracy. Orchomenus alone, which lay on the borders of Phocis,
together with its dependency Chaeronea, still remained under
Spartan government. The Thebans now began to look beyond
their own boundaries, and to retaliate on the Phocians for the
assistance they had lent to Sparta. The success of the Thebans
in that quarter would have laid open to them the temple of
Delphi with all its treasures ; nor did such a result seem impro-
bable, as the Phocians were at the same time hard pressed by
Jason, of Pherse in Thessaly. But at the instance of the Phocians
Cleombrotus came to their aid, and succeeded in assuring their
safety, as well as that of Orchomenus.

M6. Such were the successes of the Thebans which revived
the jealousy and distrust of Athens. Phocis was her ancient
ally ; and the Theban menace of that country, coupled with the
anger excited by the refusal of the ThebaixS to pay the required
tribute, induced the Athenians to make proposals of peace to
Sparta. These were eagerly adopted, and Timotheus was in-
structed to sail back to Athens with the fleet. The peace, how-
ever, was broken almost as soon as made. On his way back,
Timotheus disembarked at Zacynthus some exiles belonging to
that island, and assisted them in establishing a fortified post.
For this proceeding Sparta demanded redress at Athens in the
name of the Zacyiithian government ; which being refused, war
was again declared. The Laceda3monians now sent a large force
under the command of Mnasippus to subdue the important island

B.C. 371. PEACE BETWEEN ATHENS AND SPARTA. 467

of Corcyra, which has not appeared in Grecian history since the
time of the fearful dissensions by wliich it was torn asunder in
the Peloponnesian war. Mnasippus having effected a landing
and blockaded the capital, the Corcyrians invoked the aid of the
Athenians, who appointed Timotheus to conduct a fleet to their
rehef ; and whilst this was preparing despatched Stesicles with
600 peltasts overland through Thessaly and Epirus. These being
conveyed across the channel to Corcyra, contrived to get into the
city, and revived the hopes of the besieged with the news of the
approaching Athenian fleet. The distress and privation had now
become very great within the city ; but the misconduct of Mna-
sippus afforded the Corcyrseans an opportunity of retrieving their
affairs. His soldiers, who were mostly mercenaries, being irregu-
larly paid and harshly treated, became mutinous and insubor-
dinate ; the watch was badly kept ; and the besieged, observing
their opportunity, made a sally in which the Lacedsemonians
were defeated, and Mnasippus himself slain. Shortly afterwards
the approach of the Athenian fleet being announced, the Lace-
dsemonions hastily evacuated the island, leaving behind them a
large store of provisions and many slaves, besides a considerable
number of sick and wounded soldiers.

When the Athenian fleet arrived it was found to be com-
manded by Iphicrates, Chabrias, and the orator Callistratus.
Timotheus had been superseded in the command, because he
was thought to have M^asted time unnecessarily in equipping the
fleet. Iphicrates, soon after his arrival at Corcyra, captured nine
out of ten triremes sent by Dionysius of Syracuse to the assist-
ance of Sparta. From thence he crossed over to the opposite
coast of Acarnania, and even laid waste the western shores of
Peloponnesus.

§17. These successes of the Athenians occasioned great alarm
at Sparta. Antalcidas was again despatched (b.c. 372) to solicit
the intervention of Persia, on the plea that the peace had been
infringed by the re-establishment of the Bceotiaji confederation.
But even Athens had become anxious for peace, in consequence
of the increasing jealousy of Thebes, which had recently destroyed
the restored city of Platsea, and obliged its inhabitants once more
to seek refuge at Athens. Prompted by these feelings, the Athe-
nians opened negotiations for a peace with Sparta ; a resolution
which was also adopted by the majority of the allies. Due no-
tice of this intention was given to the Thebans, who were also
invited to send deputies to Sparta.

§ 18. A congress was accordingly opened in that city in the
spring of 371 e.g. The Athenians were represented by Callias,
Autoeles, and Callistratus ; and the Thebans by Epaminondas,

46«

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Chap. XXXIX.

then one of the polemarchs. The terms of a peace were agreed
upon, by which the independence of the various Grecian cities
was to be recognized ; the armaments on both sides were to be dis-
banded, and the Spartan harmosts and garrisons ever^'-where dis-
missed. Sparta ratified the treaty for herself and her alhes ; but
Athens took the oaths only for herself, and was followed separate-
ly by her allies. Bat when the turn of the Thebans came,
Epaminondas refused to sign except in the name of the Boeotian
confederation, and justified his refusal in a bold and eloquent
speech, m which he maintained that the title of Thebes to the
headship of Boeotia rested on as good a foundation as the claim
of Sparta to the sovereignty of Laconia, which he maintained
was derived only from the power of the sword. This novel and
startling view of the matter, which nobody-before had ever ven-
tured to open, was peculiarly insulting to Spartan ears. Agesi-
laus Avas incensed beyond measure at what he regarded as another
instance of Theban insolence. Starting abruptly from his seat,
and addressing Epaminondas, he exclaimed : " Speak out — will
"you, or will you not leave each Bceotian city independent ?"
Epaminondas replied by another question : " Will yoii leave each
of the Laconian towns independent ? ' ' Agesilaus made no answer,
but directing the name of the Thebans to be struck out of the
treaty, proclaimed them excluded from it.

Thus ended the congress. The peace concluded between
Sparta, Athens, and their respective allies, was called the peace
of Callias. The result with regard to Thebes and Sparta will
appear in the following chapter.

The Wind Boreas, from the Horologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athen.\

Ithome, from the Stadium of Messene.

CHAPTER XL.

THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES.

§ 1. Invasion of Boeotia by Cleombrotus. § 2. Battle of Leuctra. § 3.
Its effect throughout Greece. § 4. Jason of Pherse joins the Thebans.
§ 5. Progress of Thebes. § 6. Assassination of Jason. § 7. Estab-
lishment of the Arcadian league. § 8. First invasion of Peloponnesus
by Epaminondas. Alarm at Sparta. Vigorous measures of Agesilaus.
8 9. Epaminondas founds Megalopolis, and restores the Messeniaas.
§ 10. Alliance between Athens and Sparta. Second invasion of
Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. § 11. Invasion of Laconia by the
Arcadians. § 12. Expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly. The
"Tearless Battle" between the Arcadians and Lacedaemonians.
§ 13. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. § 14. Mis-
sion of Pelopidas to the court of Susa. § 15. Seizure of Pelopidas by
Alexander. His release. § 16. The Athenians acquire Oropus. Al-
liance between Athens and Arcadia. § 17. Attempt of the Athenians
to seize Corinth followed by an alliance between the Corinthians and
Thebans. § 18. Success of the Athenians at sea. A Theban fleet
commanded by Epaminondas. § 19. Death of Pelopidas. § 20.
Wars between Elis and Arcadia. Battle at Olympia during the
festival. § 21. Dissensions among the Arcadians. § 22. Fourth in-
vasion of Peloponnesus by Epaminondas. Attempts upon Sparta
and Mantinea. § 23. Battle of Mantinea, and death of Epaminon-
das. § 24. Death of Agesilaus.

H. In pursuance of the treaty, the LacedaBmonians withdrew
their harmosts and garrisons, whilst the Athenians recalled

470 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL.

Iphicrates with the fleet from the Ionian sea. Only one feeling
prevailed at Sparta — a desire to crush Thebes ; and this was
carried to an almost insane extent ; so that even Xenophon, a
warm partizan of the Lacedaemonians, compares it to a mis-
leading and fatal inspiration sent by the gods. But this was
an after-thought. Before the actual collision, the general opinion
not only at Sparta, but throughout Greece, was very diiterent.
Thebes was regarded as doomed to destruction ; and it was not
for a moment imagined that, single-handed, she would be able
to resist the might of Sparta. At the time when the peace was
concluded, Cleombrotus happened to be in Phocis at the head of
a Lacedsemonian aniiy ; and he now received orders to invade
Bceotia without delay. The Thebans, on their side, were equally
determined on resistance. In order to prevent Cleombrotus
from penetrating into Bceotia, Epaminondas occupied wdth a
strong force the narrow pass near Coronea, situated between the
lake Copais and a spur ol' Mount Hehcon, through which Agesi-
laus had forced a passage on his homeward march from Asia.
But Cleombrotus took a cu'cuitous road, deemed hardly practi-
cable, and therefore but shghtly guarded, over the mountains to
the south. Arriving thus unexpectedly before Creusis in the
Crissaean gulf, he took that place by surprise, and seized tw'elve
Theban triremes which lay in the harbour. Then, ha\-ing left a
garrison in the towTi, he directed his march through the terri-
tory of Thespise, and encamped on the memorable plain of
Leuctra.

§ 2. This march of Cleombrotus displays considerable mihtary
skill. He had not only succeeded m penetrating into Boeotia
almost without opposition ; but, by seizing the port of Creusis, he
had secured a safe retreat in case of disaster. The Thebans were
discouraged at his progress, and it required all the energ}' and
address of Epammondas and Pelopidas to revive their drooping
spirits. Omens of evil import had attended their march from
Thebes ; and when they encamped A\'ithin sight of the Lacedae-
monians, three out of the seven Boeotarchs were for returning
to the city and shutting themselves up in it, after sending away
their wives and children to Athens. But Epaminondas had too
much confidence in his own genius to hsten to such timorous
counsels. His own mind was proof against the fears of super-
stition, and luckily some favourable portents now gave encourage-
ment to his troops. A Spartan exile serving with the Thebans
bade them remark, that on that very spot stood the tomb of
two BcEotian \-irgins who slew themselves in consequence of
having been outraged by Lacedaemonians. The shades of these
injured maidens, he said, would now demand vengeance : ai)d

B.C. 371. BATIXE OF LEUCTRA. 4'71

the Theban commanders, seizing the omen, crowned the tombs

with wi'eaths.

The forces on each side are not accurately known, but it seems
probable that the Thebans were outnumbered by the Lacedse-
monians. The military genius of Epaminondas, however, com-
pensated any inferiority of numbers by novelty of tactics. Up
to this time Grecian battles had been uniformly conducted by a
general attack in line. Epaminondas now first adopted the ma-
noeuvre, used with such success by Napoleon in modern times,
of concentrating heavy masses on a given point of the enemy's
array. Having formed his left wing into a dense column of 50
deep, so that its depth was greater than its front, he directed it
against the Lacedaemonian right, containing the best troops in
their army, drawn up 1 2 deep, and led by Cleombrotus in person.
Meanwhile the Theban centre and right were ordered to be kept
out of action, and in readiness to support the advance of the left
wing. The battle began with skirmishes of cavalry in front, in
which the Lacedaemonian horse were soon driven in. The
Theban left, the Sacred Band with Pelopidas at their head,
leading the van, now fell with such irresistible weight on the
Lacedaemonian right, as to bear down all opposition. The shock
was terrible. Cleombrotus himself was mortally wounded in the
onset, and with difficulty carried off by his comrades. Numbers
of his officers, as well as of his men, were slain, and the w^hole wing
was broken and driven back to the camp. On no other part of
the line was there any serious fighting ;. partly owing to the dis-
position made by Epaminondas, and partly to the lukewarmncss
of the Spartan allies, who occupied the centre and part of the
right wing. The loss of the Thebans was small compared with
that of the Lacedaemonians. Out of 700 Spartans in the army
of the latter, 400 had fallen ; and their king also had been slain,
an event which had not occurred since the fatal day of Thermo-
pylae. Many of their allies hardly concealed the satisfaction
which they felt at their defeat ; whilst so great was the depres-
sion among the Lacedaemonians themselves, that very few were
found bold enough to propose a renewal of the combat, in order
to recover the bodies of the slain. The majority decided that a
truce should be solicited for that purpose. But, though the
bodies of the fallen were given up, their arms were retained ; and
five centuries afterwards the shields of the principal Spartan
officers were seen at Thebes by the traveller Pausanias.

§ 3. The victory of Leuctra was gained wdthin three weeks
after the exclusion of the Thebans from the peace of Callias.
The effect of it throughout Greece was electrical. It was every-
where felt that a new military power had arisen — that the

472 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL.

prestige of the old Spartan discipline and tactics had departed.
Yet at Sparta itself, though the reverse was the greatest that
her arms had ever sustained, the nev^s of it was received with
an assumption of indifference characteristic of the people. The
Ephors forbade the chorus of men, who were celebrating in the
theatre the festival of the Gymnopsedia, to be interrupted. They
contented themselves with directing the names of the slain
to be communicated to their relatives, and with issuing an
order forbidding the women to wail and mourn. Those whose
friends had fallen appeared abroad on the morrow with joyful
countenances, whilst the relatives of the survivors seemed over-
whelmed with grief and shame. The Ephors then directed their
attention to the rescue of the defeated army. The whole re-
maining military force of Sparta, includmg even the more aged
citizens, together with what forces could be collected from the
allies, was placed under the command of Archidamus, son of
Agesilaus, and transported by sea from Corinth to Creusis,
which port now proved an invaluable acquisition.

§ 4. Immediately after the battle the Thebans had sent to
Jason of Phera3 in Thessaly to solicit his aid against the Lacedse-
monians. We have already had occasion to mention this despot,
who was one of the most remarkable men of the period. He was
Tagus,^ or Generalissimo, of all Thessaly ; and Macedonia was
partially dependent on him. He was a man of boundless ambi-
tion, and meditated nothing less than extending his dominion
over the whole of Greece, for which his central situation seemed
to offer many facilities. Upon receivmg the invitation of the
Thebans, Jason immediately resolved to join them, and marched
with such rapidity that he forestalled all opposition, though he
had to proceed through the hostile territories of the Heracleots
and Phocians. When he arrived, the Thebans were anxious that
he should unite with them in an attack upon the Lacedaemonian
camp ; but Jason dissuaded them from the enterprise, advising
them not to drive the Lacedaimonians to despair, and offering
his mediation. He accordingly succeeded in effecting a truce,
by which the Lacedaemonians were allowed to depart from
BoBotia unmolested. Their commander, however, did not trust
to this ; but, having given out that he meant to march over
Mount Cithseron, he decamped in the night to Creusis, and from
thence proceeded by a difficult road along the side of the rocks
upon the coast to ^Egosthena in the Megarid ; where he was met
by Archidamus and his army. As the defeated troops were now
in safety, the object of the latter had been attained, and the
whole armament was disbanded.

* Tayoc-

B.C. 370. JASON OF PHER^. 473

^ 5. According to Spartan custom, the survivors of a defeat
were looked upon as degraded men, and subjected to the pe-
nalties of civil infamy. No alloM^ance was made for circum-
stances. But those who had fled at Leuctra were three hundred in
number ; an attempt to enforce against them the usual penalties
might prove not only inconvenient, but even dangerous ; and on
the proposal of Agesilaus, they were, for this occasion only, sus-
pended. The loss of material power which Sparta sustained by
the defeat was great. The ascendency she had hitherto enjoyed
m parts north of the Corinthian gulf fell from her at once, and
was divided between Jason of Pherse, and the Thebans. The
latter, flushed by success, now panted for nothing but military
glory, and under the superintendence of Epaminondas devoted
themselves to an active course of warlike training. Their alliance
was sought on every side. The Phocians were the first to claim
it, and their example was soon followed by the Eubcsans, the
Locrians, the Malians, and the Heracleots. In this flood-tide of
power the Thebans longed to take vengeance on their ancient
enemy Orchomenus, to destroy the town, and to sell the inhabit-
ants for slaves ; and from this design they were only diverted by the
mildness and wisdom of Epaminondas. But the Orchomenians
were forced to make their submission, and were then re-admitted
as members of the Boeotian confederation. The same lenity was
not extended to the Thespians, who were expelled from Bceotia,
and their territory annexed to Thebes. They took refuge, like
the Plataeans, at Athens.

§ 6. At the sam.e time Jason of Pherse was ^so extending his
influence and power. It was known that he was revolving some
important enterprise, but it was doubtful whether he would turn
his arms against the Persians, against the cities of Chalcidice, or
against the states of southern Greece. After the battle of Leuctra
the last seemed the most probable. He had announced his inten-
tion of being present at the Pythian festival, which was to take
place in August 370 b.c, at the head of a numerous army ; on
which occasion his sacrifice to the Delphian god was to consist
of the enormous quantity of 1000 bulls, and 10,000 sheep, goats,
and swine. But it was unpleasant tidings for Grecian ears to
learn that he intended to usurp the presidency and management
of the festival, which were the prerogatives of the Amphictyonic
Council. In this conjuncture the alarmed Delphians consulted
the god as to what they should do in case Jason approached
their treasury, and received for answer that he would himself
take care of it. Shortly afterwards the despot was assassinated by
seven youths as he sat in public to give audience to all comers.
The death of Jason was felt as a relief by Greece, and especially

474 HISTORY OF GREEOK Chap. XL.

by Thebes. He was succeeded by his two brothers Polyphron
and Polydorus ; but they possessed neither his abiHty nor his
power.

§ 7. The Athenians stood aloof from the contending parties.
They had not received the news of the battle of Leuctra with
any pleasure, for they now dreaded Thebes more than Sparta.
But instead of helping the latter, they endeavoured to prevent
either from obtaining the supremacy in Greece, and for this pur-
pose called upon the other states to form a new alliance upon
the terms of the peace of Antalcidas. Most of the Peloponnesian
states joined this new league ; but the Eleans declined, on the
ground that they would thus deprive themselves of their sove-
reignty over the Triphylian cities.

Thus even the Pelopomiesian cities became independent of
Sparta. But this was not all. Never did any state fall with
greater rapidity. She not only lost the dominion over states
which she had exercised for centuries ; but two new pohtical
powers sprung up in the peninsula, which threatened her own
independence. The first of these was the Arcadian confedera-
tion, established a few months after the battle of Leuctra ; the
second was the new Messenian state, founded by Epaminondas
two years later.

It has been related how the Lacedaemonians had some years
previously broken up Mantinea into its five original villages,
and thus degraded it from the rank of a city. The Mantineans,
assisted by the Arcadians of various other quarters, now availed
themselves of the weakness of Sparta to rebuild their town.
Its restoration suggested the still more extensive scheme of a
union of all the Arcadian cities. Hitherto the Arcadians had
been a race and not a nation, having nothing in common but
their name. The idea of uniting them into a federal state arose
with Lycomedcs, one of the leading men of the restored Man-
tinea. It was expected that the Thebans and Argives would
lend their aid to the project, which was well received throughout
the greater part of Arcadia, though opposed by Tegea and cer-
tain other cities jealous of Mantinea. The Spartans would not
tamely allow such a formidable power to spring up at their very
doors ; and, accordingly, Agesilaus marched with a Lacedsemo-
man army against Mantinea (b.c. 370). But the Mantineans
were too prudent to venture on an engagement till reinforced by
the Thebans, to whom they had applied for assistance ; and as
they kept within their walls, Agesilaus, after ravaging their ter-
ritory, marched back to Sparta.

^ 8. Ever since the battle of Leuctra, Epaminondas had been
watching an opportunity for interfering m the affairs of Pelopon*

B.C. 370. EPAJMINONDAS INVADES LACONIA. 4'76'

nesus. But his views were not confined to the establishment of
an Arcadian union. He also proposed to restore the exiled Mes-
senians to their territory. That race had formerly lived under a
dynasty of their own kings; but for the last three centuries
their land had been in the possession of the Lacedaemonians, and
they had been fugitives upon the face of the earth. The re-
storation of these exiles, now dispersed in various Hellenic co-
lonies, to their former rights, would plant a bitter hostile neigh-
bour on the very borders of Laconia. Epaminondas accordingly
opened communications with them, and numbers of them flocked
to his standard during his march into Arcadia, late in the au-
tumn of 370 B.C. He entered that country shortly after Agesi-
laus had quitted it, and, in addition to the Arcadians, was
immediately joined by the Argives and Eleans. The combined
force, including the Thebans, is estimated at 70,000 men. Epa-
minondas, who had in reality the chief command, though asso-
ciated with the other Boeotarchs, brought with him choice bodies
of auxiliaries from Phocis. Locris, and other places, and especially
the excellent cavalry and peltasts of Thessaly. But it was the
Theban bands themselves that were the object of universal ad-
miration ; which, under the inspection of Epaminondas, had
been brought into the highest state of discipline and efficiency.
The Peloponnesian allies, elated at the sight of so large and so
well appointed an army, pressed Epaminondas to invade Laconia
itself, since his services were no longer required in Arcadia, in
consequence of the retreat of Agesilaus. Although it was now
mid-winter, he resolved, after some hesitation, to comply with
their request. Dividing his army into four parts, he crossed
without any serious opposition the mountains separating Ar-
cadia from Laconia, and reunited his forces at Sellasia. From
thence he marched to Amyclae, two or three miles below Sparta,
where he crossed the river Eurotas, and then advanced cautiously
towards the capital.

Sparta, which was wholly unfortified, was now filled with con-
fusion and alarm. The women, who had never yet seen the face
of an enemy, gave vent to their fears in wailing and lamentation.
Moreover, the state was in great danger from her own intestine
divisions. Not only was she threatened by the customary dis-
content of the Perioeci and Helots, but the large class of poor
and discontented citizens called " Liferiors," looked with anger
on the wealth and political power of the " Peers."* But the
emergency was pressing, and called for decisive measures. The
Ephors ventured on the step of offering freedom to such He-

* See p. 438.

476 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL

lots as would enlist as hopntes for the defence of the cit)^ The
call was responded to by no fewer than 6000, who now inspired
fear by their very numbers ; and the alarm was justitied and
heightened by the fact that a considerable body of Periosci and
Helots had actually joined the Thebaus.

In the midst of these pressing dangers Sparta was saved by
the vigdance and energy of her aged king Agesdaus. He re-
pulsed the cavalr}- of Epammondas as they advanced towards the
city ; and so vigorous were his measures of defence, that Epa-
minondas abandoned all further attempt upon the city, and
proceeded southwards as far as Helcs and Gythium on the coast,
the latter the port and arsenal of Sparta. After laying waste
with fire and sword the valley of the Eurotas, he retraced his
steps to the frontiers of Arcadia.

I 9. Epaminondas now proceeded to carry out the two objects
for which his march had been undertaken ; namely, the conso-
lidation of the Arcadian confederation, and the establishment of
the Messenians as an independent community. In the prosecu-
tion of the former of these designs, the mutual jealousy of the
various Arcadian cities rendered it necessary that a new one
should be founded, which should be regarded as the capital of
the confederation. Consequently, a new city was built on the
banks of the Hehsson, called Megalopohs, and peopled by the
inhabitants of forty distmct Arcadian townships. Here a synod
of deputies from the towns composing the confederation, called
" The Ten Thousand,""* was to meet periodically tor the de-
spatch of business. A body of Arcadian troops, called
Epariti.f was also levied for the purposes of the league. Epa-
minondas next founded the town of Messene. Its citadel was
placed on the sLimmit of Mount Ithome, which had three cen-
turies before been so bravely defended by the Messenians against
the Spartans ; whilst the Xovm itself was seated lower down upon
the western slope of the mountain, but connected with its Acro-
pohs by a continuous wall. The strength of its fortifications
was long afterwards a subject of admiration. The territor\' at-
tached to the new city extended southwards to the Messenian
gulf, and northwards to the borders of Arcadia, comprising some
of the most fertile land in Peloponnesus.

In order to settle the afiairs of Arcadia and Mcssenia. Epami-
nondas had remained in Peloponnesus four months after the
legal period of his conmiand had expired ; for which ofience he
and the other Bceotarchs were arraigned on his return to Thebes.
But they were honourably acquitted, Epaminondas having ex-

• 'iivpioi. + 'F.TapfroL

B.C. 370. FOUNDATION OF JMEGALOPOLIS. 477

pressed his willingness to die if the Thebans would record that
he was put to death because he had humbled Sparta, and taught
liis countrymen to conquer her armies.

§ 10. So low had Sparta now sunk, that she was fain to send
envoys to beg the assistance of the Athenians. This request
was acceded to ; and shortly afterwards an alliance was formed
between the two states, in which Sparta waived all her claims to
superiority and headship. It was agreed that the command both
on land and sea should alternate every five days between Athens
and Sparta, and that their united forces should occupy Corinth
and guard the passes of the Onean mountains across the isth-
mus, so as to prevent the Thebans from again invading Pelopon-
nesus. Before this position Epaminondas appeared with his
army in the spring of the year b.c. 369 ; and as all his attempts
to draw on a battle proved unavailing, he resolved on forcing his
way through the hostile lines. Directing his march just before
daybreak against the position occupied by the Lacedaemonians,
he succeeded in surprising and completely defeating them. He
was thus enabled to form a junction with his allies in Pelopon-
nesus, whilst the Lacedaemonians and Athenians do not appear
to have stirred from their position. Sicyon now deserted Sparta
and joined the Theban alliance ; but the little town of Phlius
remained faithful to the Lacedaemonians, and successfully re-
sisted all the attempts made to capture it. The Thebans were
also defeated in an attempt upon Corinth ; and the spirits of
the Spartan allies were still further raised by the arrival at
Lechaeum of a Syracusan squadron, bringing 2000 mercenary
Gauls and Iberians, together with 50 horsemen, as a succour
from the despot Dionysius. After a while, however, accord-
ing to the usual desultory nature of Grecian warfare, both
armies returned home without having achieved anything of im-
portance.

§11. Meanwhile the Arcadians, elate with their newly acquired
power, not only believed themselves capable of maintaining their
independence without foreign assistance, but thought themselves
entitled to share the headship with Thebes, as Athens did with
Sparta. Lycomedes, whom we have already mentioned as an
able and energetic citizen of Mantinea, was the chief promoter
of these ambitious views, and easily flattered the national vanity
of his countrymen by appeals to their acknowledged courage and
hardihood. They responded to his representations by calling
upon him to lead them into active service, appointed him their
commander, and chose all the officers whom he nominated. The
first exploit of Lycomedes was to rescue the Argive troops in
Epidaurus, where they were in great danger of being cut ofi' by a

478 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL.

body of Athenians and Corinthians nnder Chabnas. He then
marched into the south-western portion of Messenia, where he
penetrated as far as Asine, defeated the Spartan commander
Geranor, who had drawn out the garrison to oppose him, and
destroyed the suburbs of the town. It was probably by this
expedition that the annihilation of the Spartan dominion in that
quarter was completed. The hardihood and enterprise displayed
in it excited everywhere both admiration and alarm ; but at
Thebes it also occasioned jealousy. At the same time circum-
stances arose which tended to disunite the Arcadians and Eleans.
The former objected to Elis resuming her sovereignty over the
towiis of Triphylia, which they had thought to regain after the
decay of the Spartan supremacy.

§ 12. During the year 368 b.c. the Thebans undertook no ex-
pedition into Peloponnesus ; but Pelopidas conducted a Theban
force into Thessaly for the purpose of protecting Larissa and
other cities against the designs of Alexander, who, by the murder
of his two brothers, had become despot of Pherse and Tagus of
Thessaly. Alexander was compelled to sohcit peace ; and Pe-
lopidas, after establishing a defensive league amongst the Thes-
sahan cities, marched into Macedonia, when the regent Ptolemy
entered into an alliance with the Thebans. Amongst the hos-
tages given for the observance of this treaty was the youthful
Phihp, son of Amyntas, afterwards the celebrated king of Ma-
cedon, who remamed for some years at Thebes.

Shortly afterwards the Lacedaemonians, under the command
of Archidamus, supported by the reinforcements sent by Diony-
sius, succeeded in routing the Arcadians with great slaughter,
whilst not a single Laceda3monian fell, w-hence the victor}^ de-
rived the name of " the Tearless Battle." The news of this defeat
of the Arcadians was by no means unwelcome at Thebes, as it
was calculated to check their presumption, and to show them
that they could not dispense with Theban aid.

§ 13. Epaminondas now resolved on another expedition into
Peloponnesus, with the view of bringing the Achseans into the
Theban alliance. Until the battle of Leuctra the cities of Achaia
had been the dependent allies of Sparta ; but since that event
they had remained free and neutral. On the approach of Epa-
minondas they immediately submitted, and consented to be en-
rolled among the alhes of Thebes. That commander, with his
usual moderation, did not insist upon any change in their go-
vernments. But this was made a subject of accusation against
him at home. The Arcadians charged him with having left men
in poAver in the Achaean cities who would join Sparta on the first
opportunity. These accusations, being supported by the enemies

B.C. 368. THE TEARLESS BATTLK 4*79

of Epaminondas, prevailed : his proceedings in Achaia were re-
versed ; democratic governments were established in the various
Achaean cities ; and in the ensuing year Epaminondas himself
was not re-elected as Boeotarch. But the consequence was that
the exiles thus driven from the various Acheean cities, watching
their opportunity, succeeded in effecting counter-revolutions, and
aftewards took a decided part with Sparta.

§ 14. The Thebans now resolved to send an embassy to Persia.
Ever since the peace of Antalcidas the great King had become
the recognised mediator between the states of Greece ; and his
fiat seemed indispensable to stamp the claims of that city which
pretended to the headship. The recent achievements of Thebes
might entitle her to aspire to that position ; and at all events
the alterations which she had produced in the internal state of
Greece, by the establishment of Megalopolis andMessene, seemed
to require for their stability the sanction of a Persian rescript.
For this purpose Pelopidas and Ismenias proceeded to the court
of Susa apparently in the years 367-366 B.C. They were accom-
panied by other deputies from the allies ; and at the same time
the Athenians sent Timagoras and Leon to counteract their in-
fluence. Pelopidas may probably have pleaded the former ser-
vices of Thebes towards Persia at the time of the invasion of
Greece by Xerxes, as well as in having opposed the expedition
of Agesilaus into Asia. But the great fact which influenced the
decision of the Persian king would doubtless be that Thebes was
now the strongest state in Greece ; for it was evidently easier to
exercise Persian ascendency there by her means, than through a
weaker power. Pelopidas had therefore only to ask his own terms.
A rescript was issued declaring the independence of Messene and
Amphipolis ; the Athenians were directed to lay up their ships
of war in ordinary ; Thebes was declared the head of Greece ;
and the dispute between Ehs and Arcadia on the subject of the
Triphyhan cities was decided in favour of the former power :
probably at the instance of Pelopidas, and on account of the
estrangement now subsisting between Arcadia and Thebes.

The Athenian and Arcadian envoys had attempted in vain to
secure better terms for their own states. Antiochus, the repre-
sentative of Arcadia, on his return to Megalopolis, vented his
displeasure by a most depreciatory report to the Ten Thousand
of all that he had seen during his journey. There were armies,
he said, of cooks, confectioners, wine-bearers, and the like, but
not a single man fit to fight against Greeks ; and even the vaunted
golden plane-tree itself, he affirmed, was too small to afford shade
to a single grasshopper. The Thebans, on the contrary, made
the most of their success. Deputies from the allied cities were

480 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL.

summoned to Thebes to hear the royal rescript read ; but it was
coldly received by all present. Lycomedes, the Arcadian envoy,
even protested against the headship claimed for Thebes, and
asserted that the allied synod should not be exclusively convened
in that city, but in the actual seat of war. After some angry
language, the Arcadians withdrew from the assembly, and the
other deputies seem to have followed their example. Nor were
the Thebans more successful in an attempt to get the rescript
recognized by sending it round to the various cities separately.

§ 15. It was, in all probability, during a mission undertaken
by Pelopidas and Ismenias, for the purpose of procuring the
acknowledgment of the rescript in Thessaly and the northern
parts of Greece, that they were seized and imprisoned by Alex-
ander of Pherse. That tyrant met them at Pharsalus under all
the appearances of peace, but took occasion of their being with-
out guards to seize and carry them ofi" to Pherse. Such value
was attached to the person of Pelopidas that his imprisonment
induced several of the Thessalian partizans of Thebes to submit
to Alexander. Even the Athenians did not disdain to avail
themselves of this treacherous breach of public faith, and sent
Autocles with a fleet of 30 triremes and 1000 hoplites to the
support of Alexander. Meanwhile the justly incensed Thebans
had despatched an army of 8000 hoplites and 600 cavalry, to
recover or avenge their favourite citizen. Unfortunately, how-
ever, they were no longer commanded by Epaminondas, who,
as we have related, had not been re-elected to the office of
BoBotarch. Their present commanders were utterly incompe-
tent. They were beaten and forced to retreat, and the army
was in such danger from the active pursuit of the Thessalians
and Athenians, that its destruction seemed inevitable. Luckily,
however, Epaminondas was serving as a hoplite in the ranks.
By the unanimous voice of the troops he was now called to the
command, and succeeded in conducting the army safely back to
Thebes. Here the unsuccessful Bostarchs were disgi-aced, and
Epaminondas, whose reputation now shone forth more brilliantly
than ever, was restored to the command, and placed at the head
of a second Theban army destined to attempt the release of Pe-
lopidas. Directed by his superior skill, the enterprise proved
successful. Anxious, however, for the life of his friend, Epami-
nondas avoided reducing Alexander to such extremities as might
induce him to make away with Pelopidas ; and thus, though the
main object of the expedition was attained, it was not accom-
panied with such striking and decisive results as to counter-
balance the advantages which Alexander had derived from his
treachery-

B.€. 366. ALLIANCE BETWEEX ARCADM AXD ATHENS. 481

H6. The acquirement of Oropus was, however, some com-
pensation to the Thebans for their losses on the other side of
their frontier. The possession of that town, which lay on
the borders of Athens and Thebes, had long been a subject of
contention between the two states. For many years past it had
been in the hands of the Athenians ; but it was now seized by a
party of exiles favourable to the Theban interest, and imm^e-
diately occupied by a Theban garrison, which deprived the Athe-
nians of all hog^s of retaking it. The Athenians had been dis-
pleased at the want of zeal manifested by their Peloponnesian
alhes in not assisting them in the afiair of Oropus ; and Lyco-
medes, who was disgusted with the Theban ascendency, took
advantage of this feehng to negotiate an alliance between Arcadia
and Athens. He procured himself to be appointed ambassador
to that city, where he was favourably received, and prehminar}'^
arrangements made for an aUiance ; but on his way home he
was assassinated by some Arcadian exiles of the opposite party.
The negotiations, however, proceeded. Callistratus was sent
from Athens as Ambassador to the Arcadian Ten Thousand,
whilst Epaminondas hastened from Thebes, to counteract, if
possible, the machinations of the eloquent Athenian. But thougli
Epaminondas here displayed his ready talent in debate, he was
unsuccessful. The Athenians concluded an alliance with Ar-
cadia, but at the same time without foi-mally breaking with
Thebes.

H7. This connexion rendered it desirable for Athens to secure
an uninterrupted communication with Pelopomiesus, and for
this purpose she formed the treacherous design of seizing Co-
rinth by surprise. She was not only at peace but in aUianco
with that city ; and her auxiliaries were serving in the Corinthian
forts and outposts. These, however, were to be the instruments
of her treacheiy. Under pretence of a reinforcement an arma-
ment under the command of Chares was despatched to Corinth.
But the designs of Athens had reached the ears of the Corinthians,
who refused to admit Chares into their port of Cenchreee ; and
at the same time dismissed the other Athenians in their service,
yet with all the appearance of good will. Though thus saved
for the moment, this step had placed the Corinthians in a state
of isolation ; and they therefore resolved to open negotiations
with Thebes for a general peace. Their overtures were well re-
ceived by the Thebans. A meeting of the alhes was then con-
vened at Sparta, in which the Corinthians set forth the necessity
of their case, and endeavoured to induce the rest of the confe-
derates to follow their example in concluding a peace with
Thebes, the terms of which were to be the independence of each

Y

482 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XL.

individual city, including Messene ; but without recognizing the
headship of Thebes, or entering into any formal alHance with
her. On this basis a peace was accordingly concluded between
Thebes, Corinth, Phlius, Epidaurus, and perhaps one or two
other cities ; but as the Thebans made the independence of
Messene an indispensable condition, Sparta resolutely refused to
join it, and the larger states of G-reece, Thebes, Athens, Sparta,
Arcadia, and others still remained at war.

M8. Athens availed herself of the distracte^ condition of
G-reece to extend her maritime empire. She had no longer occa-
sion to dread any opposition from Sparta ; and she accordingly
sent a powerful fleet into the ^Egean under the command of
Timotheus, who succeeded in conquering Samos, and in ob-
taining possession of Potidaea, Pydna, Methone, and it is said
even of Olynthus itself But m the midst of his success, he was
menaced by the unexpected appearance of a Theban fleet. Epa-
minondas, jealous of the maritime empire of Athens, had per-
suaded his countrymen to try their strength on a new element.
Sparta, he said, was humbled ; it was not she, but Athens,
who was now their prominent enemy ; and he exhorted them
not to rest content till they had transferred to the Theban Cad-
mea the Propylsea which adorned the acropoHs of Athens. A
fleet of 100 triremes was constructed, and he himself appointed
to the command ; whilst envoys were sent to Rhodes, Chios, and
Byzantium, to induce them to break with Athens. It was with
this fleet that Epaminondas appeared in the Hellespont in B.C.
363. He seems, however, to have efiected little, — at least no-
thing splendid is recorded — and this expedition proved both the
first and last of the Thebans by sea.

^ 19. It was in the same year that his friend Pelopidas led an
expedition into Thessaly against Alexander of Pherse. Strong
complaints of the tjnranny of that despot arrived at Thebes, and
Pelopidas, who probably also burned to avenge liis private
wrongs, prevailed upon the Thebans to send him into Thessaly
to punish the tyrant. The forces he had collected were far
inferior in number to those of Alexander ; and when uifoi-med at
Pharsalus, that the tyrant was advancing towards him with a
great army, he remarked that it was so much the better, since
there would be more for him to conquer. The battle was fought
on the hills of Cynosceph alee ; the troops of Alexander were routed ;
and Pelopidas, observing his hated enemy endeavouring to rally
them, was seized with such a transport of rage that, regardless of
his duties as a general, he rushed impetuously forwards and chal-
lenged him to a single combat. Alexander shrunk back within
the ranks of his guards, followed impetuously by Pelopidas, who

B.C. 364. DEATH OF PELOPIBAS. 483

was soon slain, fighting with desperate bravery. Although the
army of Alexander was defeated Avith severe loss, the news of
the death of Pelopidas deprived the Thebans and their Thessa-
lian allies of all the joy which they would otherwise have felt
at their victor}\ The Thebans, however, subsequently avenged
the death of their general by sending a fresh force of 7000 hop-
htes into Thessaly ; with which they compelled Alexander to
relinquish all his dependencies in that countr}^ to confine him-
self to the actual limits of Pheree, and to swear allegiance to
Thebes. The Thebans thus acquired greater influence than they
had ever before enjoyed in Northern Greece.

^ 20. Meantime a war had been carried on between EHs and Ar-
cadia. It has been already remarked, on more than one occasion,
that the Eleans claimed the sovereignty of the Triphylian towns,
in which they were backed by Sparta, but opposed by the Arca-
dians. The Eleans also laid claim to a tract of hilly ground
lying north of the Alpheus, containing Lasion and some other
towns which had been included in the Arcadian league. They
seized Lasion by surprise, but were driven out again by the
Arcadians, who afterwards took formal possession of the sacred
district of Olympia. Other acts of hostility had occurred between
the Eleans and Arcadians, and the former had called in the
assistance of the Lacedsemonians, but without any decisive
result. In 364 b.c. the Arcadians were still in possession of
Olympia ; and as the Olympic festival occurred in that year,
they availed themselves of their situation to transfer the presi-
dency of the games from the Eleans to the Pisatans, who had
long laid claim to it. It was anticipated that the Eleans would
assert their rights by force ; and the Arcadians prepared to
resist any attempt of that kmd, not only by a large army of
their own, but also by summoning their allies. The festival had
already commenced, many of the games had been performed, and
the wrestling match was going on, when bodies of the Eleans,
and their alHes the Achseans, were observed approaching the
sacred ground. The Arcadians immediately rushed to arms, and
formed on the bank of the httle river Cladeus, to prevent their
approach. The Eleans advanced wdth the utmost boldness, but
were finally repulsed and obhged to retire. On this occasion
the temple of the Olympian deity himself was converted into a
fortress, and the majestic Jove of Phidias looked down with
calm dignity upon those who were contending for the honour of
celebrating his festival. The Eleans subsequently avenged them-
selves by striking the 104th Olympiad out of the list of the
festivals.

^21. Not content with this insult to the Eleans, the Arcadians

484 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL

carried their insolence to the extent of sacrilege, by despoihng
the rich temples of Olympia. But this act ripened the seeds
of disunion which were akeady springing up among the Arca-
dians themselves. The assembly of Mantinea passed an act re-
nouncing all participation in the sacred spoil, and though the
Ten Thousand attempted at first to seize the leading men at
Mantinea as traitors to the Arcadian league, the views of the
Mantineans respecting the employment of the sacred treasures
were so evidently just, that even their opponents vrere at length
shamed into them. Accordingly, a peace was concluded with
the Eleans, who were restored to all their rights with regard to
Olympia. Since the Spartans had supported the Eleans, the
Mantineans were naturally brought into close connexion with
the former ; whilst the rest of the Arcadians,- and especially the
Tegeans, favoured Thebes. Tegea thus became the centre of
Theban influence in Arcadia, and was occupied by a Theban
harmost and a garrison of 300 Boeotians. The Thebans viewed
the success of the Mantineans and Spartan party Avith suspicion ;
and when the peace, recently concluded, was sworn to at Tegea,
they seized the principal members of the Spartan party. The
news of this treacherous act was received with great indig-
nation at Mantinea. Heralds were inamediately despatched by
the Mantineans to demand the release of their own citizens.
Hereupon the Theban harmost released the prisoners, protesting
that he had been misled by a false report of the approach of
a Spartan force, prepared to co-operate with a party within the
walls in order to seize Tegea. The Mantineans and their party,
hoM^ever, were not satisfied with this apology, but sent envoys
to Thebes, demanding the punishment of the harmost. Epami-
nondas, mcensed that a peace had been concluded without the
sanction of Thebes, justified the harmost's conduct, and bade the
envoys carry back word that he would himself soon lead an
army into Arcadia. The Mantineans and their partisans imme-
diately made preparations for war, and sent ambassadors to
request the assistance of the Lacedaemonians.

§ 22. These events occurred in 362 B.C., and in the summer of
that year Epaminondas undertook his fourth and last invasion
of Peloponnesus. The proceedings in Arcadia, which threatened
to undo all that he had done in that country, and ultimately to
lead to an alliance between it and Sparta, were the motives
for his expedition. His army was numerous, and included
many troops from ]N"orthern Greece. He marched without
opposition to Tegea, where he was joined by such of the
Arcadians and other Peloponnesians as were favourable to the
Theban cause. The other party concentrated themselves at

B.C. 362. BATTLE OF MANTINEA, 485

Mantinea, whither the aged Agesilaus was marching with a Lace-
deemonian force, whilst Athenian succours were also expected.
Epaminondas, whose movements were characterized by decision
and rapidity, resolved to surprise Sparta in the absence of Age-
silaus by a sudden march upon it. Providentially, however, a
swift Cretan rumier overtook Agesilaus in time to warn him of
the danger. He got back to Sparta early enough to anticipate
the attempt of Epaminondas ; and though that commander
actually entered the city, yet he found the streets and houses so
well defended, that he was fain to retire. The alarm caused by
this diversion had however occasioned the recall of the Lacedae-
monian army destined for Mantinea, and Epaminondas took
advantage of that circumstance to attempt the surprise of that
place. Fortunately for the Mantineans, the Athenian cavalry
had reached their city an hour or two before the arrival of
Epaminondas, and though hungry and tired with their march,
succeeeded in repulsing the Theban and Thessahan horse. Epa-
minondas now fell back upon Tegea.

^ 23. Thus both these well planned manoeuvres were acci-
dentally frustrated. As the enemy had now succeeded in con-
centrating their forces at Mantinea, it was clear that a general
action was unavoidable. The plain between Tegea and Mantinea,
though 2000 feet above the level of the sea, is shut in on every
side by lofty mountains. In length it is about ten miles, whilst
its breadth varies from one to eight. About four miles south of
Mantinea it contracts to its narrowest dimensions, and here the
Lacedaemonians and Mantineans took up their position. Epa-
minondas, in ma,rching northwards from Tegea, inclined to the
left, so as to skirt the base of Mount Msenalus, which bounds the
plain on the west. On arriving in sight of the hostile lines, Epa-
minondas ordered his troops to halt and ground arms. Hence
the Lacedaemonians inferred that he did not mean to offer battle
that day ; and so strong was this persuasion, that they left their
ranks, whilst some of the horsemen took off their breastplates
and unbridled their horses. But meanwhile Epaminondas was
making his dispositions for an attack. His plan very much re-
sembled that of the battle of Leuctra. His chief reliance was
upon the Boeotian troops, whom he had formed into a column of
extraordinary depth. The enemy at length became aware of his
intentions and hurried into their ranks ; but they were in no
condition to receive the onset of the Theban hoplites, who
bore down all before them. The Mantineans and Lacedae-
monians turned and fled, and the rest followed their example.
The day was won ; but Epaminondas, who fought in the foremost
ranks, fell pierced with a mortal wound. His fall occasioned

486 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XL

such consternation among his troops, that although the enemy
were in full flight, they did not know how to use their advantage,
and remained rooted to the spot. Hence hoth sides subse-
quently claimed the victory and erected trophies, though it was
the Lacedaemonians who sent a herald to request the bodies of
the slain.

Epaminondas was carried off the field with the spear-head stiU
fixed in his breast. Having satisfied himself that his shield was
safe, and that the victory was gained, he inquired for lola'idas
and Daiphautus, whom he intended to succeed him in the com-
mand. Being informed that both were slain : "Then," he ob-
served, " you must make peace." After this he ordered the
spear-head to be wathdrawn ; when the gush of blood which
followed soon terminated his life. Thus died this truly great
man ; and never was there one whose title to that epithet has
been less disputed. Antiquity is unanimous in his praise, and
some of the first men of Greece subsequently took him for their
model. With him the commanding influence of Thebes began
and ended. His last advice was adopted, and peace was con-
cluded probably before the Theban army quitted Peloponnesus.
Its basis was a recognition of the status quo — to leave everything
as it was, to acknowledge the Arcadian constitution and the in-
dependence of Messene. Sparta alone refused to join it on
account of the last article, but she was not supported by her
allies.

k 24. Agesilaus had lived to see the empire of Sparta extin-
guished by her hated rival. Thus cmiously had the prophecy
been fulfilled, which warned Sparta of the evils awaiting her
under a " lame sovereignty." But Agesilaus had not yet aban-
doned all hope ; and he and his son Archidamus now directed
their views towards the east as the quarter from which Spartan
power might still be resuscitated. At the age of 80 the indo-
mitable old man proceeded with a force of 1000 hoplites to assist
Tachos, king of Eg}^pt, in his revolt against Persia. The age and
insignificant appearance of the veteran warrior made him, how-
ever, a butt for Egyptian ridicule, and he was not intrusted v^dth
the supreme command. But in spite of this afiront he accom-
panied the Eg}'ptian army on an expedition into Phoenicia.
During the absence of Tachos, Nectanebis rose against liim, and
being supported by Agesilaus, obtained the throne of Eg}'pt,
Nectanebis rewarded this service with a present of 230 talents.
But Agesilaus did not five to carry this money home to Sparta.
He died on liis road to Cyrene, where he had intended to embark
for Greece. His body was embalmed in wax, and splendidly
buried in Sparta. He was succeeded by his son Archidamus HI.

Bust of Plato.

CHAPTER XLI.

HISTORY OF THE SICILIAN GREEKS FROM THE DESTRUCTION OF THE
ATHENIAN ARMAMENT TO THE DEATH OF TIMOLEON.

§ 1. Revolutions at Syracuse. Dionysius the Elder seizes the despotism.
§ 2. His successes. § 3. His poetical compositions. Plato visits Sy-
racuse. § 4. Death of Dionysius. His character. Story of Damocles.
§ 5- Accession of the younger Dionysius. Second visit of Plato. Ban-
ishment of Dion. Third visit of Plato. § 6. Dion expels Dionysius,
and becomes master of Syracuse. § 7. Assassination of Dion. § 8.
Revolutions at Syracuse. The Syracusans invoke the aid of Corinth.
§9. Character of Timoleon. §10. His successes. Surrender of Diony-
sius and conquest of Syracuse. §11. Moderation of Timoleon. He
remodels the constitution. § 12. Defeats the Carthaginians at the
Crimesus. § 13. Deposes the Sicilian despots. § 14. Retires into a
private station. His great popularity and death.

§ 1 . The affairs of the Sicilian Greeks, an important branch of
the Hellenic race, deserve a passing notice. After the destruc-
tion of the Athenian armament in B.C. 413, the constitution of
Syracuse was rendered still more democratical by a new code of
laws, which Diodes, one of the principal citizens, took the chief
part in drawing up. Shortly afterwards, in B.C. 410, Hermo-
crates, the leader of the aristocratical party, who had greatly
distinguished himself during the Athenian invasion, was ba-
nished ; and Diodes thus obtained for a time the undisputed
direction of the Syracusan government. But two years after-
wards Diodes was in his turn banished in consequence of his
want of success in the war against the Carthaginians. Mean-
time Hermocrates had returned to Sicily and collected a con-
siderable force at Selinus, from whence he carried on hostilities

488 lilSTOKY OF GREECE. CuAi-. XLi.

against the Carthaginians and their aUies with considerable
success, and thus secured a strong party at Syracuse in his
favour. Relying upon this circumstance, he endeavoured to eliect
his restoration by force, but was slain in an attempt to enter
Syracuse by night, B.C. 407. This state of things opened the
way for a still more darhig and successful aspirant. This was
the celebrated Dionysius, the son of a person also named Her-
mocrates. Dionysius was of humble origin, but of good educa-
tion, and began life as a clerk in a public office. He had taken
an active part in the enterprise of Hermocrates just mentioned,
in which he had been wounded and given out for dead, — a cir-
cumstance by which he escaped a sentence of banishment.
After the death of Hermocrates, the domestic discontents of the
Syracusans were still further fomented by another invasion of
the Carthaghiians in 406 B.C., during which they took and plun-
dered Agrigentum. Dionysius, who now headed the party of
Hermocrates, taking advantage of the prevailing discontent, in an
artful address to the assembly attributed the fall of Agrigentum
to the incompetence of the Syracusan generals, and succeeded
in procuring their deposition, and the appointment of others in
their stead, of whom he himself was one. His advent to power
was immediately followed by the restoration of all tlie exiles of
his party. His next step was to get rid of his colleagues by ac-
cusing them of treachery and corruption, and to procure his
own sole appomtment with unlimited and irresponsible au-
thority. The remaining steps towards a despotism were easy.
Under pretence that his life had been attempted, he obtahied a
body-guard of 1000 men for his prStection ; by whose means he
made himself master of Syracuse, and openly seized upon the
supreme power, B.C. 405.

^ 2. Dionysius first directed his arms against Naxos, Catana,
and Leontini, which successively fell into his power either by
force or treachery ; but it was not till b.c. 307 that he considered
himself sufficiently strong to declare war against Carthage. This
war was conducted with varying success. In 395—1 Syracuse
itself seemed on the point of falling into the hands of the Cartha-
ginians. The Carthaginian fleet, after obtaining a great naval
victory at Catana, sailed into the harbour of Syracuse upwards
of 200 strong. At the same time their army established itself in
♦the neighbourhood of the city, and Imilcon, the Carthaginian
general, took up his head-quarters in the temple of the Olympian
Jove, within about a mile and a half of the walls, and even occu-
pied and plundered the suburb of Achradina. The situation of
Dionysius now seemed desperate. It is even said that he was
on the point of giving up all for lost and making his escape ; from

B.C. 393. DIONYSIUS IHE ELDER. 48i9

which he was deterred by one of his friends observing, " that so-
vereign power was an honourable winding-sheet." A pestilence
Avhich shortly afterwards broke out in the Carthaginian camp
proved the salvation of Syracuse. The Carthaginians fell by
thousands, whilst the Syracusans themselves remained unharmed.
Dionysius made a successful attack both by sea and land on their
weakened forces ; and Imilcon was glad to secure a disgraceful
retreat by purchasing the comiivance of Dionysius for the sum
of 300 talents.

After this period the career of Dionysius was marked by great
though not altogether unvarying success. In .393 the Cartha-
ginians under Magon once more threatened Syracuse, but were
again defeated, and compelled to sue for peace. Dionysius
willingly concluded a treaty with them, since he was anxious to
pursue his schemes of conquest in the interior of Sicily, and in
Magna Grsecia. By the year 384 he had reduced the greater
part of the former, and a considerable portion of the latter
country. He had now arrived at his highest pitch of power,
and had raised Syracuse to be one of the chief Grecian states,
second in influence, if indeed second, to Sparta alone. Under
his sway Syracuse was strengthened and embellished with new
fortifications, docks, arsenals, and other public buildings, and
became superior even to Athens in extent and population. Dio-
nysius took every opportunity of extending his relations with
foreign powers, and strengthening himself by alliances. He
cultivated the friendship of the Lacedaemonians ; and among the
last acts of his reign was the sending of an auxiliary force in two
successive years to support them against the increasing power
of the Thebans.

§ 3. Dionysius was a warm patron of literature, and was anx-
ious to gain distinction by his literary compositions. In the m.idst
of his political and military cares he devoted himself assiduously
to poetry, and not only caused his poems to be publicly recited
at the Olympic games, but repeatedly contended for the prize of
tragedy at Athens. Here he several times obtained the second
and third prizes ; and, finally, just before his death, bore away
the first prize at the Leneean festival, with a play called the
" Ransom of Hector."

In accordance with the same spirit we find him seeking the
society of men distinguished in literature and philosophy.
Plato, who visited Sicily about the year 389 from a curiosity to
see Mount ^^tna, was introduced to Dionysius by Dion. The
high moral tone of Plato's conversation did not however prove
so attractive to Dionysius as it had done to Dion ; and the phi-
losopher was not only dismissed with aversion and dislike, but

49U HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLI.

even, it seems, tkrougli the machinations of Dionysius, seized,

bound, and sold for a slave in the island of ^giaa. He was,
however, repurchased by Aimiceris of Cyrene, and sent back to
Athens.

§ -i. Dionysius died in b.c. 367, after a reign of 35 years.
Love of power was his ruling passion : the desire of hterary
fame his second. In his mamier of life he was moderate and
temperate ; but he was a stranger to pity, and never suffered
it to check him iii the pursuit of his ends. Although by no
means deficient in personal courage, the suspicious temper of
Dionysius rendered him the miserable prey of imeasiness in the
midst of all his greatness, and drove him to take precautions
for the security of his hfe even against his nearest friends and
relatives. The miseries of absolute, but unlegalized and unpo-
pular power, cannot be more strongly illustrated than by the
celebrated stor}- of the despot of Syracuse and his flatterer Da-
mocles. The latter having extolled the power and majest}', the
abundant possessions and magnificent palaces which rendered his
master the happiest of men, Dionysius invited Damocles to try
what his happiness really was, and then ordered him to be placed
on a golden couch, decked T\ith coverings of the richest and
most magnificent embroidery. The sideboards groaned under
the weight of gold and silver plate ; pages of the choicest beauty
waited on him ; his head was cro^Tied with garlands, and reeked
with unguenta ; the smell of burning odours filled all the apart-
ment, and the table was covered with the most exquisite viands.
Damocles now thought himself supremely happy ; but in the
midst of his enjoyments he happened to cast his eyes towards
the ceiling, and beheld a naked scimitar suspended over his head
by a single hair. At this sight his satisfaction vanished in an
instant, and he entreated to be released firom the enjoyment of
pleasures which could only be tasted at the risk of life.* Such
was the tyrant's practical illustration of his ovra envied con-
dition,

§ o. Dionysius was succeeded by his eldest son, commonly
called the younger Dionysius, who was about 25 years of age at
the time of his father's death. The elder Dionysius had married
two wives at the same time. One of these was a Locrian woman
named Doris; the other, Aristomache, was a Syracusan, the
daughter of Hipparinus, one of the most active partisans of

* " DestrictTis ensis ciii super impia
Cervice pendet, non Siculffi dapes
Dulcem elaborabunt saporem;
Xon avium cithaneque cantus
Somnum reducent." — Hor. Carm. iii. 1.17.

B.C. 8S7. DIONYSIUS THE YOUNGER. 4&1

Dionysius, and sister to Dion, whom we have akeady had occa-
sion to mention as the friend of Plato. The marriage with Doris
proved immediately fruitful, and by her he had three children,
of whom the eldest, Dionysius, was his successor. But Aristo-
mache was long childless, much to the chagrin of Dionysius, Avho,
attributing the circLunstance to the spells and mcantations of
the mother of Doris, caused the latter to be put to death. At
length Aristomache also bore him children, two sons and two
daughters. Dionysius having died without appointing anv suc-
cessor, Dion at first attempted to secure the inlieritance for his
youthful nephews, but found himself obhged to relinquish all
such claims in favour of the son of Doris. The inexperience of
the yomig Dionysius, however, inclined him to listen to the
coimsels of Dion, who had always enjoyed the respect and con-
fidence of his father, and who now became the confidential ad-
viser of the son. Plato's loft}^ and ideal conceptions of civil
government had sunk deep into the mhid of Dion, and the
influence which he now enjoyed over the youthful sovereign
made him long to seize the opportmiity for realizing them in
practice. To expel the Carthaginians from Sicily, to civihze and
Hellenize the semi-barbarous Siceliot tribes, and to convert
Syracuse from a despotism mto a constitutional monarchy go-
verned by equal laws, — these were the projects which floated in
the imagination of Dion, and which he endeavoured to instil into
Dionysius. With this view he pursuaded Dionysius to in\TLte
Plato again to Syracuse, nothing doubting that his eloquence
and conversational powers would work an immense effect upon
the youthful monarch. But Plato was now growing old, and had
already experienced the danger of attempting to instruct despots
in the subhme, but somewhat visionary theories of perfect go-
vernment. Nevertheless, after something of a struggle, he sacri-
ficed his scruples and apprehensions to the pressing instances of
his friend Dion, and the warm invitation of young Dionysius
himself The philosopher was received with the gi'eatest honour.
His illustrious pupil immediately began to take lessons in geo-
metry ; superfluous dishes disappeared from the royal table ; and
Dionysius even betrayed some symptoms of a wish to mitigate
the former rigours of the despotism. But now his old courtiers
took the alarm; nor does Plato himself appear to have used
with skill the opportunity for a practical application of his doc-
trines which chance had thrown in his way. It was whispered
to Dionysius that the whole was a deep laid scheme on the part
of Dion for the purpose of effecting a revolution and placing liis
own nephews on the throne. These accusations had the desired
effect on the mind of Dionysius ; and an intercepted letter from

492 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLL

Dion to the Carthaginian generals, in which he invited them to
make their communications through him, afforded Dionysius a
pretext for getting rid of him. In the course of a conversation
he enticed Dion down to the veiy brink of the harbour, when
suddenly producing the intercepted letter, and charging him to
his face with treason, he forced him to enter a vessel that was
in readiness to convey him to Italy. The situation of Plato was
now very critical. Many advised Dionysius to put him to death ;
but the despot refused to listen»to these suggestions. He even in-
vited Plato to his palace, and treated him with the greatest respect ;
but he cautiously abstained from any more lessons in a philo-
sophy which he had now been taught to regard with suspicion
as designed only to deprive him of his power. Plato was at
length suffered to escape from the kind of honourable captivity
in which he was held ; but at the pressing invitation of Diony-
sius he again reluctantly returned to Syracuse in the hope of
prevailing upon the tyrant to recall Dion from banishment. In
this, however, he proved unsuccessful ; nay, Dionysius even pro-
ceeded to measures of violence against his former guide and
minister. First the remittances which Dion, who w^as now
residing at Athens, was in the habit of receiving, were stopped,
and at length all his large property was confiscated and sold, and
the proceeds distributed among the personal friends of Diony-
sius. Plato beheld this injustice towards his friend with grief
and mortification, but without the power of preventing it ; and
it was with difficulty that he liimself at length obtained permis-
sion to return to Greece.

§ 6. This event took place early in 360 B.C. ; and at the
Olympic festival of that year Plato met his friend Dion, and
acquainted him with the measures which had been taken against
him by Dionysius. The natural indignition of Dion was fur-
ther inflamed by other acts of the Spacusan tyrant. Dionysius
compelled Arete, the wife of Dion, and his own half-sister, to
marry one of his friends, named Timocrates. He also acted in
the most brutal mamier towards Dion's youthful son. Thus
wounded in the tenderest points, Dion resolved on revenge.
The popularity wliich he had acquired, not only at Athens but
at Sparta and in the Peloponnesus, and especially among those
who were attached to Plato and his teaching, rendered many
disposed to serve him ; whilst the natural desire of a great
part of the Syracusan population to recover their liberty, as well
as the contempt into which Dionysius had fallen from his
drunken and dissipated habits, promised success to any enter-
prise against him, though undertaken with ever so small a
force.

B.C. 856. DION CONQUERS SYRACUSE. 493

After two or three years spent in preparations, Dion, in the sum-
mer of 357 B.C., landed on the coast of Sicily with only 800 men.
The enterprise was favoured by an imprudent step on the part
of Dionysius, who had recently sailed with a fleet of 80 vessels
on an expedition to the coasts of Italy. By a rapid night-march
Dion appeared unexpectedly before Syracuse ', at dawn his troops
were beheld from the walls in the act of crossing the little river
Anapus, first crowning their heads with garlands, and sacrificing
to the rismg sun. Their advance resembled rather the solemn
procession of a festival than the march of an hostile army. The
inhabitants, filled with joy and enthusiasm, crowded through
the gates to welcome Dion as their deliverer, who proclaimed by
sound of trumpet that he was come for the purpose of putting
down the despotism of Dionysius, and of hberating not only the
Syracusans, but all the Sicilian Greeks.

Dion easily rendered himself master of the whole of S}Tacuse,
with the exception of Ortygia, which was still held by the parti-
sans of Dionysius. Such was the state in which that tyrant found
his capital on his return from his Itahan expedition. Dionysius
at first attempted to recover possession of the city by force, but
having been defeated in a sea-fight, he determined to quit Syra-
cuse, and sailed away to Locri in Italy, leaving his son Apollo-
crates in charge of the citadel (b.c. 356). After his departure,
dissensions broke out among the besiegers, and Dion was deposed
from the command ; but the disasters of the Syracusans, aris-
ing from the incapacity of their new leaders, soon led to his
recall and to his appointment as sole general with uncontrolled
authority. Not long after, Apollocrates was compelled by famine
to surrender the citadel.

^ 7. Dion was now master of Syracuse, and in a condition to
carry out all those exalted notions of political life wliich he
had sought to instil into the mind of Dionysius. He seems to
have contemplated some political changes, probably the esta-
blishment of a kind of limited and constitutional monarchy,
after the fashion of Sparta, combined perhaps with the oligarchi-
cal institutions of Corinth. But this scheme of a constitution
existed only m his imaguiation : liis immediate and practical
acts were tyrannical, and were rendered still more unpopular by
his overbearing mamiers. The Syracusans looked for republican
mstitutions — for the dismantling of the fortifications of Ortygia,
the stronghold of despotism — and for the destruction of the
splendid mausoleum, which had been erected there to the me-
mory of the elder Dionysius, by way of pledge that the despotism
was really extinct and overthrown. But Dion did nothing of all
this. Nay, he even caused Heraclides, who had proposed the

494 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLI.

destruction of Ortygia, to be privately assassinated. This act
increased to the highest pitch the unpopularity under which
he already laboured. One of his bosom friends — the Athenian
Callippus — seized the opportunity to mount to power by his
murder, and, having gained over some of his guards, caused
him to be assassinated in his own house. This event took place
in 353, about three years after the expulsion of the Dionysian
dynasty.

§ 8. Callippus contrived to retain the sovereign power about
a twelvemonth. He was ultimately driven out by Hipparinus,
the nephew of Dion (son of the elder Dionysius by Aristomache),
who reigned but two years. Nysseus, another of Dion's nephews,
subsequently obtained the supreme authority^ and was in pos-
session of it when Dionysius presented himself before Syra-
cuse with a fleet, and became master of the city by treacher}-,
about B.C. 346. Dionysius, however, was not able to re-establish
himself firmly in his former power. Most of the other cities of
Sicily had shaken off the yoke of Syracuse, and were governed
by petty despots : one of these, Hicetas, who had established
himself at Leontini, afforded a rally ing-point to the disaffected
Syracusans, with whom he joined in making war on Syracuse.
Meantime, the Carthaginians prepared to take advantage of the
distracted condition of Sicily. In the extremity of their suffer-
ings, several of the Syracusan exiles appealed for aid to Corinth,
their mother-city. The appHcation was granted, and Timoleon
was appointed to command an expedition destined for the relief
of Syracuse.

§ 9. Timoleon was one of those models of uncompromising
patriotism which we sometimes meet with in the history of
Greece, and still more frequently in that of Rome, but wliich,
under some of its phases, we, in modem times, are at a loss
whether to approve or to condemn. When a man's country was
comprised in a small state or a single city, the feeling of patriot-
ism grew stronger in proportion as it was more condensed ; and
to this circumstance, as well as to the humanising effects of
Christianity, may perhaps be chiefly attributed the difference
between ancient and modern views respecting the duty of a
patriot. Timoleon was distinguished for gentleness as w^ell as for
courage, but towards traitors and despots his hatred was intense.
He had once saved the life of his elder brother Timophanes in
battle at the imminent peril of his own ; but when Timophanes
availing himself of his situation as commander of the garrison
in the Acrocorinthus, endeavoured to enslave his country, Timo-
leon did not hesitate to consent to his death. Twice before
had Timoleon pleaded with his brother, beseeching him not to

B.C. 344. TBIOLEON INVADES SICILY. 495

destroy the liberties of his country ; but when Timophanes
turned a deaf ear to these appeals, Timoleon connived at the
action of his friends who put him to death, whilst he himself,
bathed in a flood of tears, stood a little way aloof. The action
was not without its censurers even among the Corinthians them-
selves : but these were chiefly the adherents of the despotic
party, whilst the great body of the citizens regarded the conduct
of Timoleon with love and admiration. In the mind of Timoleon,
however, their approving verdict was far more than outweighed
by the reproaches and execrations of his mother. The stings of
blood-guiltiness and the maternal curse sunk so deep into his
soul that he endeavoured to starve himself to death, and he was
only diverted from his purpose by the active interference of his
friends. But for many years nothing could prevail upon him to
return to public life. He buried himself in the country far from
the haunts of men, dragging out the life of a self-condemned
criminal and exile, till a chance voice in the Corinthian as-
sembly nominated him as the leader of the expedition against
Dionysius.

§ 10. Roused by the nature of the cause, and the exhortations
of his friends, Timoleon resolved to accept the post thus ofiered
to him. The prospect however was discouraging. Before he
sailed, a message arrived from Sicily to countermand the expe-
dition, Hicetas and the anti-Dionysian party having entered into
secret negotiations with the Carthaginians, who refused to allow
any Corinthians to land in Sicily. But the responses of the
Delphic oracle and the omens of the gods were propitious ;
especially the circumstance that in the temple of Delphi itself a
wreath of victory fell from one of the statues upon the head of
Timoleon.

The fleet of Timoleon consisted of only ten triremes, but by
an adroit stratagem he contrived to elude the Carthaginian fleet
of twenty sail, and arrived safely at Tauromenium in Sicily,
where he was heartily welcomed by the inhabitants. Hicetas,
meanwhile, had made great progress in the war against Diony-
sius. He had defeated him in battle, and had made himself
master of the whole of Syracuse with the exception of Ortygia,
in which he kept the despot closely besieged. Hicetas, learning
that Timoleon was advancing to occupy Adranum, hastened
thither to anticipate him, but was defeated with heavy loss.
Timoleon now marched upon Syracuse. Dionysius, who appears
to have abandoned all hope of ultimate success, judged it better
to treat with Timoleon than with Hicetas, and accordingly sur-
rendered the citadel into the hands of the Corinthian leader,
on condition of being allowed to depart in safety to Corinth,

496 HISTOKY OF GREECE. Chaf. XLI.

B.C. 343. Dionysius passed the remainder of his Ufe at Corinth,
where he is said to have displayed some remnants of his former
luxmy by the fastidious taste which he showed in the choice of
his viands, unguents, dress, and furniture ; whilst his literary in-
clinations manifested themselves in teaching the public singers
and actors, and in opening a school for boys.

Hicetas still had possession of Achradina ;^ and, since he saw
that his selfish plans were on the point of failure, he now called
in the aid of the whole Carthaginian force for the reduction of
Ortygia. The harbour of Syracuse was occupied by 150 Car-
thaginian ships, whilst an army of 60,000 Carthaginians was
admitted within the walls of Syracuse. But while Hicetas and
Magon the Carthaginian general marched with a great part of
their force to attack the town of Catana, whence the garrison
of Ortygia was supphed with provisions. Neon, the Corinthian
commander in Ortygia, watching a favourable opportunity, made
a sally, defeated the blockading force on all sides, and even ob-
tained possession of the suburb of Achradina. This unexpected
success raised the suspicions of Magon, who, fearing that Hi-
cetas meant to betray him, resolved to quit the island, and
sailed away with all his forces to Carthage. Notwithstanding
the defection of his powerful ally, Hicetas attempted to retain
possession of that part of Syracuse which was still in his power,
but he was unable to resist the attack of Timoleon, and was
obliged to abandon the city and return to Leontini.

§11. Thus was the apparently hopeless enterprise of Timoleon
crowned with entire success in an mcredibly short space of time.
It now remained for him. to achieve a still greater victory —
a victory over himself. He was master of Syracuse and of
Ortygia, with all its means and resources for establishing a
despotism in his own favour ; but his first public act was to
destroy those impregnable fortifications which would have ren-
dered such a usurpation feasible. All the Syracusans were
invited to assist in demolishing the walls of Ortygia, and the
monument of the elder Dionysius, the record of their former
slavery; and on the ruins of these dreaded works Timoleon caused
courts of justice to be erected, at once the pledge and instruments
of equal laws and future freedom.

Much, however, remained to be done to restore Syracuse to its
former prosperity, and Sicily in general to a state of liberty and
order. With this view all exiles were invited to return ; whilst
Corinth was intreated to co-operate in the work of restoration
and to become a second time the founder of Syracuse. Two

* See plan of Syracuse, p. 337,

B.C. 843 TIMOLEON AT SYRACUSE. A9l

leading Corinthian citizens were accordingly despatched to assist
Timoleon and the Syracusans in recasting their constitution,
which was remodelled on the basis of the laws of Diodes.^
To remedy the poverty into which Syracuse had been plunged
by its misfortunes, new colonists were invited to enrol them-
selves; and thus a body of 10,000 citizens, including the Syra-
cusan exiles, was collected at Corinth and transported to Syracuse.
But larger bodies of Greeks soon poured in from Italy, so that
altogether the immigrants are reckoned at 60,000.

§ 12. Meantime, Timoleon was not idle. He attacked Hicetas
in Leontini, and compelled him to capitulate. But the submis-
sion of Hicetas was a mere feint in order to gain time for calling
in the Carthaginians ; who highly indignant at the precipitate
retreat of Magon, were anxious to wipe out the disgrace by
some signal act of vengeance. An army of 70,000 men was
accordingly disembarked at Lilybseum. To meet this formidable
force Timoleon could raise only about 12,000 men ; and on his
march against the enemy this small force was still further re-
duced by the defection of about 1000 of his mercenaries. With
the remainder Timoleon marched westwards into the Cartha-
ginian province. As he was approaching the Crimesus, or Cri-
missus, a small river which flows into the Hypsa on the south-
western coast of Sicily, he was saluted by one of those omens
which so frequently either raised the courage of the Greeks or
sunk them into despondency. The army was met by several
mules bearing loads of parsley, the usual ornament of tombs.
Perceiving the alarm of his soldiers, Timoleon, with great pre-
sence of mind, gave the omen another and a favourable direction.
Crowns of parsley were also employed to reward the victors in
the Isthmian games ; and Timoleon, seizing a handful and
making a wreath for his own head, exclaimed, " Behold our
Corinthian symbol of victory ; its unexpected appearance here
affords an unequivocal omen of success." These timely words
reanimated his mien, who now followed him with alacrity. In
the battle which ensued Timoleon appeared to have been again
favoured by the gods. In the hottest of the fight a terrific storm
of hail, rain, and thunder, and lightning beat right in the faces of
the Carthaginians, and by the confusion which it created enabled
the Greeks to put them to the rout. The same cause occasioned
the death of thousands in their retreat, for the river Crimesus,
swollen by the sudden rain, carried away a great part of those
who attempted to recross it. Ten thousand Carthaginians are
said to have perished in the battle, while 15,000 more were

* See p. 487.

4-98 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLI.

made prisoners. The remainder fled without stopping to Lily-
baeum, whence they immediately embarked for Carthage, not
without a dread that the anger of the gods would still pursue
them at sea.

§ 13. The victory of the Crimesus brought Timoleon such
an accession of power and influence, that he now resolved to
carry into execution his project of expelling all the despots
from Sicily. The Carthaginians sent another expedition to
assist these despots, but they were unable to effect anything,
and were glad to conclude a treaty with Timoleon in B.C. 338.
While the war still continued with the Carthaginians, Timoleon
obtained possession of the town of Leontini, as well as of the
person of Hicetas, whom he caused to be put to death. Ma-
mercus, despot of Catana, was next deposed and executed by
order of the public assembly at Syracuse, and the other despots
in Sicily soon shared his fate.

§ 14. Having thus effected the liberation of the island, Timo-
leon immediately laid down his power. All the reward he received
for his great services was a house in Syracuse, and some landed
property in the neighbourhood of the city. He now sent for his
family from Corinth, and became a Syracusan citizen. He con-
tinued, however, to retain, though in a private station, the
greatest influence in the state. During the latter part of his
life, though he was totally deprived of sight, yet when important
affairs were discussed in the assembly, it was customary to send for
Timoleon, who was drawn in a car into the middle of the theatre
amid the shouts and affectionate greetings of the assembled
citizens. When the tumult of his reception had subsided he
listened patiently to the debate. The opinion which he pro-
nounced was usually ratified by the vote of the assembly ; and
he then left the theatre amidst the same cheers which had
greeted his arrival. A truly gratifying position I and one which
must have conferred on Timoleon more real happiness than the
possession of the most absolute power could ever have be-
stowed. In this happy and honoured condition he breathed his
last in B.C. 336, a feAv years after the battle of Crimesus. He
was splendidly interred at the public cost, whilst the tears of the
whole Syracusan population followed him to the grave.

View of Delphi and Mount Parnassus.

BOOK VI.

THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY.

B.C. 359—146.

CHAPTER XLII.

FROM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE END OF THE SACRED WAR.

§ 1. State of Greece. § 2. Description of Macedonia. § 3. Kings of
Macedon. § 4. Character of Philip. § 5. He subdues the Pseoniana
and Illyrians. § 6. His military discipline. § 7. Capture of Amphi-
polis, and foundation of Philippi. § 8. The Social War, § 9. Com-
mencement of the Sacred War. The Phocians seize Delphi. § 10. Suc-
cesses of the Phocians. §11- Philip interferes in the war. Conquers
Thessaly. § 12. Philip in Thrace. Demosthenes. § 13. TheOlynthian
War. § 14. Character of Phocion. Fall of Olynthus. § 15. Progress
of the Sacred War. Embassy to Philip, § 16. Conquest of Phocis by-
Philip. Sentence of the Amphictyonic Council on the Pkocians.

§ 1. The internal dissensions of Greece, which have formed the
subject of the two preceding books, are now about to produce
their natural fruits ; and in the present hook we shall have to

600 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLII.

relate the do^Tifall of her independence and her subjugation by a
foreign power. We have first of all seen Sparta exercising a sort
of empire of opinion over the other Grecian states, and looked
up to by them with willing obedience as their traditional and
chosen leader. After the Persian wars Athens contests the
palm with her, and, through the confederacy of Delos, becomes
virtually the head of Greece in material power, if not recognised
as such by the public opinion of the nation. But Sparta
and most of the other Grecian states, from jealous}' of the
Athenian supremacy, league together for the purpose of crush-
ing Athens. After a long struggle, Athens falls into the power
of her enemies ; and Sparta becomes the ruler of Greece. The
power which she has thus acquhed, she exercises with harsh>
ness, cruelty, and corruption ; her own allies desert her ; and
in httle more than thirty years after the battle of .Egospotami
she is in her turn not only deprived of the supremacy, but even
stripped of a considerable portion of her own ancient territory,
chiefly through the power and influence of Thebes. For a httle
while Thebes becomes the predominant state ; but she owes
her position solely to the abilities and genius of Epaminondas,
and after his death sinks down to her former level. The state
of exhaustion into which Greece had been thrown by these
protracted intestine dissensions is akeady shoMTi by her ha^Tng
condescended to throw herself at the feet of Persia, and to make
her hereditar}- enemy the arbiter of her quarrels. Athens alone,
during the comparative state of tranquiUity afibrded her through
the mutual disputes of her neighbours, has succeeded in regain-
ing some portion of her former strength, and becomes the leading
power in the struggle which now threatens to overwhelm the
whole of Greece. Tliis new danger comes from an obscure
northern state, hitherto overlooked and despised, and considered
as altogether barbarous, and A^ithout the pale of Grecian ci^^i-
lization.

§ 2. Macedonia — for that is the countiy of wliich we are
speaking — had various hmits at different times. Properly, how-
ever, it may be regarded as separated from Thessaiy on the
south by the Cambunian mountains ; from lll}Tia on the west
by the great mouniam chain called Scardus and Bernus, and
vrhich, under the name of Phidus, also separates Thessaiy from
Epirus ; from Mcesia on the north by the mountains called Orbe-
lus and Scomius ; and from Thrace on the east by the river
Str)'mon. It is drained by three rivers of considerable size, the
Axius, the LydiEis, and the Hahacmon ; each of which has its
separate valley, formed by two mountain ranges running south-
eastwards from the mountains that di\-ide Illyria and Macedonia.

B.C. 859. HISTORY OF MACEDONIA. 501

All these rivers discharge themselves into the Thermaic gulf.
The origin of the people who inhabited this tract of country has
been much disputed. The Greeks themselves looked upon them
as barbarians, that is, as not of Hellenic origin. They were pro-
bably an Illyrian people, and the similarity of the manners and
customs, as well as of the languages, so far as they are known,
of the early Macedonians and Illyiians, seems to establish the
identity of the races.

^ 3. But though the Macedonians were not Greeks, their so-
vereigns claimed to be descended from an Hellenic race, namely,
that of Temenus of Argos ; and it is said that Alexander 1.
proved his Argive descent previously to contending at the Olympic
games. Perdiccas is commonly regarded as the founder of the
monarchy ; of the history of which, however, little is known till
the reign of Amyntas I., his fifth successor, who was contem-
porary with the Pisistratidse at Athens. Under Amyntas, who
submitted to the satrap Megabyzus, Macedonia became subject
to Persia, and remained so till after the battle of Plataea. The
reigns of the succeeding sovereigns down to Philip H. present
little that is remarkable, with the exception of that of Arche-
laus (b.c. 413). This monarch effected much for Macedonia by
improving the condition of the army, by erecting fortresses to
check the incursions of his barbarous neighbours, by construct-
ing roads, and by endeavouring to diffuse among his subjects a
taste for literature and art. He transferred his residence from
jEgSB to Pella, which thus became the capital, and he employed
Zeuxis to adorn his palace there with paintings. He entertained
many literary men at his court ; such as Agathon and Euripides,
the latter of whom ended his days at Pella. Archelaus was as-
sassinated in B.C. 399, and the crown devolved upon Amyntas XL,
a representative of the ancient line. Amyntas left three sons :
Alexander II., who was assassinated by Ptolemy Alorites ; Per-
diccas III., who recovered his brother's throne by slaying Pto-
lemy, and who fell in battle against the Illyrians ; and lastly, the
celebrated Philip, of whom we have now to speak.

§ 4. It has been already mentioned that the youthful Philip
was one of the hostages delivered to the Thebans as security for
the peace effected by Pelopidas. His residence at Thebes gave
him some tincture of Grecian philosophy and literature. It
seems probable that he made the personal acquaintance of Plato ;
and he undoubtedly acquired that command over the Greek lan-
guage which put him on a level with the best orators of the day.
But the most important lesson which he learned at Thebes was
the art of war, with all the improved tactics introduced by Epa-
minondas. At the time of Philip's residence, moreover, Thebes

502 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLII.

was the centre of political interest, and he must accordingly have
had opportunities to become intimately acquainted ^-ith the
views and pohcy of the various (xrecian powere. The genius
and character of Phihp were well calculated to derive advantage
from these opportunities. He had great natural acuteness and
sagacit}', so as to perceive at a glance the men to be employed,
and the opportunities to be improved. His boimdless ambition
was seconded by an iron T^ill, which no danger could daunt and
no repulse dishearten ; and when he had once formed a project
he pursued it with untiring and resistless energ}*. His hand-
some person, spontaneous eloquence, and apparently frank
deportment, were of great assistance to him in the prosecution
of his schemes ; whilst under these seducing quahties lurked no
inconvenient moraht}' to stand between his desires and their
gratification. Corruption was his uistrument as frequently as
force ; and it was one of his favourite boasts that he had taken
more towns with silver than with iron.=* Yet when force was
necessar}^ no man could "wdeld it better ; for vdih the skill of a
general he united a robustness of constitution which enabled
him to bear all the hardships of a campaign as well as the
meanest soldier.

§ 5. Such was the man who at the age of 23 assumed the go-
venmient of Macedonia (b.c. 359). It had probably been in-
trusted to him when his brother Perdiccas set out on the expe-
dition against the Illyrians in wliich he fell ; and after that event
he became the guardian of his brother's iniant son. This minority
induced two pretenders to claim the crown : Pausanias, who was
supported by the king of Thrace ; and Argaeus, whose claims
were backed by the Athenians ^"ith a force of 3000 hoplites,
because he had engaged to put them in possession of Amphi-
polis. But by his promises and address Phihp contrived to
propitiate both the king of Thrace and the Athenians ; to the
latter of whom he made the same ofiers as Argaeus had done.
The two pretenders beuig thus deprived of their supporters,
were easily got rid of, and Phihp was left at hberU' to turn his
arms against the Paeonians and DhTians, who were threateuhig
Macedonia with mvasion. The former people were easily sub-
dued, and Philip then marched agamst the Illpians A%-ith a force
of 10,000 men. He was met by Bardylis, the aged chief of
Ill^-ria, vi'ith an army of about the same strength. This was the
first important engagement fought by Philip. He displayed in
it the military- skill Miiich he had acquired m the school of Epa-
* " diffidit ixrbium

Portas vir Macedo et submit lemulos
Reges mimeribus." — Hok. Cani/u iii. 16. 13.

B.C. 859. ACCESSION OF PHILIP. BOS'

miiiondas, and, like that commander, gained the victory by con-
centrating his forces on one point of the enemy's Hne. Nearly
two-thirds of the lUyrian army were destroyed ; and they were
consequently compelled to submit unconditionally, and to place
in the hands of Philip the principal mountain passes between
the two countries. It was after these victories that Phihp seems
to have deposed his nephew, and to have assumed the crown of
Macedon. This revolution, however, was unattended with harsh-
ness or cruelty. Pliilip continued to bring up his nephew at
court, and ultimately gave him one of his daughters in marriage.

^ 6. It was natural that success acquired with so much ease
should prompt a youthful and ambitious monarch to further
undertakings. In anticipation of future conquests he devoted
the greatest attention to the training and discipline of his army.
It was in his lUyrian wars that he is said to have introduced the
far-famed Macedonian phalanx. But perhaps the greatest of his
military innovations was the establishment of a standing army.
"We have already noticed certain bodies of this description at
Argos and Thebes. Philip, however, seems to have retained on
foot the 10,000 men which he had employed against the Illy-
rians ; and this standmg force was gradually enlarged to double
the number. Among the soldiers disciphne was preserved by
the severest punishments. Thus we hear of a youth of noble
birth being scourged for leaving the ranks to get a draught of
wine at a tavern ; and of another who, though a favourite at
court, was put to death for a similar offence, aggravated by a
breach of positive orders.

§ 7. Philip's views were now turned towards the eastern fron-
tiers of his dominions, where his mterests clashed with those of
the Athenians. A few years before the Athenians had made
various unavailing attempts to obtain possession of Amphipohs,
once the jewel of their empire, but which they had never reco-
vered since its capture by Brasidas in the eighth year of the Pe-
loponnesian war. Its situation at the mouth of the Strymon
rendered it also valuable to Macedonia, not only as a commercial
port, but as opening a passage into Thrace. The Olynthians
Avere likewise anxious to enrol Amphipolis as a member of their
confederacy, and accordingly proposed to the Athenians to form
an alHancefor the purpose of defending Amphipolis against their
mutual enemy. An alhance between these two powerful states
would have proved an insurmountable obstacle to Philip's views ;
and it was therefore absolutely necessary to prevent this coaH-
tion. Here we have the first instance of Philip's skill and du-
phcity in negotiation. By secretly promdsing the Athenians
that he would put Amphipohs into their hands, if they would

604 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLII.

give him possession of Pydna, he induced them to reject the
overtures of the Olynthians ; and by ceding to the latter the
town of Anthemus, he bought off their opposition. He now laid
siege to Amphipolis, which, being thus left unaided, fell into his
hands (b.c. 358). He then forthwith marched against Pydna,
which surrendered to him ; but on the ground that it was not
the Athenians who had put him in possession of this town, he
refused to give up Amphipolis to them.

Philip had now just reason to dread the enmity of the Athenians,
and accordingly it was his policy to court the favour of the
Olynthians, and to prevent them from renewing their negotia-
tions with the Athenians. In order to separate them more
effectually, he assisted the Olynthians in recovering Potidsea,
which had formerly belonged to their confederacy, but was now
in the hands of the Athenians. On the capture of the town he
handed it over to the Olynthians ; but at the same time he
treated the Athenian garrison with kindness, and allowed them
to return home in safety. Plutarch relates that the capture of
Potidsea was accompanied with three other fortunate events in
the life of Philip ; namely, the prize gained by his chariot at the
Olympic games, a victory of his general Parmenio over the
lUyrians, and the birth of his son Alexander. These events
happened in b.c. 356.

Philip now crossed the Strymon, on the left bank of which
lay Pangaeus, a range of mountains abounding in gold mines.
Pangseus properly belonged to the Thracians, but had some-
times been in the possession of the Athenians, and sometimes
of the Thasians ; and at this time was held by the latter people.
Philip conquered the district, and founded there a new town
called Philippi, on the site of the ancient Thasian town of
Crenides. By improved methods of working the mines he made
them yield an annual revenue of 1000 talents, nearly 250,000Z.
But it was chiefly as a military post that Philippi was valu-
able to him, and as a means of pushing his conquests farther
eastwards ; for which, however, he was not at present pre-
pared.

^ 8. Meanwhile, Athens was engaged in a war with her allies,
which has been called the Social War ; and which was, perhaps,
the reason why she was obliged to look quietly on whilst
Philip was thus aggrandizing himself at her expense. This war
broke out in b.c. 357. The chief causes of it seem to have been
the contributions levied upon the allies by the Athenian gene-
rals, and the re-establishment of the system of cleruchies, which
the Athenians had formally renounced when they were beginning
to reconstruct their empire. However this may be, a coalition

B.C. 357. THE SACRED WAR, 506

was foi-med against Athens, of which either Byzantium or Rhodes
was the head, and which was soon joined by Chios, Cos, and
other places. The insurgents were also assisted by the Carian
prince, Mausolus. The first step taken by the Athenians in
order to quell this insurrection was to attack Chios with 60 tri-
remes, under Chares and Chabrias. The expedition proved un-
successful. Chabrias was slain whilst gallantly leading the way
into the' harbour of Chios, and the armament was altogether de-
feated. We next find Timotheus and Iphicrates employed in
this war in conjunction with Chares : but the details recorded
of it are obscure, and sometimes contradictory. Chares got rid
of his two colleagues on a charge of faihng to support him in a
battle. On this indictment they were subsequently tried, when
Iphicrates was acquitted ; but Timotheus was condemned, and
retired to Chalcis, where he soon afterwards died. Athens thus
lost her best commanders ; and Chares, havi ^g obtained the sole
command, entered the service of the satrap Artabazus, who had
revolted against Artaxei-xes, and was rewarded with a large sum,
which enabled him to pay his men. He did not succeed, how-
ever, in reducing the refractory alHes to obedience ; and v/hen
Artaxerxes threatened to support them with a fleet of 300 ships,
the Athenians were obhged to consent to a disadvantageous
peace, which secured the independence of the more important
allies (b.c. 355). The Athenians only succeeded in retaining
some of the smaller towns and islands, and their revenue from
them was reduced to the moderate sum of 45 talents.
• ^9. The Social War tended still further to exhaust the Grecian
states, and thus pave the way for Phihp's progress to the su-
premacy. Another war, which had been raging during the same
time, produced the same result even to a greater extent. This
was the Sacred War, which broke out between Thebes and
Phocis in the same year as the Social War (b.c. 357). An ill-
feeling had long subsisted between those two countries. It was
with reluctance that the Phocians had jomed the Theban al-
liance. In the last campaign of Epaminondas in the Pelopon-
nesus, they positively refused their assistance ; and after the
death of that leader they seem to have committed some actual
hostihties against Boeotia. The Thebans now availed themselves
of the influence which they possessed in the Amphictyonic coun-
cil to take vengeance upon the Phocians, and accordingly induced
this body to impose a heavy fine upon the Phocians, because
they had cultivated a portion of the Cirrhsean plain, which, after
the first sacred war, had been consecrated to the Delphian god,*
and was to lie waste for ever. The Phocians pleaded that the
* See pp. 60, 51,

z

506 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIL

payment of the fine would ruin them ; but instead of listening
to their remonstrances, the Amphictj'ons doubled the amoimt,
and threatened, in case of their continued refusal, to reduce
them to the condition of serfs. Thus driven to desperation, the
Phocians resolved to complete the sacrilege M^ith which they had
been branded, by seizmg the very temple of Delphi itself, to the
possession of which they asserted an ancient right, founded on a
verse in Homer, in which the *' rocky P\i;ho'' was reckoned
among the Phocian towns.^ If they succeeded in seizmg the
temple, not only would aU its treasures be at their command,
but they would even be able to dictate the responses of the
oracle. The leader and counsellor of this enterprise was Philo-
melus, who, with a force of no more than 2,000 men, surprised
and took Delphi. The Locrians of Amphissa, who came to the
rescue of the temple, were defeated by him with great loss.
Being now master of the temple, Philomelus destroyed the re-
cords containing the sentence of the Amphict}"ons, and appealed
to all G-reece against its injustice. At first, however, he care-
fully abstained from touching the sacred treasure ; but he levied
large sums on the private property of the Delphians. He then
fortified the temple afresh ; and, having hired more mercenaries,
which swelled his force to 5000 men, mvaded the Locrian terri-
tory. After some pett}' skirmishes, the Locrians were finally
defeated in a pitched battle ; whereupon they appHed to the
Thebans for assistance.

§ 10. Meanwhile, Philomelus, being master of the oracle, ex-
torted a decree from the priestess sanctioning all that he had
done ; and sent envoys to the principal Grecian cities, including
Thebes, to vindicate his conduct, and to declare that the treasmes
of Delphi were untouched. The envoys succeeded in obtaining the
alliance of Sparta and Athens, but from Thebes they were repulsed
with threats. There, however, the application of the Locrians
met with a ready acquiescence ; and messages were sent by the
Thebans to stir up the Thessalians and all the northern tribes
which belonged to the Amphictj'onic Council. The Phocians
now saw themselves threatened by a powerful combination,
whilst from Athens, weakened by the social war, and from Sparta,
hampered by Megalopohs and Messene, they could expect but
httle aid. In this emergency Philomelus threw off' the scruples
which he had hitherto assumed, and announced that the sacred
treasures should be converted into a fund for the payment of
mercenaries. Crowds of adventurers now flocked on all sides to
his standard, and he soon found himself at the head of 10,000
men. With these he again invaded Locris, and defeated the
^» Iliad, ii. 617.

B.C. 352. INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP. 501

Thebans and Thessalians. Subsequently, however, the Thebans
obtained large reinforcements, and having become manifestly the
strongest, put to death all Phocian prisoners, as being guilty of
sacrilege. The war thus assumed the most barbarous character,
and the Phocians, by way of self preservation, were obliged to
retaliate. The details of the struggle are not accurately known,
but it appears that a great battle was at length fought, in which
the Phocians were defeated and Philomelus killed. The victory,
however, does not seem to have been sufficiently decisive to
enable the Thebans to obtain possession of Delphi, and they sub-
sequently returned home.

Onomarchus, who succeeded his brother Philomelus in the
command, carried on the war with vigour and success. He re-
duced both the western and eastern Locrians, as well as the httle
state of Doris. He then invaded Boeotia, captured Orchome-
nus, and laid siege to Chseronea ; which, however, the Thebans
compelled him to raise, and drove him back with some loss into
Phocis.

HI. Such was the state of the Sacred War when Philip first
began to interfere in it. It was only, however, through his pre-
vious conquests in Thessaly that he was enabled to do so. Even
before he could enter that country he had to reduce the town of
Methone, which lay between him and the Thessalian frontier ;
and it was at the siege of this place that he lost his eye by an
arrow. After the capture of Methdne, his road lay open into
Thessaly ; and at the invitation of the Aleuadss of Larissa, who
were disgusted with the tyranny exercised by the successors of
Alexander of Pheree, he undertook an expedition against that
state. Alexander himself had been despatched through the
machinations of his wife Thebe, who caused him to be murdered
by her three half-brothers. These subsequently ascended the
throne, and exercised a tyranny as harsh as that of their pre-
decessor. Pherse, it seems, had shown some disposition to assist
the Phocians; and when Onomarchus heard that Philip was
marching against it, he sent his brother, Phayllus, with a force
of 7000 men to its assistance. Philip defeated Phayllus, but
was subsequently routed and compelled to retreat by Onomar-
chus in person. The latter then turned his arms against Coro-
nea, which he reduced ; but the news that Philip had re-entered
Thessaly at the head of 20,000 men, soon compelled him again
to march thither. Philip now assumed the character of a cham-
pion of the Delphic god, and made his soldiers wear wreaths of
laurel, plucked in the groves of Tempe. Onomarchus was at the
head of about an equal number of men ; but in the encounter
which ensued, apparently near the gulf of Pagasae, he was slain,

508 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLII.

and his army totally defeated (b.c. 352). This victory made
Philip master of Thessaly. He now directed his march south-
wards with the view of subduing the Phocians ; but upon
reaching Thermopylae, he found the pass guarded by a strong
Athenian force, and was compelled, or considered it more prudent,
to retreat.

M2. After his return from Thessaly, Philip's views were di-
rected towards Thrace and the Chersonese ; but he first carried
his arms so far into the ulterior of the country that the Athe-
nians could learn nothing of his movements. It was at this
juncture that Demosthenes stepped forwards as the proclaimed
opponent of Philip, and delivered the first of those celebrated
orations which from theu' subject have been called " the Philip-
pics." Since the establishment of democracy at Athens a cer-
tain degree of abihty m pubhc speaking was indispensable to a
pubhc man. Hitherto, however, the leading men of Athens had,
like Cimon and Pericles, been statesmen and warriors, as weU as
orators. But the great progress made in the art of rhetoric, as
well as in the art of war since the improved tactics introduced
by Epammondas, had now almost completely separated the pro-
fessions of the orator and the soldier. Phocion, the contempo-
rary of Demosthenes, was the last who combined the provinces
of the two. The ears of the Athenians had become fastidious.
They dehghted in displays of oratorical skill ; and it was this
period which produced those speakers who have been called by
way of eminence " the Attic orators." Demosthenes, the most
famous of them all, was born in b.c. 382-381. Having lost his
father at the early age of seven, his guardians abused their trust,
and defrauded liim of the greater part of his paternal inheritance.
This misfortune, however, proved one of the causes which tended
to make him an orator. Demosthenes, as he advanced towards
manhood, perceived with indignation the conduct of his guar-
dians, for which he resolved to make them answerable when the
proper opportunity should arrive, by accusing them himself
before the dicastery. The weakness of his bodily frame, which
unfitted him for the exercises of the g^nnanasium, caused him to
devote himself with all the more ardour to mtellectual pursuits.
He placed himself under the tuition of Isseus, who then enjoyed
a high reputation as an advocate ; and when he had acquired
a competent degree of skill, he pleaded his cause agamst his guar-
dians, and appears to have recovered a considerable portion of
his estate. This success encouraged him to speak m the public
assembly ; but his first attempt proved a failure, and he retired
from the bema amidst the hootings and laughter of the citizens.
The more judicious and candid among his auditors perceived,

B.C. 352. DEMOSTHENES. FIRST PHILIPPIC. 609

however, marks of genius in his speech, and rightly attributed
his failure to timidity and want of due preparation. Eunomus,
an aged citizen who met him wandering about the PirEeus in a
state of dejection at his ill success, bade him take courage and
persevere. "Your manner of speaking," said he, "very much
resembles that of Pericles ; you fail only through want of con-
fidence. You are too much disheartened by the tumult of a
popular assembly, and you do not take any pains even to acquire
that strength of body which is requisite for the bema." Struck
and encouraged by these remarks, Demosthenes withdrew awhile
from public life, and devoted himself perseveringly to remedy
his defects. They were such as might be lessened, if not re-
moved, by practice, and consisted chiefly of a weak voice,
imperfect articulation, and ungraceful and inappropriate action.
He derived much assistance from Satyrus, the actor, who exer-
cised him in reciting passages from Sophocles and Euripides.
He studied the best rhetorical treatises and orations, and is said
to have copied the work of Thucydides with his own hand no
fewer than eight times. He shut himself up for two or three
months together in a subterranean chamber in order to practise
composition and declamation. It may also be well supposed
that he devoted no inconsiderable part of his attention to the
laws of Athens and the politics of G-reece. His perseverance was
crowned with success ; and he who on the first attempt had
descended from the beraia amid the ridicule of the crowd, became
at last the most perfect orator the world has ever seen.

H3. Demosthenes had established himself as a public speaker
before the period which we have now reached ; but it is chiefly
in connexion vn.th Philip that we are to view him as a statesman
as well as an orator. Philip had shown his ambition by the con-
quest of Thessaly, and by the part he had taken in the Sacred
War ; and Demosthenes now began to regard him as the enemy
of the liberties of Athens and of Greece. In his first " Philippic"
Demosthenes tried to rouse his countrymen to energetic meas-
ures against this formidable enemy ; but his warnings and exhor-
tations produced little effect, for the Athenians were no longer
distinguished by the same spirit of enterprise which had cha-
racterized them in the days of their supremacy. It is true they
were roused to momentary action towards the end of e.g. 352
by the news that Philip was besieging the fortress of Herseum on
the Propontis ; but the armament which they voted, upon receiv-
ing the news, did not sail till the autumn of e.g. 351, and then
on a reduced scale under the command of Charidemus. For the
next two years no important step was taken to curb the growing
power of Philip ; and it was the danger of Olynthus, which first

610 HISTOKY OF GItEECK Chap. XLII.

induced the Athenians to prosecute the war with a httle more
energy.

In 350 B.C., Phihp having captured a town in Chalcidice, Olju-
thus hegan to tremble for her own safety, and sent envoys to
Athens to crave assistance. 01}Tithus was still at the head of
thirty-two Greek towns, and the confederacy was a sort of coun-
terpoise to the power of Philip. It was on this occasion that
Demosthenes delivered his three Olynthaic orations, in which
he warmly advocated an alliance with Olynthus.

§ 14. Demosthenes was opposed by a strong party, with which
Phocion commonly acted. Phocion is one of the most singular
and original characters in Grecian history. Naturally simple,
upright, and benevolent, his manners were nevertheless often
rendered repulsive by a tinge of misanthropy and cynicism. He
viewed the multitude and their affairs with a scorn wliich he
was at no pains to disguise ; receiving their anger with indiffer-
ence, and their praises with contempt. When a response from
Delphi announced to the Athenians that though they were
themselves unanimous, there was one man who dissented from
them, Phocion stepped forwards, and said : "Do not trouble
yourselves to seek for this refractory citizen ; — I am he, and I
like nothing that you. do." On another occasion, w^hen one of
his speeches was received with general applause, he turned round
to his friends, and inquired, " Have I said anything bad ?" Pho-
cion's whole art of oratory consisted in condensing his speeches
into the smallest possible compass, without any attention to the
smoothness of his periods, or the grace of his language. Yet
their terse and homely vigour was often heightened by a sort of
dry humour, which produced more effect than the most studied
efforts of oratory. "What, at your meditations, Phocion?"
inquired a friend, who perceived him wrapt up in thought. —
" Yes," he replied, " I am considering whether I can shorten
what I have to say to the Athenians." His known probity also
gave him weight with the assembly. He was the only statesman
of whom Demosthenes stood in awe ; who was accustomed to
say when Phocion rose, " Here comes the pruner of my
periods." But Phocion's desponding views, and his mistrust of
the Athenian people, made him an ill statesman at a period
which demanded the most active patriotism. He doubtless
injured his country by contributing to check the more enlarged
and patriotic views of Demosthenes ; and though his own con-
duct was pure and disinterested, he unintentionally threw his
weight on the side of those who, like Demades and others, were
actuated by the basest motives. Tliis division of opinion ren-
dered the operations of the Athenians for the aid of the Olyn-

B.C. 34Y. PHILIP TAKES OLYNTHUS. 611

thians languid and desultory. Town after town of the confe-
deracy fell before Philip ; and in b.c. 348, or early in 347, he laid
siege to Olynthus itself The city was vigorously defended ; but
Philip at length gained admission through the treachery of Las-
thenes and Euthycrates, two of the leading men, when he
razed it to the ground and sold the inhabitants into slavery.
The whole of the Chalcidian peninsula thus became a Macedo-
nian province. Philip celebrated his triumph at Dium, a town
on the borders of Thessaly ; where, on the occasion of a festival
to the Muses, instituted by Archelaus, he amused the people
with banquets, games, and theatrical entertainments.

§ 15. The prospects of Athens now became alarming. Her
possessions in the Chersonese were threatened, as well as the
freedom of the Greek towns upon the Hellespont. At this junc-
ture Demosthenes endeavoured to persuade the Athenians to
organize a confederacy among the Grecian states for the purpose
of arresting a power which seemed to threaten the hberty of
all ; and in this he was seconded by some of those politicians
who usually opposed him. But though steps were taken towards
this object, the attempt entirely failed. The attention of the
Athenians was next directed towards a reconciliation with
Thebes. The progress of the sacred war, to which we must now
briefly revert, seemed favourable to such a project. After the
death of Oiiomarchus, his brother Phayllus had assumed the
command of the Phocians ; and as the sacred treasure was still
unexhausted he succeeded in obtaining large reinforcements of
troops. The Spartans sent 1000 men; the Achseans 2000 ; the
Athenians 5000 foot and 400 horse under Nausicles. "With these
forces Phayllus undertook a successful invasion of Boeotia ; and
afterwards attacked the Epienemidian Locrians, and took all
their towns except Naryee. But in the course of the year Phayllus
died, and was succeeded in the conduct of the war by Mnaseas,
guardian of Phalaecus, the youthful son of Onomarehus. Mnaseas,
however, was soon slain, and Phalaecus himself then assumed the
command. Under him the war was continued between the Pho-
cians and Thebans, but without any decisive success on either side.
The treasures of Delphi were nearly exhausted, and on the other
hand the war was becoming every year more and more burthen-
some to the Thebans. It was at this juncture that the Athe-
nians, as before hinted, were contemplating a peace with Thebes ;
nor did it seem improbable that one might be concluded not
only between those two cities, but among the Grecian states
generally. It seems to have been this aspect of affairs that
induced Philip to make several indirect overtures to the Athe-
nians in the summer of b.c. 347. In spite of subsidies from

512 HISTORY OF GREECE, Chap. XLII.

Delphi tlie war had heen very onerous to them, and they received
these advances with joy, yet not without suspicion, as they were
quite unable to divine PhiUp's motives for making them. On
the motion of Philocrates, however, it was decreed that ten am-
bassadors should be despatched to Philip's court. Philocrates
himself was at the head of them, and among the rest were the
rival orators, Demosthenes and ^schines, and the actor Aristo-
demus. We have, however, no particulars on which we can rely
respecting this embassy. All that we can gather respecting it is
from the personal recriminations of Demosthenes and JEschines,
and we can only infer on the whole that it was a miserable
failure. Philip seems to have bribed some of the ambassadors,
and to have cajoled the rest by his hospitable banquets and his
winning and condescending manners. Nothing decisive was done
respecting Amphipolis or the Phocians ; and as far as we can
learn the whole fruits of the embassy were some vague promises
on the part of Philip to respect the Athenian possessions in
Thrace. Soon after the return of Philocrates and his colleagues,
Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus, tliree of Philip's most dis-
tinguished generals and statesmen, came on a mission to Athens,
where they were entertained by Demosthenes. The basis of a
treaty of peace and alliance seems now to have been arranged, in
which Phihp dictated his own terms. Another embassy, con-
sisting probably of the former ten, was appointed to procure the
ratification of this treaty by Philip ; and on the news that he
was invading the dominions of Cersobleptes, they were directed
to hasten their departure, and to seek that monarch in whatever
quarter he might be. With this view they proceeded to the
port of Oreus in Euboea; but instead of following the advice of
Demosthenes, and embarking for the Hellespont, which they
might have reached in two or three days, they wasted some time
at that place, and then proceeded by a circuitous route to Pella :
hence they did not reach that city till upwards of three weeks
after quitting Athens. Here they met ambassadors from other
states concerned in the progress of the sacred war, as Thebes,
Phocis, Sparta, and Thessaly ; but Philip was still in Thrace, and
they had to wait a month for his return. Even when he arrived
at Pella, he delayed the final ratification of the treaty, and per-
suaded the ambassadors to accompany him on his march to
Pherse in Thessaly, under pretence that he desired their media-
tion between the Pharsalians and Halus ; though his real motive
undoubtedly was to gain time for invading Phocis. He at length
swore to the treaty in Pherse ; but the Phocians were expressly
excluded from it.

H6. Scarcely had the Athenian ambassadors returned home

B.C. S46. END OF THE SACKED WAR. 515

when Philip began his march towards Thermopylae. Demosthenes,
on his return, protested against the acts of his colleagues, and
his representations had such an effect, that the ambassadors
were not honoured with the usual vote of thanks. The main
charge which he brought against his colleagues, and against
^Eschines in particular, was that of having deluded the people
with false hopes respecting Philip's views towards Athens. But
the opposite party had possession of the popular ear. Not only
was nothing done for the Phocians, but a decree was even passed
to convey the thanks of Athens to Philip, and to declare that
unless Delphi was dehvered up by the Phocians to the Amphic-
tyons, the Athenians would help to enforce that step. The am-
bassadors were again directed to carry this decree to Philip ; but
Demosthenes was so disgusted with it that he refused to go, and
iEschines also decHned on the plea of ill-health.

The Phocians now lay at the mercy of Philip. As soon as the
king had passed the straits of ThermopylsB, Phalsecus secured
his own safety by concluding a treaty with Philip, by which he
was permitted to retire into the Peloponnesus with 8000 mer-
cenaries. When Philip entered Phocis all its towns surrendered
unconditionally at his approach. Philip then occupied Delphi,
where he assembled the Amphictyons to pronounce sentence
upon those who had been concerned in the sacrilege commited
there. The council decreed that all the cities of Phocis, except
Abae, should be destroyed, and their inhabitants scattered into
villages containing not more than fifty houses each ; and that
they should replace by yearly payments the treasures of the
temple estimated at the enormous sum of 10,000 talents, or
nearly two milhons and a half sterling. Sparta was deprived
of her share in the Amphictyonic privileges ; the two votes in
the Council possessed by the Phocians were transferred to the
kings of Macedonia ; and Phihp was to share with the Thebans
and Thessalians the honour of presiding at the Pythian games.
These were no slight privileges gained by Philip. A seat in the
Amphictyonic council recognized him at once as a Grecian
power, and would afford him occasion to interfere in the affairs
of G-reece. Thebes recovered the places which she had lost in
BcBotia. Such was the termination of the Sacred War (b.c.
346).

2#

The Plain of Cheronea

CHAPTER XLIII.

FROM THE END OF THE SACRED WAR TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP.

§ 1. Results of the Sacred War. § 2. Macedonian embassy to Athens.
Second Philippic. § 3. Philip's expedition into Thrace. § 4. Third
Philippic. Progress of Philip. Siege of Perinthus. § 5. Phocion's
success in Euboea. § 6. Declaration of war between Athens and
Macedon. Phocion compels Philip to evacuate the Chersonese. § 7.
Charge of sacrilege agaiust the Amphissians. § 8. Philip appointed
general by the Amphictyons to conduct the war against Amphissa.
§ 9. He seizes Elatea. League between Athens and Thebes. § 10.
Battle of Chseronea. § 11. Philip's extravagant joy for his victory.
§ 12. Congress at Corinth. Philip's progress through the Peloponne-
sus. § 13. Philip's Domestic quarrels. § 14. Preparations for the
Persian expedition. § 15. Assassination of Philip.

k 1 . The result of the Sacred War rendered Macedon the lead-
ing state in Greece. Philip at once acquired by it military glory,
a reputation for piety, and an accession of power. His ambitious
designs were now too plain to be mistaken. The eyes of the
blindest among the Athenians were at last opened ; the pro-
moters of the peace which had been concluded with Philip
incurred the hatred and suspicion of the people ; whilst on the
other hand Demosthenes rose higher than ever in public favour.
They showed their resentment against Philip by omitting to
send their usual deputation to the Pythian games at which the
Maced^.iian monarch presided.

B.C. 344. SECOND PHILIPPIC. 615

It was either this omission, or the unwillingness of the Athe-
nians to acknowledge Philip as a member of the Amphictyonic
league, that induced him to send an embassy to Athens for the
purpose of settling a point which neither his dignity nor his
interest would permit to lie in abeyance. It was generally felt
that the question was one of peace or war. Yet the Athenians
were so enraged against Philip that those who were for main-
taining peace with him could hardly obtain a hearing in the as-
sembly. On this occasion we have the remarkable spectacle of
JEschines and Demosthenes speaking on the same side, though
from widely different motives. The former adhered to his usual
corrupt policy in favour of Philip ; whilst Demosthenes, in sup-
porting him, was actuated only by views of the most sagacious
and disinterested policy. These he detailed and enforced in his
Oration On the Peace, in which he persuaded the Athenians not
to expose themselves at that time to the risk of a war with Philip,
supported, as he would be, by the greater part of Greece.

§ 2. Philip had now succeeded to the position lately occupied
by Thebes, and in virtue of it prepared to exercise the same in-
fluence which that state had previously enjoyed in the Pelopon-
nesus. He declared himself the protector of the Messenians, and
the friend and ally of the Megalopolitans and Argives. Demos-
thenes was sent into Peloponnesus to endeavour to counteract
Philip's proceedings in the peninsula ; but his mission led to no
result. During his stay there, he had openly accused Philip of
perfidy ; and that monarch now sent an embassy to Athens, ac-
companied by envoys from Argos and Messene, to complain of so
grievous an accusation. It was on this occasion that the second
Fhili'p'pic of Demosthenes was delivered, which was chiefly
directed against the orators who supported Philip (b.c. 344). In
the following year a prosecution was instituted against ^schines
and Philocrates for "malversation in their embassy" to the
Macedonian court. The latter, conscious of his guilt, evaded
the trial by "flight ; and JEschines, who defended himself with
great skill, was acquitted by only thirty votes. ^

k 3. Meanwhile, in b.c. 344, Philip overran and ravaged
Illyria ; and subsequently employed himself in regulating the
affairs of Thessaly, where he occupied Pherse with a permanent
Macedonian garrison. He was likewise busied with preparations
for the still vaster projects which he contemplated, and which
embraced an attack upon the Athenian colonies, as well as upon
the Persian empire. For this purpose he had organized a con-
siderable naval force as well as an army ; and in the spring of

* See the speeches of Demosthenes and JEsehines '!^tql TzaganQea^eia^.

516 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIII.

342 B.C. he set out on an expedition against Thrace His pro-
gress soon appeared to menace the Chersonese and the Athenian
possessions in that quarter ; and at length the Athenian troops
under Diopithes came mto actual collision with the Macedonians,
whilst the former were engaged m defending their alhes from the
encroachments of the Cardians, who were under the protection
of Philip. Diopithes likewise invaded that part of Thrace which
had submitted to PhiHp, and, besides committing several acts of
violence, seized a Macedonian envoy, who had come to treat for
the release of some prisoners, and refused to dismiss him without
a considerable ransom.

§ 4. Philip despatched a letter of complaint and remonstrance
to the Athenians on the subject of these attacks, which gave
occasion to the speech of Demosthenes Oil the Chersonese (b.c.
341), in which he directed the attention of the people from the
m.ore immediate subject of the character and proceedings of Dio^
pithes to the more general question of the best means of resist-
ing Philip. This oration was soon followed by the Third
Philippic, a still more vigorous call to action. Our accounts of
Philip's movements at tliis time are scanty and uncei-tain.
Diopithes was retained in the command of the Athenian troops ;
and Philip must have continued gradually to push his conquests,
since in this year (341) we find him begimiing to attack the
Greek cities north of the Hellespont. He first besieged and
captured Selymbria on the Propontis, and then turned his arms
against Perinthus. The latter city was not only strong by na-
ture, being seated on a lofty promontory surrounded on two
sides by the sea, but also well fortified. It was built on a series
of terraces rising one above another ; so that when Philip, by
means of the improved artillery which he employed on this oc-
casion, had succeeded in battering dovra. the outer wall, he found
himself in front of a fresh rampart, formed by houses standing
on higher ground, and connected together by a wall carried
across the streets. In this siege Phihp was assisted by his
fleet, which had previously intercepted and captured twenty
Athenian vessels laden with com. But all his efforts to capture
Perinthus proved unavaihng, as both the Byzantines and the
Persians — the latter probably at the instigation of the Athenians
—continually found means to supply it with arms and provi-
sions. Finding his progress thus checked, Phihp left half of
his army to prosecute the siege, and with the remainder pro-
ceeded to the attack of Byzantium itself, which he hoped to
find unprepared.

k 5. Meanwhile, the arms of Athens, under the conduct of
Phocion, had been successful in Euboea, whither Demosthenes

B.C. 341. PHOCIOjS^'S SUCCESS IN EUBCEA. ol*?

had roused his countrjuien to send an expedition in the autiunn
of 341 B.C., for the purpose of counteracting the influence of
Macedon in that quarter, and thus erecting another barrier
against the encroachments of Philip. Oreus and Eretria, two of
the principal cities in the island, were in the hands of despots
supported by Philip ; but Callias of Chalcis having formed a plan
to reduce all EuboBa under his own dominion, Demosthenes
seized the opportunity to unite the Athenian arms with his ; and
Phocion, with the assistance of Callias, expelled the despots
Clitarchus and Phihstides from Eretria and Oreus. For his
advice on this occasion the Athenians honoured Demosthenes
with a golden crown. The same Callias, or perhaps an Athenian
commander of that name, also did good service at this time by
a naval expedition into the gulf of Pagasse, when he took the
towns on the coast, and made prize of a considerable quantity of
Macedonian merchantmen.

§ 6. Although Athens and Macedon were stiU nominally at
peace, it is evident that the state of things just described was
mcompatible with its further maintenance. Philip addressed a
long letter, or rather manifesto, to the Athenians (which has
come down to us) in which he complained of the acts by
which they had violated the existing treaty, recapitulated the
legitimate grounds which he had for hostility, and concluded
with a sort of declaration of war. Demosthenes was not behind
hand in accepting this challenge. He excited his countrymen to
pass a decree for war, to take down the column on which the
treaty had been mscribed, and to equip a fleet for the inome-
diate rehef of Byzantium, then besieged by Philip. The expe-
dition was intrusted to Chares, in whose hands it proved a
miserable failure ; though he perfectly succeeded in making
both himself and the Athenian name odious and suspected
among the allies, by his oppressions and by the large sums
wliich he extorted under the name of benevolences. The
orators of the Macedonian party took occasion from the ill
success of Chares to disgust the Athenians with the war,
who began to repent of having sent any succours to By-
zantium. But Phocion, who did not act with those orators
on this occasion, stood up and told the people — " That they
should not be angry at the distrust of their allies, but rather at
their own generals, who were altogether unworthy of confidence.
It is they, said he, who cause you to be suspected by the very
people who cannot be saved without your help." The Athenians
were so struck with these representations, that they inunediately
superseded Chares, and appointed Phocion in his place. Phocion
saUed with one hundred and twenty triremes ; and his high

618 HISTORY OF GKEECE. Cuap. XLllI.

reputation for probity and honour caused him to be imme-
diately admitted with his forces within the walls of Byzantium.
Philip was now forced to raise the siege not only of that town,
but of Perinthus also, and finally to evacuate the Chersonesus
altogether. For these acceptable services the grateful Byzan-
tians erected a colossal statue in honour of Athens.

After his repulse from the Chersonesus, Philip marched to the
aid of Atheas, king of the Scythians, who had invoked his assist-
ance against the tribes on the banks of the Danube. Before he
arrived, however, the danger had ceased, and Atheas dismissed
him with ar insulting message. Hereupon Philip crossed the
Danube, defeated ihe Scythians, and returned with an immense
booty. But as he was passing through the country of the Tri-
balli they demanded a share of the spoil ; and upon being
refused, gave battle to the Macedonians, in which Philip was so
severely wounded that he was reported to be dead. Probably
Philip's chief object in undertaking this expedition was to with-
draw the attention of the Greeks from his ambitious projects,
and to delude them into the belief that other afiairs were now
engaging his attention. But meanwhile his partizans were not
idle, and events soon occurred which again summoned him into
the heart of Greece.

§ 7. In the spring of 339 b.c. JEschines was appointed with
three others to represent Athens in the Amphictyonic Council.
In this assembly the deputies of the Locrians of Amphissa,
stimulated, it is said, by the Thebans, charged the Athenians
with sacrilege for having, in commemoration of their victory
over the Persians and Thebans, dedicated some golden sliields in
a chapel at Delphi before it had been regularly consecrated.
The Locrians themselves, however, were, it seems, amenable to
a similar charge, for having cultivated and used for their own
benefit the very land which had been the subject of the Sacred
War against the Phocians ; and ^schines, irritated by the lan-
guage of the deputies from Amphissa, denounced them as guilty
of sacrilege. A proclamation was in consequence issued requir-
ing all the Delphians, as well as the members of the Amphic-
tyonic Council, to assemble and vindicate the honour of the
god ; and on the following day they marched down to Cirrha
with spades and pickaxes, and destroyed some buildings which
the Amphissians had erected there. But as they returned, the
Amphissians lay in wait for them, and they narrowly escaped
with their lives. Hereupon, the Amphictyons issued a decree,
naming a certain day on which the Council was to assemble
at Thermopylae, for the purpose of bringing the Amphissians to
justice.

B.C. 338. PHILIP GENERAL OF THE AMPHICTYO^B. 519

k 8. JEschines was strongly suspected of having adopted the
conduct which he pursued on this occasion in order to play
into the hands of Philip. Demosthenes procured a decree, pre-
venting any Athenians from attending the council at Thermo-
pylae ; and the Thebans, who were friendly to the Amphissians,
also absented themselves. But, with these exceptions, the
meeting was attended by deputies from the other GJ-recian
states ; war was declared against the Amphissians ; and Cotty-
phus was appointed to lead an army against them. Demosthenes
asserts that this expedition failed ; but according to other
accounts it was successful, and a fine was laid upon the Am-
phissians, which, however, they refused to pay. Accordingly, at
the next ordinary meeting of the Amphictyons, either in the
autumn of 339 or spring of 338, Philip, who had now returned
from Thrace, was elected their general for the purpose of carry-
ing out the decree against Amphissa.

§ 9. Early in 338 Philip marched southwards ; but instead of
proceeding in the direction of Amphissa, he suddenly seized
Elatea, the chief town in the eastern part of Phocis, and began
to restore its fortifications ; thus showing clearly enough that
his real design was against Boeotia and Attica. Intelligence of
this event reached Athens at night, and caused extraordinary
alarm. The market was cleared of the retail dealers, who com-
monly occupied it ; their wicker booths were burned ; and the
whole city prepared as if for an immediate siege. At daybreak,
on the following morning, the Five Hundred met in the senate
house, and the people assembled in the Pnyx, where the news was
formally repeated. The herald then gave the usual invitation to
speak, but nobody was inclined to come forwards. At length
Demosthenes ascended the bema, and calmed the fears of the
people by pointing out that Philip was evidently not acting in
concert with the Thebans, as appeared from the fact of his
having thought it necessary to secure Elatea. He then pressed
upon the assembly the necessity for making the most vigorous
preparations for defence, and especially recommended them to
send an embasssy to Thebes, in order to persuade the Thebans
to unite with them against the common enemy. This advice
was adopted, and ten envoys were appointed to proceed to
Thebes, amongst whom was Demosthenes himself A counter-
embassy had already arrived in that city from Macedonia and
Thessaly, and it was with great difiiiculty that the Athenian
envoys at length succeeded in persuading the Thebans to shut
their gates against Philip. Athens had made vigorous prepara-
tions, and had 10,000 mercenaries in her service. Philip, on the
other hand, was at the head of 30,000 men ; but after the con-

620 HISTORY OF GREECE Chap. XLIII.

elusion of the alliance between Thebes and Athens he did not
deem it prudent to march directly against the latter city, and
therefore proceeded toward Amphissa, as if in prosecution of
the avowed object of the war. He sent a manifesto to his
allies in Peloponnesus requiring their assistance in what he re-
presented as a purely rehgious object ; but his apphcation was
coldly received.

^10. The details of the war that followed are exceedingly ob-
scure. Philip appears to have again opened negotiations with
the Thebans, which failed ; and we then find the combined
Theban and Athenian armies marchuig out to meet the Mace-
donians. The former gained some advantage in two engage-
ments ; but the decisive battle was fought on the 7th of August,
in the plain of Chseronea in Boeotia, near the frontier of Phocis.
In the Macedonian army was Philip's son, the youthful Alex-
ander, who was intrusted with the command of one of the wings ;
and it was a charge made by him on the Theban sacred band,
that decided the fortune of the day. The sacred band was cut
to pieces, without flinching from the ground which it occupied,
and the remainder of the combined army was completely
routed. Demosthenes, who was sei-ving as a foot-soldier in the
Athenian ranks, has been absurdly reproached with cowardice
because he participated in the general flight. An interest-
ing memorial of this battle still remains. The Thebans, who
fell in the engagement, were buried on the spot, and their
sepulchre was surmounted by a Hon in stone, as an emblem
of their courageous spirit. This lion was still seen by Pau-
sanias, when he visited Chseronea in the second century of
the Christian era. It afterwards disappeared, though the site
of the sepulchre continued to be marked by a large miound
of earth ; but a few years ago this tumulus was excavated,
and a colossal lion discovered, deeply embedded in its in-
terior.

The battle of Chseronea crushed the liberties of Greece, and
made it in reahty a province of the Macedonian monarchy.

To Athens herself the blow was almost as fatal as that of
JEgospotami. Such was the consternation it created in that
city that many of the wealthier citizens prepared for immediate
flight ; and it was found necessary to arrest emigration by a
decree which made it a capital offence. Demosthenes roused
his fellow-citizens by his energy and eloquence to adopt the
m.ost vigorous measures for defending the city, and contributed
three talents out of his own private fortune towards the repair
of the walls. He was appointed to pronounce the funeral ora-
tion over those slain at Chseronea ; a proof that the Athenians

B.C. 338. BATTLE OF CH^RONEA./ 521

did not consider him guilty of any dereliction of duty in that en-
gagement ; but Lysicles, the Athenian general, was brought to
trial, and condemned to death.

Ml- The exultation of Philip at his victory knew no bounds.
He celebrated his triumph with drunken orgies ; and reeling from
the banquet to the field of battle, he danced over the dead, at
the same time singing and beating time to the opening words of
the decree of Demosthenes, which happened to have the rhythm
of a comic Iambic verse. ^ It is said that the orator Demades
put an end to this ridiculous and unroyal exhibition by remind-
ing Philip, " That though fortune had placed him in the position
of Agamemnon, he preferred playing the part of Thersites."
But when Philip had returned to his sober senses, the manner
in which he used his victory excited universal surprise. He dis-
missed the Athenian prisoners not only without ransom, but
with all their baggage, and some of them he even provided with
new apparel. He then voluntarily offered a peace on terms more
advantageous than the Athenians themselves would have ven-
tured to propose. They were, indeed, required to relinquish a
part of their foreign dependencies ; but they were in some de-
gree compensated for this by being put in possession of Oropus,
of which the Thebans were now deprived. Philip, indeed, seems
to have regarded Athens with a sort of love and respect, as the
centre of art and refinement, for his treatment of the Thebans
was very different, and marked by great harshness and severity.
They were compelled to recall their exiles, in whose hands the
government was placed, whilst a Macedonian garrison was esta-
bhshed in the Cadmea. They were also deprived of their
sovereignty over the Boeotian towns, and Platsea and Orcho-
menus were restored, and again filled with a population hostile
to Thebes.

M2. But the mildness of Philip's conduct towards Athens,
though it bore the appearance of magnanimity, and afforded
matter for triumph to the orators of the peace party, was, after
all, perhaps in no small degree the result of pohcy. It was
by no means certain that, if Philip laid siege to Athens, he
would be able to take the city ; at all events, the siege would
be a protracted one ; the exasperated Thebans lay in his rear ;
and the attempt would certainly delay the more brilliant enter-
prise which he had long meditated against Persia. For this lat-
ter purpose he now convened a congress of the Grecian states at
Corinth, though its ostensible object was the settlement of the
affairs of Greece. Sparta was the only state unrepresented in

* Lr}fio<j-&evri^ AT^fioadevov^ HatavLev^ rad' etTrev.

522 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XTHT

this assembly. War was declared against Persia, Philip was
appointed generalissimo of the expedition, and each state was
assessed in a certain contingent of men or ships. But before he
returned to the north of Greece, he determined to chastise
Sparta for her ill-disguised hostility. His march through Pelo-
ponnesus, and back by the western coast, though he here and
there met -with resistance, resembled rather a royal progress
than an expedition into a hostile countr\\ The western states
north of the isthmus now submitted to his authority, and a 3Ia-
cedonian garrison was placed in Ambracia. Byzantium also
executed a treaty with Philip, which was virtually an act of
subjection. Haring thus established his authority throughout
Greece, he returned to Macedonia in the autumn of b.c. 338, in
order to prepare for his Persian expedition.

§ 13. But the fortune of Philip, which had triumphed oyer all
his foreign enemies, was destined to be arrested by the feuds
which arose in the bosom of his own family. Soon after his
return to Macedonia, and probably in the spring of 337, he cele-
brated his nuptials with Cleopatra, the beautifiii niece of Attalus,
one of his generals. He had already several wives, for he had
adopted the eastern custom of polygamy ; but it was Olympias,
daughter of Neoptolemus, king of Epirus, by whom Phihp had
become the father of Alexander, who regarded herself as his
legitimate queen ; a violent and imperious woman, who prided
herself on the ancient nobility of her family, which traced its
descent from Pyrrhus. son of Achilles. The banquet which fol-
lowed the wedding was marked by an extraordinary scene.
When the cup had freely circulated, and wine had begun to
imlock the hearts of the guests. Attalus uncautiously disclosed
the ambitious views with which his daughter's marriage had
inspired him, by calling upon the company to invoke the gods to
bless the union they were celebrating with a legitimate heir to
the throne. Fired at this expression, which seemed to convey a
reflection on his birth, the young prince Alexander hurled his
goblet at Attalus, exclaiming, " Am I then called a bastard ?"
Philip at these words started from his couch, and seizing his
sword, rushed towards Alexander, whom he would probably have
slain, had not his foot slipped and caused him to faU. Alexander
rose and left the banqueting-hall : but as he withdrew levelled a
taunt at his prostrate parent. •• Behold the man." he exclaimed,
" who was about to pass from Europe to Asia, but who has been
overthrown in going from one couch to another I"

Alexander and his mother Olympias now hastened to quit
Macedonia. The latter found refuge at the court of her brother
Alexander, king of Epirus, whilst the former took up his abode

B.C. 336. ASSASSUS'ATION OF PHILIP. 623

in Iliyria. The fugitives appear to have stirred up both these
countries to wage war against Phihp, who however at length
contrived to effect a show of reconciliation. Through the me-
diation of a friend, he induced Alexander to return to Pella ; and
he averted the hostility of his brother-in-law, the king of Epirus,
by offering him the hand of his daughter, Cleopatra. OljTiipias
was now compelled to return to Philip's court ; but both she
and Alexander harboured an implacable resentment against him.

§ 14. These domestic disturbances delayed Philip's expedition
during the year 337 : but in the following spring he appears to
have sent some forces into Asia, under the command of Attains,
Parmenio, and Amyntas. These were designed to engage the
Greek cities of Asia in the expedition, and to support the dis-
affected subjects of Persia. But before quitting Macedonia,
Philip determined to provide for the safety of his dominions by
celebrating the marriage of his daughter with Alexander of
Epirus. It was solemnized at iEgse, the ancient capital of Mace-
donia, with much pomp, including banquets, and musical and
theatrical entertainments. Most of the Grecian to^ns sent their
deputies to the festival, bringing crowns of gold and other
presents to the king. But a terrible catastrophe was impend-
ing, which several omens are said to have predicted. The oracle
of Delphi, when consulted by Philip, as head of the Amphic-
tyons, respecting the issue of his eastern expedition, responded
with its usual happy ambiguity — " The bull is crowned, every-
thing is ready, and the sacrificer is at hand." And the player
Neoptolemus, who had been engaged to recite some verses during
the nuptial banquet, chose an ode which spoke of po-wer, pride,
and luxury, and of the rapid and stealthy approach of death,
which terminates in a moment the most ambitious expectations.

§ 15. The day after the nuptials was dedicated to theatrical
entertainments. The festival was opened with a procession of
the images of the twelve Olympian deities, with which was asso-
ciated that of Philp himself. The monarch took part in the
procession, dressed m white robes, and crowned with a chaplet.
A little behind him walked his son and his new son-in-law,
whilst his body-guards followed at some distance, in order that
the person of the sovereign might be seen by all his subjects.
"Whilst thus proceeding through the city, a youth suddenly
rushed out of the crowd, and drawing a long sword which he
had concealed under his clothes, plunged it into Philip's side,
who fell dead upon the spot. The assassin was pursued by some
of the royal guards, and having stumbled in his flight, was de-
spatched before he could reach the place where horses had been
provided for his escape. His name was Pausanias. He was a

524 HISTORY OF GREECE. Ch.^p. XLIII.

youth of noble birth, and we are told that his motive for taking
Philip's hfe was that the king had refused to punish an outrage
which Attains had conmhtted against hun. Both Olympias and
her son Alexander were suspected of being concerned in the
murder. Olympias is said to have prepared the horses for the
escape of the assasshi ; and it is certam that she manifested an
extravagant satisfaction at Phihp's death. The suspicion that
01}Tnpias was privy to her husband's assassmation is consider-
ably strengthened by the improbabiht}- that Pausanias, without
incitement from some other quarter, should have avenged him-
self on Phihp rather than on Attains, the actual perpetrator of
the injury which he had received. "VYith regard to Alexander,
however, there is no evidence worth a moment's attention to
inculpate himi ; and though an eminent historian^ has not
scrupled to condemn him as a parricide, yet we should hesitate
to brand lum, on such slender suspicions, with a crime which
seems foreign to his character.

Thus fell Philip of Macedon in the twenty-fourth year of his
reign and fort}--seventh of his age (e.g. 336). ^'\lien we reflect
upon his achievements, and how, partly by pohcy and partly by
arms, he converted his originally poor and distracted kingdom
into the mistress of G-reece, we must acknowledge him to have
been an extraordinary^ if not a gi-eat man, in the better sense of
that term. His views and his ambition were certainly as large
as those of his son Alexander, but he was prevented by a pre-
mature death from carrying them out ; nor would Alexander
himself have been able to perform his great acliievements had
not Philip handed down to him all the means and instruments
which they requhed.

* Niebuhr.

Bust of Demostbeaes.

Battle of Issus. From a Mosaic at Pompeii.

CHAPTER XLIV.

ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

§ 1. Education of Alexander. § 2. Eejoicings at Athens for Philip's
death. Movements in Greece. § 3. Alexander overawes the malcon-
tents, and is appointed generalissimo for the Persian war, § 4. Alex-
ander subdues the Triballians, Getse, Illyrians, and Taulantians.
§ 5. Revolt and destruction of Thebes. § 6. Alexander prepares to
invade Persia. Nature of that empire. § 7. Alexander crosses the
Hellespont, § 8. Battle of the Granicus. § 9. Alexander overruns
Asia Minor. The Gordian knot. § 10. March through Cilicia. Bat-
tle of Issus. Victory. §11. Conquest of Phoenicia. Siege of Tyre.
§ 12. Alexander marches into Egypt. Foundation of Alexandria.
Oracle of Amnion. §13. Battle of Arbela. § 14. Alexander takes
possession of Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis. § 15. March to Ecba-
tana, and pursuit of Darius. Death of Darins. § 16. March through
Hyrcania, Asia, and Drangiana. Conspiracy of Philotas. § lY.
Alexander crosses the Oxus. Death of Bessus. Reduction of Sog-
diana. Alexander marries Roxana. §18. Murder of Clitus, §19.
Plot of the pages. Alexander invades the Penjab, and defeats Porus.
Marches as far as the Hyphasis. § 20. Descent of the Hydaspes and
Indus. § 21. March through Gedrosia. Voyage of Kearchus. §22.
Arrival at Susa. Intermarriages of the Greeks and Persians. Mutiny
of the army. § 23. Death of Hephsestion. Alexander takes up his
residence at Babylon. His death. § 24. Character.

§ 1. Notwithstanding the suspicions of Olympias and Alex-
ander, it does not appear that Philip had ever really entertained
the design of depriving Alexander of the throne. At the time
of his father's death he was in his twentieth year, having been
bom in B.C. 356. At a very tender age he displayed a spirit

526 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLTT.

which endeared him to his feither. His early education was en-
trusted to Leouidas. a kinsman of his mother, a man of severe
and parsimonious character, who trained him with Spartan
simplicity and hardihood ; whilst Lysimachus, a sort of under-
govemor, early inspired the young prince vn.xh. ambitious notions,
by teaching him to love and emulate the heroes of the Ihad.
According to the traditions of his family, the blood of Achilles
actually ran in the veins of Alexander ; and Lysimachus nour-
ished the feeling which that circumstance was calculated to
awaken by giving him the name of that hero, whilst he called
Philip Peleus, and himself Phoenix. But the most striking fea-
ture in Alexander's education was, that he had Aristotle for
his teacher, and that thus the greatest conqueror of the mate-
rial world received the instructions of him who has exercised
the most extensive empire over the human intellect. It was
probably at about the age of thirteen that he first received the
lessons of Aristotle, and they can hardly have continued more
than three years, for Alexander soon left the schools for the
employments of active life. At the age of sixteen we find him
regent of Macedonia during Philip's absence ; and at eighteen
we have seen him filling a prominent military post at the battle
of Chceronea.

§ 2. On succeeding to the throne, Alexander announced his in-
tention of prosecuting his father's expedition into Asia : but it
was first necessary for him to settle the afiairs of Greece, v%-here
the news of Philip's assassination, and the accession of so yoimg
a prince, had excited in several states a hope of shaking ofi^ the
Macedonian yoke. Athens was the centre of these movements.
Demosthenes, who was informed of Philip's death by a special
messenger, resolved to avail himself of the superstition of his
fellow citizens by a pious fraud. He went to the senate-house
and declared to the Five Himdred that Jove and Athena had
forewarned him in a dream of some great blessing that was in
store for the commonwealth. Shortly afterwards pubhc couriers
arrived with the news of Phihp's death. Demosthenes, although
in mourning for the recent loss of an only daughter, now came
abroad dressed in white, and crowned vrith a chaplet. in which
attire he was seen sacrificinof at one of the pubhc altars. He
also moved a decree that Philip's death should be celebrated by
a pubhc thanksgiving, and that rehgious honours should be paid
to the memory of Pausanias. Phocion certainly showed a more
generous spirit in disapprovuig of these proceedings. " ^sothing,*'
he observed. " betrays a more dastardly turn of mind than ex-
pressions of joy for the death of an enemy. And truly you have
fine reason to rejoice, when the aimy you fought Vkith at Chae-

B.C. 336. ACCESSION OF ALEXANDER. 627

ronea is only reduced by one man I" In this last remark, indeed,
he depreciated the abilities of Philip, as much as Demosthenes
was inclined to underrate the abilities of Alexander. During
his embassy to Pella, the Athenian orator had conceived a mean
opinion of the youthful prince, whom he now compared to
Homer's Margites, and assured the Athenians that he would
spend all his time in either prosecuting his studies, or inspect-
ing the entrails of victims. At the same time Demosthenes
made vigorous preparations for action. He was already in cor-
respondence with the Persian court for the purpose of thwarting
Philip's projected expedition into Asia ; and he now despatched
envoys to the principal Grecian states for the purpose of ex-
citing them against Macedon. Sparta, and the whole Pelopon-
nesus, with the exception of Megalopolis and Messenia, seemed
inclined to shake offtheir compulsory alliance. Even the Thebans
rose against the dominant oligarchy, although the Cadmea was
in the hands of the Macedonians.

^3. But the activity of Alexander disconcerted all these move-
ments. He retained the Thessalians in obedience partly by
flattery, partly by a display of force, and having marched through
their territory, he assembled the Amphictyonic Council at Ther-
mopylas, who conferred upon him the command with which they
had invested his father during the Sacred War. He then ad-
vanced rapidly upon Thebes, and thus prevented the meditated
revolution. The Athenians were now seized with alarm, and
sent an embassy to deprecate the wrath of Alexander, and to
offer to him the same honours and privileges which they had
before conferred upon Philip. Demosthenes was appointed one
of the envoys, but when he had proceeded as far as the confines
of Attica, he was filled with apprehension respecting Alexander's
intentions, and found a pretence for returning home. The other
ambassadors were graciously received, and their excuses accepted.
Alexander then convened a gendtal congress at Corinth, which,
as on the former occasion, was attended by all the Grecian states
except Sparta. Here he was appointed generaUssimo for the
Persian war in place of his father. Most of the philosophers and
persons of note near Corinth came to congratulate him on this
occasion ; but Diogenes of Sinope, who was then living in one of
the suburbs of Corinth, did not make his appearance. Alex-
ander therefore resolved to pay a visit to the eccentric cynic,
whom he found basking in the sun. On the approach of Alex-
ander with a numerous retinue, Diogenes raised himself up a
httle, and the monarch affably inquired how he could serve him ?
" By standing out of my sunshine," replied the churlish philo-
sopher. Alexander was struck with surprise at a behaviour to

525 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV.

which he was so little accustomed ; but whilst his courtiers were

ridiculing the maimers of the c^Tiic, he turned to them, and said,
" "VYere f not Alexander.. I should like to be Diogenes."

§ -±. The result of the Congress might be considered a settle-
ment of the affairs of Greece. Alexander could very well afford
to despise Spartas obsolete pretensions to the supremacy of
Greece, and did not deem it worth while to undertake an expe-
dition for the purpose of bringing her to reason. He then re-
turned to Macedonia, in the hope of being able to besin his
Persian expedition in the spring of b.c. .335 ; but reports of dis-
turbances among the Thracians and Tribahans diverted his
attention to that quarter. He therefore crossed Moimt Haemus
(the Balkan) and marched into the territory of the Tribalhans,
defeated their forces, and pursued them to the Danube, where
they fortiiied themselves in aji island. Leavins: them in that
position, Alexander crossed the river by means of a fleet which
he had caused to be sent from Byzantium, and proceeded to
attack the Get^e. The barbarians fled at his approach, and
Alexander, who had acquired a large booty, regained the banks
of the Danube, where he received the submissions of the Danu-
bian tribes, and admitted them into the Macedonian alliance.
Thence he marched against the Illyrians and Taulantians, who
were meditating an attack upon his kingdom, and speedily re-
duced them to obedience.

^^ 5. During Alexander's absence on these expeditions, no
tidings were heard of him for a considerable time, and a report
of his death was industriously spread in Southern Greece. The
Thebans rose and besieged the Macedonian garrison in the
Cadmea. at the same time inviting other states to declare their
independence. Demosthenes was active in aiding the move-
ment. He persuaded the Athenians to furnish the Thebans
with subsidies, and to assure them of their support and affiance.
But the rapidity of Alexander ^ain crushed the insurrection in
the bud. Before the Thebans discovered that the report of his
death was false, he had already arrived at Onchestus in Bceotia.
Alexander was willing to afford them an opportimit}' for repent-
ance, and marched slowly to the foot of the Cadmea. But the
leaders of the insurrection, beheving themselves irretrievably
compromised, rephed with taunts to Alexander's proposals for
peace, and excited the people to the most desperate resistance.
An engagement was prematurely brought on by one of the ge-
nerals of Alexander, in which some of the Macedonian troops
were put to the rout ; but Alexander coming up with the phalanx,
whUst the Thebans were in the disorder of pursuit, drove them
back in turn and entered the gates along -with them, when a

B.C. 335. ALEXANDER DESTROYS THEBES. 529

fearful massacre ensued, committed principally by the Thracians
in Alexander's service. Six thousand Thebans are said to have
been slain, and thirty thousand were made prisoners. The doom
of the conquered city was referred to the alhes, who decreed her
destruction. The grounds of the verdict bear the impress of a
tyrannical hypocrisy. They rested on the conduct of the The-
bans during the Persian war, on their treatment of Platsea, and
on their enmity to Athens. The inhabitants w^ere sold as slaves,
and all the houses, except that of Pindar, were levelled with the
ground. The Cadmea was preserved to be occupied by a Ma-
cedonian garrison. Thebes seems to have been thus harshly
treated as an example to the rest of Greece, for towards the
other states, which were now eager to make their excuses and
submission, Alexander showed much forbearance and lenity.
The conduct of the Athenians exhibits them deeply sunk in de-
gradation. When they heard of the chastisement inflicted upon
Thebes, they immediately voted, on the motion of Demosthenes,
that ambassadors should be sent to congratulate Alexander on
his safe return from his northern expeditions, and on his recent
success. Alexander in reply \\Tote a letter, demanding that
eight or ten of the leading Athenian orators should be delivered
up to him. At the head of the list was Demosthenes. In this
dilemma, Phocion, who did not wish to speak upon such a
question, was loudly called upon by the people for his opinion ;
when he rose and said that the persons whom Alexander de-
manded had brought the state into such a miserable plight that
they deserved to be surrendered, and that for his own part he
should be very happy to die for the commonwealth. At the
same time he advised them to try the efiect of intercession with
Alexander ; and it was at last only by his ov^ti personal applica-
tion to that monarch, with whom he was a great favourite, that
the orators were spared. According to another account, how-
ever, the wTath of Alexander was appeased by the orator De-
mades, who received from the Athenians a reward of five
talents for his services. It was at this time that Alexander is
said to have sent a present of 100 talents to Phocion. But
Phocion asked the persons who brought the money — "Why he
should be selected for such a bomity?" "Because," they re-
plied, " Alexander considers you the only just and honest man."
" Then," said Phocion, " let him suffer me to be what I seem,
and to retain that character." And when the envoys went to
his house and beheld the frugality with which he lived, they
perceived that the man who refused such a gift was wealthier
than he who offered it.

§ 6. Having thus put the afiairs of Greece on a satisfactory
2 A

530 HISTOKY OF GREECK Cbj^. XLIY.

footing, Alexander marched for the Hellespont in the spring of
B.C. 334, leaving Antipater regent oi" Macedonia in his absence,
with a force of 12,000 foot and 1500 horse. Alexander's own
army consisted of only about 30,000 foot and 5000 horse. Of
the infantry about 12,000 were Macedonians, and these composed
the pith of the celebrated Macedonian phalanx. Such was the
force with which he proposed to attack the immense but ill-
cemented empire of Persia, which, like the empires of Turkey or
Austria in modern times, consisted of various nations and races
with different religions and manners, and speaking different lan-
guages ; the only bond of union being the dominant military
power of the ruling nation, which itself formed only a small
numerical portion of the empire. The remote provinces, like
those of Asia Minor, were administered by satraps and mihtary
governors who enjoyed an almost independent authority, fre-
quently transmitting their provinces, like hereditary fiefs, to
their heirs, and sometimes, as we have already seen in the
course of this histor}^ defying their sovereign or their brother
satraps in open war. The expedition of Cyrus, and the subse-
quent retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks, had shown how easy
it was for a handful of resolute and well-disciplined men to
penetrate into the very heart of an empire thus weakened by
disunion, and composed for the most part of an unwarlike popu-
lation, and we are not therefore surprised at the confidence with
which Alexander set out upon his expedition. Before he de-
parted he distributed most of the crown property among his
friends, and when Perdiccas asked him what he had reserved
for himself he replied, " My hopes."

§ 7. A march of sixteen days brought Alexander to Sestos,
where a large fleet and a number of transports had been collected
for the embarkation of his army. Alexander steered with his
own hand the vessel in which he sailed towards the very spot
where the Achseans were said to have landed when proceeding
to the Trojan war. When half the passage had been completed,
he propitiated Poseidon and the Nereids with the sacrifice of a
bull and with libations from a golden goblet ; and as his trireme
neared the shore, he hurled his spear towards the land, by way
of claiming possession of Asia. He was, as we have said, a great
admirer of Homer, a copy of whose works he always carried with
him ; and on landing on the Asiatic coast he made it his first
business to visit the plain of Troy. A temple of Athena still
existed there, and the veiy altar was pointed out to him at which
Neoptolemus was said to have slain Priam. Alexander then
proceeded to Sigeum, where he crowned with a garland the pillar
said to mark the tumulus of his mythical ancestor Achilles, and

B.C. 334. BATTLE OF THE GRANICUS. 531

according to custom, ran round it naked with his friends, whilst
Hephsestion paid similar honours to the tomb of Patroclus,

§ 8. Alexander then rejoined his army at Arisbe, near Abydos,
and marched northwards along the coast of the Propontis. The
satraps of Lydia and Ionia, together with other Persian generals,
were encamped near Zelea, a town on the Granicus, with a force
of 20,000 Greek mercenaries, and about an equal number of
native cavalry, with which they prepared to dispute the passage
of the river. A Rhodian, named Memnon, had the chief com-
mand. The veteran general Parmenio advised Alexander to
delay the attack till the following morning ; to which he replied,
that it would be a bad omen at the beginning of his expedition,
if, after passing the Hellespont, he should be stopped by a paltry
stream. He then directed his cavalry to cross the river, and
followed himself at the head of the phalanx. The passage, how-
ever, was by no means easy. The stream was in many parts so
deep as to be hardly fordable, and the opposite bank was steep
and rugged. The cavalry had great difficulty in maintaining
their ground till Alexander came up to their relief He imme-
diately charged into the thickest of the fray, and exposed himself
so much, that his life was often in imminent danger, and on one
occasion was only saved by the interposition of his friend Clitus.
Having routed the Persians, Alexander next attacked the Greek
mercenaries, 2000 of whom were made prisoners, and the rest
nearly all cut to pieces. In this engagement Alexander killed
two Persian officers with his own hand. After the battle he
visited the wounded, and granted immunity from all taxation to
the families of the slain. He also sent 300 suits of Persian
armour to Athens, to be dedicated to Athena in the Acropolis ;
a proceeding by which he hoped, perhaps, further to identify his
cause as the common cause of Hellas against the barbarians, as
well as to conciliate the Athenians, from whose genius he wished
to receive an adequete memorial of his exploits.

§ 9. Alexander now marched southwards towards Sardis, which
surrendered before he came within sight of its walls. Having left
a garrison in that city he arrived after a four days' march before
Ephesus, which likewise capitulated on his approach. Magnesia,
Tralles, and Miletus next fell into his hands, the last after a
short siege. Halicarnassus made more resistance. It was de-
fended by Ephialtes, an Athenian exile, supported by Memnon,
whose head-quarters were now in the island of Cos. It was
obliged to be regularly approached; but at length Memnon,
finding it no longer tenable, set fire to it in the night, and
crossed over to Cos. Alexander caused it to be razed to the
ground, and leaving a small force to reduce the garrison, which

532 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV.'

had taken refuge in the citadels and forts, pursued his march
along the southern coast of Asia Minor, with the view of seizing
those towns which might afford shelter to a Persian fleet. The
winter was now approaching, and Alexander sent a considerable
part of his army under Parmenio into winter-quarters at Sardis.
He also sent back to Macedonia such officers and soldiers as had
been recently married, on condition that they should return in
the spring with what reinforcements they could raise ; and with
the same view he despatched an officer to recruit in the Pelopon-
nesus. Meanwhile he himself with a chosen body proceeded
along the coasts of Lycia and Pamphylia, having instructed Par-
menio to rejoin him in Phrygia in the spring, with the main
body. After he had crossed the Xanthus, most of the Lycian
towns tendered their submission, and Phaselis presented him
with a golden crown. On the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia,
Mount Climax, a branch of the Taurus range, runs abruply into
the sea, leaving only a narrow passage at its foot, which is fre-
quently overflowed. This was the case at the time of Alex-
ander's approach. He therefore sent his main body by a long
and difficult road across the mountains to Perge ; but he himself,
who loved danger for its own sake, proceeded with a chosen
band along the shore, wading through water that was breast-
high for nearly a whole day. From Perge he advanced against
Aspendus and Side, which he reduced ; and then forcing his way
northwards through the barbarous tribes which inhabited the
mountains of Pisidia, he encamped in the neighbourhood of Gor-
dium in Phrygia. Here he was rejoined by Parmenio and by
the new levies from Greece. Gordium had been the capital of
the early Phrygian kings, and in it was preserved with super-
stitious veneration the chariot or waggon in which the celebrated
Midas, the son of Gordius, together with his parents, had entered
the town, and in conformity with an oracle had been elevated to
the monarchy. An ancient prophecy promised the sovereignty
of Asia to him who should untie the knot of bark which fastened
the yoke of the waggon to the pole. Alexander repaired to the
Acropolis, where the waggon was preserved, to attempt this ad-
venture. Whether he undid the knot by drawing out a peg, or
cut it through with his sword, is a matter of doubt ; but that he
had fulfilled the prediction was placed beyond dispute that very
night by a great storm of thunder and lightning.

§ 10. In the spring of 333, Alexander pursued his march east-
wards, and on arriving at Ancyra received the submission of the
Paphlagonians. He then advanced through Cappadocia without
resistance ; and forcing his way through the passes of Mount
Taurus (the Pylce Cilicice), he descended into the plains of Cilicia.

B. C. 333. BATTLK OF ISSUS. 6SS

Hence he pushed on rapidly to Tarsus, which he found abandoned
by the enemy. Whilst still heated with the march, Alexander
plunged into the clear but cold stream of the Cydnus, which runs
by the town. The result was a fever, which soon became so
violent as to threaten his life. An Acarnanian physician, named
Philip, who accompanied him, prescribed a remedy ; but at the
same time Alexander received a letter informing him that Philip
had been bribed by Darius, the Persian king, to poison him. He
had, however, too much confidence in the trusty Philip to beheve
the accusation, and handed him the letter whilst he drank the
draught. Either the medicine, or Alexander's youthful consti-
tution, at length triumphed over the disorder. After remaining
some time at Tarsus, he continued his march along the coast to
Mallus, where he first received certain tidings of the great Persian
army, commanded by Darius in person. It is said to have con-
sisted of 600,000 fighting men, besides all that train of attendants
which usually accompanied the march of a Persian monarch.
This immense force was encamped on the plains of Sochi, where
Amyntas, a Greek renegade, advised Darius to await the approach
of Alexander. But Darius, impatient of delay, and full of vain-
glorious confidence in the number of his forces, rejected this
advice, and resolved to cross the mountains in quest of his foe.
Alexander had meantime passed through Issus ; had secured the
whole country from that place to the maritime pass called the
Gates of Syria and Cilicia, and had pushed forwards to Myrian-
drus, where he was detained by a great storm of wind and rain.
Meanwhile Darius had crossed Mount Amanus, more to the
north, at a pass called the Amanic Gates, and had thus got into
Alexander's rear ; who heard with joy that the Persians were
moving along the coast to overtake him. By this movement,
however, Issus had fallen into the hands of the Persians, Alex-
ander now retraced his steps to meet Darius, whom he found
encamped on the right bank of the little river Pinarus. The
Persian monarch could hardly have been caught in a more un-
favourable position, since the narrow and rugged plain between
Mount Amanus and the sea afibrded no scope for the evolutions
of large bodies, and thus entirely deprived him of the advantage
of his numerical superiority. Alexander reoccupied the pass
between Syria and Cihcia at midnight, and at day-break began
to descend into the plain of the Pinarus, ordering his troops to
deploy into line as the ground expanded, and thus to arrive in
battle array before the Persians. Darius had thrown 30,000
cavalry and 20,000 infantry across the river, to check the advance
of the Macedonians ; whilst on the right bank were draA\Ti up his
choicest Persian troops to the number of 60,000, together with

534 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV.

30,000 Greek mercenaries, who formed the centre, and on whom
he chiefly rehed. These, it appears, were all that the breadth
of the plain allowed to be dra^sTi up m line. The remainder of
the vast host were posted in separate bodies in the farther parts
of the plain, and were unable to take any share in the combat.
Darius took his station m the centre of the line in a magnificent
state chariot. The banks of the Piuanis were in many parts
steep, and where they were level Darius had caused them to be
intrenched. As Alexander advanced, the Pei^ian cavalrr which
had been thrown across the river were recalled ; but the 20,000
infantry had been driven into the mountains, where Alexander
held them in check with a small body of horse. The left wing
of the Macedonians, under the command of Parmenio, was ordered
to keep near the sea. to prevent being outflanked. The right
wing was led by Alexander in person, who at first advanced
slowly ; but when he came v^ithin shot of the Persian arrows he
gave the order to charge, rushed impetuously into the water,
and was soon engaged in close combat with the Persians. The
latter were immediately routed : but the impetuosity of the
charge had disarranged the compact order of the Macedonian
phalanx, and the Greek mercenaries took advantage of this cir-
cumstance to attack them. This manoeuvre, however, was de-
feated by Alexander, who, after routing the Persians, wheeled
and took the Greeks in flank. But what chiefly decided the
fortune of the day was the timidit}- of Darius himself, who. on
beholdinof the defeat of his left '^"ing. uiimediately took to flight.
His example was followed by his whole army ; and even the
Persian cavalr}'. which had crossed the river, and was engaging
the Macedonian left with great bravery, was compelled to follow
the example. One hundred thousand Persians are said to have
been left upon the field. On reaching the hilJs Darius threw
aside his royal robes, his bow and shield, and mounting a fleet
comber, was soon out of reach of pursuit. Tlie Persian camp
became the spoil of the Macedonians ; but the tent of Darius, to-
gether with his chariot, robes and arms, was reserv'ed for Alexander
himself It was now that the Macedonian king first had ocular
proof of the nature of Eastern royalt}*. One compartment of the
tent of Darius had been fitted up as a bath, which steamed with
the richest odours ; whilst another presented a magnificent pa^i-
lion, containing a table richly spread for the banquet of Darius.
But from an adjoining tent issued the wad of female voices,
where Sisygambis the mother, and Statira the wife of Darius,
were lamentmg the supposed death of the Persian monarch.
Alexander sent to assure them of Ins safety, and ordered them
to be treated with the most dehcate and respectfid attention.

B.C. 383. SIEGE OF TYRE. 635

§11. Such was the memorable battle of Issus, fought in No-
vember, B.C. 333. A large treasure which Parmenio was sent
forward with a detachment to seize, fell into the hands of the
Macedonians at Damascus. Another favourable result of the
victory was that it suppressed some attempts at revolt from the
Macedonian power, which, with the support of Persia, had been
manifested in Greece. But, in order to put a complete stop to
all such intrigues, which chiefly depended on the assistance of
a Persian fleet, Alexander resolved to seize Phoenicia and Egypt,
and thus to strike at the root of the Persian maritime power.

Meanwhile, Darius, attended by a body of only 4000 fugi-
tives, had crossed the Euphrates at Thapsacus. Before he had
set out from Babylon, the whole forces of the empire had been
summoned ; but he had not thought it worth while to wait for
what he deemed a merely useless encumbrance ; and the more
distant levies, which comprised some of the best troops of the
empire, were still hastening towards Babylon. In a short time,
therefore, he would be at the head of a still more numerous
host than that which had fought at Issus ; yet he thought it
safer to open negotiations with Alexander than to trust to the
chance of arms. With this view he sent a letter to Alexander,
who was now at Marathus in Phcenicia, proposing to become
his friend and ally; but Alexander rejected all his overtures,
and told him that he must in future be addressed not in the
language of an equal, but of a sovereign.

As Alexander advanced southwards, all the towns of Phoenicia
hastened to open their gates ; the inhabitants of Sidon even
hailed him as their deliverer. Tyre, also, sent to tender her
submission ; but coupled with reservations by no means accept-
able to a youthful conqueror in the full tide of success. Alex-
ander affected to receive their offer, which was accompanied
with a present of a golden crown and provisions for his army, as
an unconditional surrender, and told them that he would visit
their city and offer sacrifices to Melcart, a Tyrian deity, who was
considered as identical wdth the Grecian Hercules. This brought
the matter to an issue. The Tyrians now informed him that
they could not admit any foreigners within their walls, and that
if he wished to sacrifice to Melcart, he would find another and
more ancient shrine in Old Tyre, on the mainland. Alexander
indignantly dismissed the Tyrian ambassadors, and announced
his intention of laying siege to their city. The Tyrians probably
deemed it impregnable. It was by nature a place of great
strength, and had been rendered still stronger by art. The
island on which it stood was half a mile distant from the main-
land ; and though the channel was shallow near the coast, it

53e HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XUY.

deepened to three fathoms near the island. The shores of the
island were rocky and precipitous, and the vv^alls rose from the
cliffs to the height of loO feet m sohd masonry. The city was
abundantly supplied with fresh water ; was well furnished with
arms and provisions ; possessed an inteihgent and warlike popu-
lation ; and though the greater part of the fleet was absent in
the Persian service, it had in its two harbours a competent num-
ber of vessels of war. As Alexander possessed no ships, the
only method by which he could approach the town was by con-
structing a causeway, the materials for which were collected
from the forests of Libanus and the ruins of Old Tyre. Through
the shallow part of the water the work proceeded rapidly ; but
as it approached the town the difliculties mcreased, both H'om
the greater depth of the water, and from the workmen being
exposed to missiles from the toAvn and from the Tyrian galleys.
To obviate the latter inconvenience, Alexander caused two
wooden towers, covered with liides, to be built at the head of
the mole, which would serve both to protect the workmen, and
to keep assailants at a distance by the missiles hurled from
engines at the top of the towers. The Tyrians, however, con-
trived to burn these towers by seizmg the opportunity of a
favoLU'able breeze to drive against them a vessel lilled with dry
wood, besmeared with pitch, and other combustible materials.
Tlie Macedonians being thus driven from the mole, the TjTians
came off in boats, and destroyed such parts of it as the flames
had spared. Bat Alexander was so far from being discouraged
by this mishap, that he began the work agaui on a larger scale.
He also procured ships from Sidon and other places m order to
protect it, and in a little time had collected a fleet of 250 sail,
which he exercised in nautical manoeuvres ; and thus forced the
Tyrian galleys, v/hich had previously molested the progress of
the work, to keep within their liarbom'. After overcoming many
difliculties the mole was at length pushed to the foot of the
walls, wliich were now assafled with engines of a novel descrip-
tion. The besieged on their side resorted to many ingenious
methods of defence, among which was the dischargmg of heated
sand on the besiegers, which, penetrating beneath the armour,
occasioned great torment. But it now began to grow evident
that the city must fall ; and as soon as Alexander had eflected
a practicable breach, he ordered a general assault both by land
and sea. The breach was stormed rmder the inmiediate in-
spection of Alexander himself; and though the Tyrians made a
desperate resistance, they were at length overpowered, when the
city became one wide scene of indiscriminate carnage and plun-
der. The siege had lasted seven months, and the Macedonians

B.C. 332. FOUNDATION OF ALEXANDRIA. SSt

were so exasperated by the difficulties and dangers they had
undergone that they granted no quarter. Eight thousand of the
citizens are said to have been massacred ; and the remamder,
with the exception of the king and some of the principal men,
who had taken refuge in the temple of Melcart, were sold into
slavery to the number of 30,000. Tyre was taken in the month
of July, in 332.

Whilst Alexander was engaged in the siege of Tjve, Darius
made him further and more advantageous proposals. He now
offered 10,000 talents as the ransom of his family, together with
all the provinces west of the Euphrates, and liis daughter Barsine
in marriage, as the conditions of a peace. When these offers were
submitted to the Council, Parmenio was not umiaturally struck
with their magnificence, and observed, that were he Alexander
he would except them. " And so would I," replied the king,
" were I Parmenio." Had Alexander's views been bounded by
the political advantage of Macedonia, he would doubtless have
adopted the advice of his veteran general. But his ambition
was wholly of a personal nature. He felt more pleasure in
acquiring than in possessing ; and as his prospects expanded
with his progress, he was unwilling to accept what he considered
as only an instalment of the vast empire which he was destined
to attain. Darius, therefore, prepared himself for a desperate
resistance.

M2. After the fall of Tyre, Alexander marched with his army
towards Egypt, whilst his fleet proceeded along the coast. G-aza,
a strong fortress on the sea-shore, obstinately held out, and de-
layed his progress three or four months. According to a tradi-
tion preserved in Josephus, it was at this time that Alexander
visited Jerusalem, and, struck with its pious priests and holy
rites, endowed the city with extraordinary privileges, and the
priesthood with ample gifts ; but this story does not appear
in any other ancient author. After the capture of Gaza, Alex-
ander met his fleet at Pelusium, and ordered it to sail up the
Nile as far as Memphis, whither he himself marched with his
army across the desert. Alexander conciliated the affection of
the Egyptians by the respect with which he treated their na-
tional superstitions, whilst the Persians by an opposite line of
conduct had incurred their deadliest hatred. Alexander then
sailed down the western branch of the Nile, and at its mouth
traced the plan of the new city of Alexandria, which for many
centuries continued to be not only the grand emporium of
Europe, Africa, and India, but also the principal centre of in-
tellectual life. Being now on the confines of Libya, Alexander
resolved to visit the celebrated oracle of Jove Ammon, which

2a*

638 HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLIV.

lay in the bosom of the Libyan wilderness, and which was
reported to have been consulted by his two heroic ancestors,
Hercules and Perseus. As he marched towards the Oasis in
which it was situated, he was met by envoys from Cyrene,
bringing with them magnificent presents, amongst which were
five chariots and three hundred war-horses. After marching
along the coast for about two hundred miles, Alexander struck to
the south-east into the desert ; when a five days' journey over
pathless sands and under a scorching sun brought him to the
well-watered and richly- wooded valley, containing the renowned
and ancient temple of Ammon. The conqueror was received by
the priests with all the honours of sacred pomp. He consulted
the oracle in secret, and is said never to have disclosed the an-
swer wliich he received ; though that it was an answer that
contented him appeared from the magnificence of the ofierings
which he made to the god. Some say that Ammon saluted him
as the son of Jove.

H 3 . Alexander returned to Phoenicia in the spring of 33 1 . He
then directed his march through Samaria, and arrived at Thap-
sacus on the Euphrates about the end of August. After crossing
the river, he struck to the north-east through a fertile and well
supplied country. On his march he was told that Darius was
posted with an immense force on the left bank of the Tigris ;
but on arriving at that river, he found nobody to dispute his
passage. He then proceeded southwards along its banks,
and after four days' march fell in with a few squadrcois of
the enemy's cavalry. From some of these who were made
prisoners Alexander learned that Darius was encamped with
his host on one of the extensive plains between the Tigris
and the mountains of Kurdistan, near a village called Gauga-
mela (the Camel's House). The town of Arbela, after which the
battle that ensued is commonly named, lay at about twenty miles
distance, and there Darius had deposited his baggage and trea-
sure. That monarch had been easily persuaded that his former
defeat was owing solely to the nature of the ground ; and, there-
fore, he now selected a wide plain for an engagement, where
there was abundant room for his multitudinous infantry, and
for the evolutions of his horsemen and charioteers. Alexander,
after giving his army a few days' rest, set out to meet the enemy
soon after midnight, in order that he might come up with them
about daybreak. On ascending some sand-hills the whole array of
the Persians suddenly burst upon the view of the Macedonians, at
the distance of three or four miles. Darius, as usual, occupied
the centre, surrounded by his body-guard and chosen troops.
In front of the royal position were ranged the war- chariots

B.C. 331. BAITLE OF ARBELA. 6Zii

and elephants, and on either side the Greek mercenaries, to the
number, it is said, of 50,000. Alexander spent the first day in
surveying the ground and preparing for the attack ; he also ad-
dressed his troops, pointing out to them that the prize of victory
would not be a mere province, but the dominion of all Asia.
Yet so great was the tranquillity^ with wliich he contemplated
the result, that at daybreak on the following morning, when the
officers came to receive his final instructions, they found him in
a deep slumber. His army, which consisted only of 40,000
foot and 7000 horse, was drawn up in the order which he
usually observed, namely, with the phalanx in the centre in six
divisions, and the Macedonian cavalry on the right, where Alex-
ander himself took his station. And as there was great danger
of being out-flanked, he formed a second line in the rear, com-
posed of some divisions of the phalanx and a number of light
troops and cavalry, which were to act in any quarter threatened
by the enemy. The Persians, fearful of being surprised, had
stood under arms the whole night, so that the morning found
them exhausted and dispirited. Some of them, however, fought
with considerable bravery ; but when Alexander had succeeded
in breaking their line by an impetuous charge, Darius mounted
a fleet horse and took to flight, as at Issus, though the fortune of
the day was yet far from having been decided. At length, how-
ever, the route became general. Whilst daylight lasted, Alexander
pursued the flying enemy as far as the banks of the Lycus, or
Greater Zab, where thousands of the Persians perished in the
attempt to pass the river. After resting his men a few hours,
Alexander continued the pursuit at midnight in the hope of
overtaking Darius at Arbela. The Persian monarch, however,
had continued his flight without stopping ; but the whole of the
royal baggage and treasure was captured at Arbela.

^14. Finding any further pursuit of Darius hopeless, Alex-
ander now directed his march towards Babylon. At a httle
distance from the city the greater part of the population came
out to meet him, headed by their priests and magistrates, ten-
dering their submission, and bearing with them magnificent
presents. Alexander then made his triumphant entry into
Babylon, riding in a chariot at the head of his army. The streets
were strewed with flowers, incense smoked on either hand on
silver altars, and the priests celebrated his^ entry with hymns.
Nor was this the mere display of a compulsory obedience. Under
the Persian sway the Chaldsean religion had been oppressed and
persecuted : the temple of Belus had been destroyed and still
lay in ruins ; and both priests and people consequently rejoiced
at the downfall of a dynasty from which they had sufTered so

o4u HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV.

much wrong. Alexander, whose enlarged views on the subject
of popular religion had probably been derived from Aristotle,
observed here the same poHtic conduct which he had adopted
in Egypt. He caused tiie ruined temples to be restored, and
proposed to offer personally, but under the direction of the
priests, a sacrifice to Belus. He then made arrangements for
the safety and government of the city. He appointed Mazeeus,
the Persian officer who had been left in charge of it, satrap of
Babylon; but he occupied the citadel with a garrison of 1000
Macedonians and other G-reeks, whilst the collection of the
revenues was also mtrusted to a Greek named Asclepiodorus.
Alexander contemplated making Babylon the capital of his future
empire. His army was rewarded with a large, donative from the
Persian treasury ; and after being allowed to indulge for some
time in the luxury of Babylon, was agaui put in motion, towards
the middle of November, for Susa. It was there that the Per-
sian treasures were chiefly accumulated, and Alexander had de-
spatched Philoxenus to take possession of the city immediately
after the battle of Arbela. It was surrendered without a blow
by the satrap AbuUtes. The treasure found there amounted to
40,000 talents in gold and silver bullion, and 9000 in gold
Darics. But among all these riches the mterest of the Greeks
must have been excited in a lively manner by the discovery of
the spoils carried off from Greece by Xerxes. Am.ong them were
the bronze statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, Avhich Alex-
ander now sent back to Athens, and which were long afterwards
preserved in the Ceratnicus.

At Susa Alexander received remforcements of about 15,000
men from Greece. Amyntas, who conducted them, brought
tidings of disturbances in Greece, fomented by Sparta ; and to
assist in quelling them, Alexander transmitted a considerable
sum to the regent Antipater. He then directed liis march
south-eastwards towards Persepolis. His road lay through the
mountainous territory of the Uxians, who refused him a passage
unless he paid the usual tribute which they were in the habit
of extorting even from the Persian kings. But Alexander routed
them with great slaughter. The difficult mountain defile called
the " Persian Gates," forming the entrance into Persis, still re-
mained to be passed, which was defended by Ariobarzanes, the
satrap of that district, with 40,000 foot and 700 horse. Ario-
barzanes had also built a wall across the pass ; but Alexander
turned the position by ascending the heights with part of his
army, whilst the remainder stormed and carried the wall ; and
the Persians were nearly all cut to pieces. He then advanced
rapidly to Persepolis, whose magnificent ruins still attest its

B.C. 830. PURSUIT OF DARIUS. 511

ancient splendour. It was the real capital of the Persian kings,
though they generally resided at Susa during the winter, and at
Ecbatana in summer. The treasure found there exceeded that
both of Babylon and Susa, and is said to have amounted to
120,000 talents, or nearly 30,000,000Z. sterling. It was here that
Alexander is related to have committed an act of senseless
folly, by firing with his own hand the ancient and magnificent
palace of the Persian kings ; of which the most charitable ver-
sion is that he committed the act when heated with wine at the
instigation of Thais, an Athenian courtezan. By som.e writers,
however, the story is altogether disbelieved, and the real de-
struction of Persepolis referred to the Mahommedan epoch.
Whilst at Persepolis, Alexander visited the tomb of Cyrus, the
founder of the Persian monarchy, which was situated at a little
distance, at a city called Pasargadse.

§ 15. Thus in between three and four years after crossing the
Hellespont, Alexander had established himself on the Persian
throne. But Darius was not yet in his power. After the battle
of Arbela, that monarch had fled to Ecbatana, the ancient capital
of Media, where he seemed disposed to watch the turn of events,
and whence, if he should be again threatened, he meditated
flying farther north across the Oxus. It was not till about four
months after the battle of Arbela, and consequently early in 330,
that Alexander quitted Persepolis to resume the pursuit of
Darius. On approaching Ecbatana, he learned that the Persian
monarch had already fled with the little army which still ad-
hered to him. On arriving at that place, Alexander permitted
the troops of the allies to return home if they wished, as the
main object of the expedition had been accomplished ; but many
volunteered to remain with him, and the rest were dismissed
with a handsome share of boot}^ in addition to their pay.
The treasures which had been conveyed from Persepolis were
lodged in the citadel of Ecbatana, under the guard of 6000 Ma-
cedonians, besides cavalry and light troops. Alexander, with
his main body, then pursued Darius through Media by forced
marches, and reached Rhagae, a distance of three hundred miles
from Ecbatana, in eleven days. Such was the rapidity of the
inarch that many men and horses died of fatigue. At Rhagae
he heard that Darius had already passed the defile called the
" Caspian Grates," leading into the Bactrian province ; and, as
that pass was fifty miles distant, urgent pursuit was evidently
useless. He therefore allowed his troops five days' rest, and
then resumed his march. Soon after passing the Gates he
learned that Darius had been seized and loaded with chains by
his own satrap Bessus, who entertained the desig-n of establish-

542 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIY.

ing himself in Bactria as an independent sovereign. This intel-
ligence stimulated Alexander to make still further haste with
part of his cavahy and a chosen body of foot. On the fourth
day he succeeded in overtaking the fugitives Mith his cavalrv,
having been obhged to leave the inlantr\- behind, with direc-
tions to follow more at leisure. The enemy, who did not know
his real strength, were stiiick ■u'ith consternation at his appear-
ance, and fled precipitately. Bessus and liis adherents now
endeavoured to persuade Darius to fly ■«'ith them, and provided
a fleet horse for that purpose. But the Persian monarch, who
had akeady experienced the generosity- of Alexander, in the
treatment of his captive family, preferred to fall into his hands,
whereupon the conspirators mortally wounded him in the
chariot in which they kept him confined, and then took to
flight. Darius expired before Alexander could come up, who
threw his o^ii cloak over the body. He then ordered him to be
magnificently buried in the tomb of his ancestors, and provided
for the fitting education of his children.

06. Alexander next uivaded Hyrcania, a province of the
Persian empire, on the southern shores of the Caspian Sea, and
took possession of Zadracarta, the chief town in the countr}*.
From thence he undertook an expedition agamst the Mardians.
a warlike tribe in the western part of H\Tcauia. who. thinking
themselves secure amidst their forests and moimtains. had re-
fused to make their submission. After chastising the Mardians,
Alexander quitted Zadracarta. and puisued his march eastwards
through the province of Aria. Xear Artacoana. the capital of
Aria, he founded a city on the banks of the river Arius, called
after him (Alexandria Arionmi). and which, under the name of
Herat, is still one of the chief cities in central Asia. Hence he
proceeded southwards to Prophthasia, the capital of Drangiana,
where his stay was signalized by a supposed conspiracy against
his life, formed by Philotas. the son of Parmenio. Alexander
had long entertained suspicions of Plnlotas. AThilst still in Eg}-pt
he had discovered that Philotas had spoken disparagingly of his
exploits, and had boasted that, without the aid of his father and
himself, Alexander would never have been able to achieve his
conquests. He had also ridiculed the oracle respecting Alex-
ander's supenatural bhth, and had more recently opposed the
mchnation which that monarch now began to display to assume
all the pomp and state of a Persian kmg. But the immediate
subject of accusation agauist him was that he had not revealed
a conspiracy which was reported to be forming against Alex-
ander's life, and which he had deemed too contemptible to notice.
He w^as consequently suspected of being implicated in it ; and

B.C. 329. DEATH OF BESSUS. 643

on being put to the torture he not only confessed his own
guilt in his agonies, but also implicated his father. Philotas was
executed, and an order was sent to Ecbatana, where Parmenio
then was, directing that veteran general to be put to death. A
letter, purporting to be from his son, was handed to him ; and
whilst the old man was engaged in reading it, Polydamas, his
intimate friend, together with some others of Alexander's prin-
cipal officers, fell upon and slew him. His head was carried to
Alexander. Hephsestion, who had been active in exciting the
king's suspicion against Philotas, was rewarded with a share of
the command vacated by his death ; but the horse-guards were
now divided into two regiments, one of which was given to He-
phsestion and the other to Clitus.

§ 17. Late in the year 330, Alexander directed his march
southwards, to the banks of the Etymandrus (the Helmund),
where he remained sixty days. Hence he penetrated into Ara-
chosia, and founded there another Alexandria, which is sup-
posed to be the modern city of Candaliar. He then crossed
the lofty mountains of Paropamisus, called Caucasus by the
Greeks (now Hlmloo- Koosh), which were covered with deep snow,
and so barren that they did not even afford firewood for his
army. At the foot of one of the passes of these mountains
Alexander founded another city called Alexandria and Caucasum,
situated probably about fifty miles north-west of Cabid.

Alexander now entered Bactria ; but Bessus did not wait his
approach, and fled across the Oxus into Sogdiana. Early in the
summer of 329, Alexander followed him across the Oxus ; and
shortly afterwards Bessus was betrayed by tw^o of his own officers
into the hands of Alexander. Bessus was carried to Zariaspa, the
capital of Bactria, where he was brought before a Persian court,
and put to death in a cruel and barbarous manner.

Alexander next took possession of Maracanda (now Samar-
caml), the capital of Sogdiana, from whence he advanced to the
river Jaxartes ( Sir), which he designed to make the boundary of
his empire against the Sc^-thians. On the banks of that river he
founded the city of Alexandria Eschate (the last or farthest),
probably the modem Khojend. After crossing the river and
defeating the Scythians, who menaced him on the opposite
bank, he returned into winter-quarters at Zariaspa.

Sogdiana, however, was not yet subdued, and accordingly in
the following year 328 Alexander again crossed the Oxus. He
divided his army into five bodies, ordering them to scour the
country in different directions. With the troops under his owai
command he marched against the fortress called the Sogdian E,ock,
seated on an isolated hill, so precipitous as to be deemed inac-

544 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIY.

cessible, and so well supplied with provisions as to defy a
blockade. The summons to surrender was treated with derision
by the commander, who mquhed whether the Macedonians liad
wings ? But a small body of Macedonians having succeeded in
scaling some heights wdiich overhung the fortress, the garrison
became so alarmed that they immediately surrendered. To this
place a Bactrian named Oxyartes, an adherent of Bessus, had
sent his daughters for safety. One of them, named Roxana, was
of surpassing beauty, and Alexander made her the partner of his
throne.

§ 18. Alexander now returned to Maracanda, where he was
joined by the other divisions of his army, and wliile remaining
at this place he appointed his friend Clitus satrap of Bactria.
On the eve of the parting of the two friends, Alexander cele-
brated a festival in honour of the Dioscuri, though the day was
sacred to Dionysus. The banquet was attended by several
parasites and literary flatterers, who magnified the praises of
Alexander with extravagant and nauseous flattery. Clitus, whom
wine had released from all prudent reserve, sternly rebuked their
fulsome adulation ; and, as the conversation turned on the com-
parative merits of the exploits of Alexander and his father Philip,
he did not hesitate to prefer the exploits of the latter. He re-
minded Alexander of his former services, and, stretcliing forth his
hand, exclaimed, " It was this hand, Alexander, which saved your
life at the battle of the Gr aniens I" The king, who was also
flushed with wine, was so enraged by these remarks, that he rushed
at Clitus with the intention of killing him on the spot, but he
was held back by his friends, whilst Clitus was at the same time
hurried out of the roomi. Alexander, however, was no sooner
released than, snatching a spear, he sprang to the door, and
meeting Clitus, who was returning in equal fury to brave liis
anger, ran him through the body. But when the deed was done,
he was seized with repentance and remorse. He flung himself
on his couch and remained for three whole days in an agony of
grief, refusing all sustenance, and calling on the names of Clitus
and of his sister Lanice, who had been his nurse. It was not
till his bodily strength began to fail through protracted absti-
nence that he at last became more composed, and consented to
listen to the consolations of his friends, and the words of the
soothsayers ; who ascribed the murder of Clitus to a temporarj^
frenzy with wliich Dionysus had visited him as a pmiishment
for neglecting the celebration of his festival.

§ 19. After reducing the rest of the fortresses of Sogdiana,
Alexander returned into Bactria in 327, and began to prepare
for his projected expedition into India. "Wliilst he was thus

B.C. 327. INA^ASION OF INDIA. 545

employed, a plot was formed against his life by the royal pages,
incited by Hermolaus, one of their number, who had been
punished with stripes for anticipating the king during a hunting
party in slaymg a wild boar. Hermolaus and his associates,
among whom was Callisthenes, a pupil of Aristotle, were first
tortured, and then put to death. It seems certain that a con-
spiracy existed ; but no less certain that the growing pride and
haughtmess of Alexander were gradually alienating from him
the hearts of his followers.

Alexander did not leave Bactria till late in the spring. He
crossed the Indus by a bridge of boats near Taxila, the present
Attock, where the river is about 1000 feet broad, and very deep.
He is said to have entered India at the head of 120,000 foot
and 15,000 horse, the greater part of whom must necessarily
have been Asiatics. He now found himself in the district at
present called the Penj-ab (or the Five Rivers). Taxiles, the
sovereign of the district, at once surrendered Taxila, his capi-
tal, and joined the Macedonian force with 5000 men. Hence
Alexander proceeded with little resistance to the river Hydaspes
{Belmt or Jelum). On the opposite bank, Porus,=^ a powerful
Indian king, prepared to dispute his progress with a numerous
and well-appointed force. Alexander, however, by a skilful stra-
tagem conveyed his army safely across the river. An obstmate
battle then ensued. In the army of Porus were many elephants,
the sight and smell of which frightened the horses of Alex-
ander's cavahy. But these unwieldy animals ultimately proved
as dangerous to the Indians as to the G-reeks ; for when driven
into a narrow space they became umnanageable, and created
great confusion in the ranks of Porus. By a few vigorous
charges the Indians were completely routed, with the loss of
12,000 slain and 9000 prisoners. Among the latter was Porus
himself, who was conducted into the presence of Alexander.
The courage which he had displayed in the battle had excited
the admiration of the Macedonian king. Mounted on an enor-
mous elephant, he retreated leisurely when the day was lost, and
long rejected every summons to surrender ; till at length, over-
come by thirst and fatigue, he permitted himself to be taken.
Even in this situation Porus still retained his majestic bearing,
the effect of which was mcreased by the extraordinary height
of his stature. On Alexander's inquhing how he wished to be
treated, he rephed, "Like a king." "And have you no other
request?" asked Alexander. "No," answered Porus; "every-
thing is comprehended in the word king." Struck by his mag-

* Porus. is probably a comiption of the Sanscrit word, "Paurusha,"
•wliich signifies a "hero."

546 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV.

nanimity, Alexander not only restored him to his dominions, but
also considerably enlarged them ; seeking by these means to re-
tain him as an obedient and faithful vassal.

Alexander rested a month on the banks of the Hydaspes,
where he celebrated his victory by games and sacrifices, and
founded two towns, one of which he named Kicsea, and the other
Bucephala, in honor of his gallant charger Bucephalus, which
is said to have died here. He then overran the whole of the
Penj-ab, as far as the Hyphasis {Gliarra), its southern boundary.
The only resolute resistance he experienced was from the war-
like tribe of the Cathsei, whose capital, Sangala, was probably
the modem Lahore. They were subdued^ and their territoiy
di^aded amongst the other Indian tribes. Upon reaching the
Hyphasis, the army, worn out by fatigues and dangers, positively
refused to proceed any farther ; although Alexander passionately
desired to attack a monarch still more powerful than Porus,
whose dominions, he heard, lay beyond the river. All his
attempts to induce his soldiers to proceed proving meffectual,
he prepared to submit with a good grace to an alternative
which he perceived to be unavoidable. Pretending that the
sacrifices were unfavourable for the passage of the Hyphasis, he
gave the order for retreat ; having first erected on its banks 12
colossal altars to mark the boundary of his conquests in that
direction.

§ 20. ^Tien Alexander again arrived at liis newly founded
cities of NicEea and Bucephala on the Hydaspes, he divided his
army into three detachments. Two of these, under the com-
mand of Hephsestion and Craterus, were ordered to descend the
Hydaspes on its opposite banks ; whilst he liimself, at the head
of 6000 men, embarked on board a fleet of about 2000 vessels,
w^hich he had ordered to be prepared with the view of sailing
down the Indus to its mouth. The ignorance wliich prevailed
among the Macedonians respecting the geography of the region
to be traversed, may be estimated from the circumstance that
Alexander at first considered the Indus to be a branch of the
IS^ile.

The army began to move in November 327. The navigation
lasted several months, but was accomplished without any serious
opposition, except from the tribe of the Malli, who are conjec-
tured to have occupied the site of the present Mooltan. At the
storming of their town the life of Alexander was exposed to
immhient danger. He was the first to scale the walls of the
citadel, and was followed by four officers ; but before a fifth man
could mount, the ladder broke, and Alexander was left exposed
on the wall to the missiles of the enemy. From this situation

B.C. 826. RETURN TO PERSIA. 547

there were only two methods of escape ; either by leaping down
among his own army, or into the citadel among the enemy.
Alexander chose the latter ; and alighting on his feet, placed
his back to the wall, where he succeeded in keeping the enemy
at bay, and slew two of their chiefs who had ventured within reach
of his sword. But an arrow which pierced his corslet brought
him to the ground, fainting with loss of blood. Two of his fol-
lowers who had jumped down after him, now stood over and
defended him ; till at length more soldiers having scaled the
walls, and opened one of the gates, sufficient numbers poured in
not only to rescue their monarch, but to capture the citadel ;
when every living being A^ithin the place was put to the sword.
Alexander's life was long in great danger, but when he was suffi-
ciently recovered he was again placed in his vessel, and dropped
down the Hydraotes {Rave) to its confluence with the Acesines.
Here his army was encamped ; and the soldiers testified by shouts
and tears their joy at again beholding their commander. Hence
Alexander pursued his course to the point where the four rivers,
now united into one stream, the Acesines, {Cheiiab), join the
Indus. At their confluence he ordered dockyards to be con-
structed, and another Alexandria to be built. Hence he pursued
his voyage to the Indian Ocean, all the towns on either bank of
the river submitting at his approach. "When he arrived at the
mouth of the Indus, he explored its estuaries, and accompanied
by a few horsemen skirted the margin of the Delta next the sea.
Nearchus with the fleet was directed to explore the Indian
Ocean, the Persian Gulf, and the mouths of the Tigris and Eu-
phrates, with the view of establishing a maritime communication
between India and Persia. We have hitherto beheld Alexander
only as a conqueror ; but these cares exhibit him in the more
pleasing light of a geographical discoverer, and of a sovereign
solicitous for the substantial benefit of his subjects.

§ 21. From this point Alexander proceeded with his army, in
the autumn of 326, through the burning deserts of Gedrosia
towards Persepolis ; marching himself on foot, and sharing the
privations and fatigues of the meanest soldier. In these regions
the \ery atmosphere seems to be composed of a fine dust, which,
on the slightest wind, penetrates into the mouth and nose,
whilst the soil aflords no firm footing to the traveller. The
march through this inhospitable region lasted 60 days, during
which numbers of the soldiers perished from fatigue or disease.
At length they emerged into the fertile province of Carmania.
Whilst in this country, Alexander was rejoined by Nearchus,
who had arrived with his fleet at Harmozia {Orrtiuz) ; but who
subsequently prosecuted his voyage to the head of the Persian

548 HISTORY OP GREECE. Chap. XLIV.

Gulf. The main body of the army under Hepheestion was directed
to march along the shores of the Gulf; whilst Alexander himself,
with his horse-guards and hght infantry, took a shorter route
through Pasargadse and Persepolis. During his stay in the latter
city, he remedied the disorders which had been committed since
he left it, and executed summary justice on the delinquent
satraps who had oppressed the provinces of Persis. It was thus
that he caused his empire to be respected as much by the equity
of his administration, as by the irresistible force of his arms.

§ 22. From Persepolis Alexander pursued his march to Susa
(b.c. 325), where the soldiers were allowed to repose from their
fatigues, and were amused with a series of brilliant festivities.
It was here that he adopted various measures with the view of
consolidating his empire. One of the most important was to
form the Greeks and Persians into one people by means of in-
termarriages. He himself celebrated his nuptials with Statira,
the eldest daughter of Darius, and bestowed the hand of her
sister, Drypetis, on Hepheestion. Other marriages were made
between Alexander's officers and Asiatic women to the number,
it is said, of about a hundred ; whilst no fewer than 10,000 of
the common soldiers followed their example and took native
wives. As another means of amalgamating the Europeans and
Asiatics, he caused numbers of the latter to be admitted into
the army, and to be armed and trained in the Macedonian fashion.
But these innovations were regarded with a jealous eye by most
of the Macedonian veterans ; and this feeling was increased by
the conduct of Alexander himself, who assumed eveiy day more
and more of the state and manners of an eastern despot. At
first, indeed, the growing discontent was repressed by the
large bounties distributed among the soldiers, and by the dis-
charge of all their debts. But at length their long stifled dis-
satisfaction broke out into open mutiny and rebellion at a
review which took place at Opis on the Tigris. Alexander here
proposed to dismiss such Macedonians as were wounded or
otherwise disabled ; but though they had clamoured for their
discharge whilst on the other side of the Indus, they now re-
garded this proposal as an insult, and called out " That the king
had better dismiss them all — his father Ammon would fight his
battles." But the mutiny was quelled by the decisive conduct
of Alexander. He immediately ordered thirteen of the ring-
leaders to be seized and executed, and then addressing the
remainder, pointed out to them how, by liis own and his father's
exertions, they had been raised from the condition of scattered
herdsmen to be the masters of Greece and the lords of Asia ;
and that whilst he had abandoned to them the richest and most

B.C. 324. ALEXANDER ENTERS BABYLON. 649

valuable fruits of his conquests, he had reserved nothing but the
diadem for himself, as the mark of his superior labours and more
imminent perils. He then secluded himself for two whole days,
during which his Macedonian guard was exchanged for a Persian
one, whilst nobles of the same nation were appointed to the
most confidential posts about his person. Overcome by these
marks of alienation on the part of their sovereign, the Macedo-
nians now supplicated with tears to be restored to favour. A
solemn reconciliation was eftected, and 10,000 veterans were dis-
missed to their homes under the conduct of Craterus. That
general was also appointed to the government of Macedonia in
place of Antipater, who was ordered to repair to Asia with
fresh reinforcements.

§ 23. Soon after these occurrences, Alexander proceeded to
Ecbatana, where during the autumn he solemnized the festival
of Dionysus with extraordinary splendour. The best actors and
musicians in Greece, to the number it is said of 3000, were
assembled for the occasion ; whilst the natives flocked from all
quarters to the Median capital, to witness what was to them a
novel spectacle. But Alexander's enjoyment was suddenly con-
verted into bitterness by the death of his friend Hephaestion,
who was carried off by a fever. This event threw Alexander
into a deep melancholy, from which he never entirely recovered.
The memory of Hephsestion was honoured by extravagant marks
of public mourning, and his body was conveyed to Babylon, to
be there interred with the utmost magnificence. His name was
still retained as commander of a division of the cavalry ; and the
officer who actually discharged the duties of the post was only
regarded as his lieutenant.

Alexander entered Babylon in the spring of 324, notwithstand-
ing the warnings of the priests of Belus, who predicted some
serious evil to him if he entered the city at that time. Babylon
was now to witness the consummation of his triumphs and of
his life. As in the last scene of some well-ordered drama, all
the results and tokens of his great achievements seemed to be
collected there to do honour to his final exit. Ambassadors
from all parts of Greece, from Libya, Italy, and probably from
still more distant regions, were waiting to salute him, and to do
homage to him as the conqueror of Asia ; the fleet under Ne-
archus had arrived after its long and enterprising voyage, and.
had been augmented by other vessels constructed in Phoenicia,
and thence brought overland to Thapsacus, and down the river
to Babylon ; whilst for the reception of this navy, which seemed
to turn the inland capital of his empire into a poii;, a magnificent
harbour was in process of construction, A more melancholy,

550 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLIV.

aud it may be added, a more useless, momunent of his greatness
was the funeral pile now rising for Hephaestion, which was con-
structed with such imparalleled splendour, that it is said to
have cost 10,000 talents. The mind of Alexander was still occu-
pied with plans of conquest and ambition ; his next design was
the subjugation of Arabia ; wliich, however, was to be only the
stepping stone to the conquest of the whole known world. He
despatched three expeditions to survey the coast of Arabia ;
ordered a fleet to be built to explore the Caspian sea ; and en-
gaged himself m surveyuig the course of the Euphrates, and in
devismg improvements of its navigation. The period for com-
mencing the Arabian campaign had already arrived ; solemn
sacrifices were ofiered up for its success, and grand banquets
were given previous to departure. At these carousals Alexander
drank deep ; and at the termmation of the one given by his
favourite, Medius, he was seized with unequivocal symptoms of
fever. For som3 days, however, he neglected the disorder, and
continued to occupy himself with the necessar}'' preparations for
the march. But in eleven days the malady had gained a fatal
strength, and terminated his life on the 28th of June, B.C. 323, at
the early age of 32. Whilst he lay speecliless on his deathbed his
favourite troops were admitted to see him ; but he could offer them
no other token of recognition than by stretching out his hand.

^ 24. Few of the great characters of history have been so
differently judged as Alexander. Of the magnitude of liis ex-
ploits, mdeed, and of the justice with wliich, according to the
usual sentiments of mankind, they confer upon huii the title of
" Great," there can be but one opinion : it is his motives for
undertaking them that have been called in question. An emi-
nent writer =^ brands him as an " adventurer ;" an epithet which,
to a certain extent, must be allowed to be true, but which is not
more true of him than of most other conquerors on a large
scale. His military renown, however, consists more m the seem-
ingly extravagant boldness of his enterprises, than in the real
power of the foes whom he overcame. The resistance he met
with was not greater than that which a European army expe-
riences in the present day from one composed of Asiatics ; and
the empire of the East was decided by the two battles of Issus
and Arbela. His chief difficulties were the geographical diffi-
culties of distance, climate, and the nature of the ground tra-
versed. But this is no proof that he was incompetent to meet
a foe more worthy of his military skill ; and his proceedings in
Greece before liis departure show the reverse.

* ^s^iebuhr.

B.a 328.

DEATH OF ALEXANDER.

661

His motives, it must be allowed, seem rather to have sprung
from the love of personal glory and the excitement of conquest,
than from any wish to benefit his subjects. The attention which
he occasionally devoted to commerce, to the foundation of new
cities, and to other matters of a similar kind, form rather episodes
in his history, than the real objects at which his aims were
directed ; and it was not by his own prudence, but through the
weariness of his army, that his career of conquest was at length
arrested, which he wished to prosecute before he had consoli-
dated what he had already won. Yet on the whole his achieve-
ments, though they undoubtedly occasioned great partial misery,
must be regarded as beneficial to the human race ; the families
of which, if it were not for some such movements, would stag-
nate in solitary listlessness and poverty. By the conquests of
Alexander the two continents were put into closer communica-
tion with one another ; and both, but particularly Asia, were
the gainers. The language, the arts, and the literature of
Greece, were introduced into the East ; and after the death of
Alexander Greek kingdoms Avere formed in the western parts of
Asia, which continued to exist for many generations.

Apolio Citharcedus. From the collection in the Vatican

The Group of Niobe. From tlie collection at Florence.

CHAPTER XLV.

FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE BATTLE OF

IPSUS.

§ 1. Division of tlie provinces after Alexander's death. § 2. Eetro-
spective view of Grecian affairs. Revolt of Agis. Demosthenes de
Corona. § 3. Arrival of Harpalus at Athens. Accusation and exile
of Demosthenes. § 4. The Lamian war. Defeat of Antij)ater, and
siege of Lamia. § 5. Defeat and death of Leonnatus. Battle of
Crannon. End of the Lamian war. § 6. Death of Demosthenes.
Ambitious projects of Perdiccas. His invasion of Egypt, and death.
§ T. Fresh division of the provinces at Triparadisus. " Death of Anti-
pafcer. Polj'sperchon becomes regent, and conciliates the Grecian
states. Death of Phocion. § 8. War between Polysperchon and
Cassander. Ill success of Polysperchon. Cassander becomes master
of Macedonia, and puts OljTupias to death. § 9. Coalition against
Antigonus. Peace concluded in b.c. 31 L Murder of Roxana and her
son. § 10. Renewal of the war against Antigonus. Demetrius Poli-
orcetes expels the Macedonians from Athens. § 11. Demetrius Poli-
orcetes at Cyprus. Battle of Salamis. Attempt on Egypt. Siege
of Rhodes. § 12. Battle of Ipsus, and death of Antigonus.

k 1 . The unexpected death of Alexander threatened to involve
both his extensive dominions and his army in inextricable con-
fusion. On the day after his death a military council assembled
to decide on the course to be pursued. Alexander on his death-
bed is said to have given his signet-ring to Perdiccas, but he had
left no legitimate heir to his throne, though his wife Roxana
was pregnant. In the discussions which ensued in the council,

B.C. 323. PARTITION OF THE EMPIRE. 553

Perdiccas assumed a leading part ; and after much debate, and
a quarrel between the cavalry and infantry, which at first threat-
ened the most serious consequences, an arrangement was at length
effected on the following basis : That Philip Arrhidseus, a young
man of weak intellect, the half-brother of Alexander (being the
son of Philip by a Thessalian woman named Philinna), should
be declared king, reserving however to the child of Roxana, if a
son should be born, a share in the sovereignty : that the govern-
ment of Macedonia and Greece should be divided between An-
tipater and Craterus : that Ptolemy, who was reputed to be
connected with the royal family, should preside over Egypt and
the adjacent countries : that Antigonus should have Phrygia
Proper, Lycia, and Pamphylia : that the Hellespontine Phrygia
should be assigned to Leonnatus : that Eumenes should have the
satrapy of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, which countries, how-
ever, still remained to be subdued : and that Thrace should be
committed to Lysimachus. Perdiccas reserved for himself the
chiliarchy, or command of the horse-guards, the post before held
by Hephsestion, in virtue of which he became the guardian of
Philip Arrhidaeus, the nominal sovereign. It was not for some
time after these arrangements had been completed that the last
rites were paid to Alexander's remains. They were conveyed
to Alexandria, and deposited in a cemetery which afterwards
became the burial-place of the Ptolemies. Nothing could exceed
the magnificence of the funeral car, which was adorned with
ornaments of massive gold, and so heavy, that it was more than
a year in being conveyed from Babylon to Syria, though drawn
by 84 mules. In due time Roxana was delivered of a son, to
whom the name of Alexander was given, and who was declared
the partner of Arrhidseus in the empire. Roxana had previously
inveigled Statira and her sister Dr^'petis to Babylon, where she
caused them to be secretly assassinated.

§ 2. It is now necessary to take a brief retrospective glance at
the affairs of Greece. Three years after Alexander had quitted
Europe, the Spartans made a vigorous effort to throw off the
Macedonian yoke. They were joined by most of the Peloponne-
sian states, but the Athenians kept aloof. In b.c. 331, the Spar-
tans took up arms under the command of their king, Agis ; but
though they met with some success at first, they were finally
defeated with great slaughter by Antipater, near Megalopohs.
Agis fell in the battle, and the chains of Greece were riveted
more firmly than ever. This victory, and the successes of Alex-
ander in the East, encouraged the Macedonian party in Athens
to take active measures against Demosthenes; and ^schines
trumped up an old charge against him which had lain dormant

2 B

564 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL V.

for several years. Soon after the battle of ChaBronea, Ctesiphon
had proposed that Demosthenes should be presented with a
golden crown in the theatre during the great Dionysiac festival,
on account of the services he had conferred upon his country.
For proposing this decree ^schines indicted Ctesiphon ; but
though the latter was the nominal defendant, it was Demos-
thenes who was really put upon his trial. The case was de-
cided in 330 B.C., and has been immortahzed by the memorable
and still extant speeches of iEschines " Against Ctesiphon," and
of Demosthenes " On the Crown." iEschines, who did not ob-
tain a fifth part of the votes, and consequently became himself
liable to a penalty, was so chagrined at his defeat that he retired
to Rhodes.

§ 3. In B.C. 325, Harpalus arrived in Athens. Harpalus was
a great favourite with Alexander, as he had embraced his side
during his quarrel with his father, Philip. When Alexander,
after the conquest of Persia and Media, determmed to push on
into the interior of Asia, in pursuit of Darius, he left Harpalus
at Ecbatana, with 6000 Macedonian troops, in charge of the royal
treasures. From thence he removed to Babylon, and appears to
have held the important satrapy of that province as well as the
administration of the treasury. It was here that, during the
absence of Alexander in India, he gave himself up to the most
extravagant luxury and profusion, squandering the treasures en-
trusted to him, at the same time that he alienated the people
subject to his rule, by his lustful excesses and extortions. He
had probably thought that Alexander would never return from
the remote regions of the East into which he had penetrated;
but when he at length learnt that the king was on his march
back to Susa, and had visited with unsparing rigour those of his
officers who had been guilty of any excesses during his absence,
he at once saw that his only resource was in flight. Collecting
together all the treasures which he could, and assembling a
body of 6000 mercenaries, he hastened to the coast of Asia, and
from thence crossed over to Attica. He seems to have reckoned
on a favourable reception at Athens, as during the time of his
prosperity he had made the city a large present of corn, in re-
turn for which he had received the right of citizenship. At
first, however, the Athenians refused to receive him ; but bribes
administered to some of the principal orators induced them to
alter their determination. Such a step was tantamount to an
act of hostility against Macedonia itself; and accordingly Anti-
pater called upon the Athenians to deliver up Harpulus, and to
bring to trial those who had accepted his bribes. The Athe-
nians did not venture to disobey these demands. Harpalus was

B.C. 323. LAMIAN WAR. 555

put into confinement, but succeeded in making his escape from
prison. Demosthenes was among the orators who were brought
to trial for corruption. He was declared to be guilty, and was con-
demned to pay a fine of 50 talents. Not being able to raise that
sum, he was thrown into prison ; but he contrived to make his
escape, and went into exile. There are, however, good grounds
for doubting his guilt ; and it is more probable that he fell a
victim to the implacable hatred of the Macedonian party. Upon
quitting Athens Demosthenes resided chiefly at JEgina or Trcezen,
in sight of his native land, and whenever he looked towards her
ghores it was observed that he shed tears.

^ 4. When the news of Alexander's death reached Athens, the
anti-Macedonian party, which, since the exile of Demosthenes,
was led by Hyperides, carried all before it. The people in a
decree declared their determination to support the liberty of
Grreece ; a fleet of 240 triremes was ordered to be equipped ; all
citizens under 40 years of age were commanded to enrol them-
selves for service ; and Leosthenes was directed to levy an army
of mercenaries. Envoys were despatched to all the Grecian
states to announce the determination of Athens, and to exhort
them to struggle with her for their independence. This call
was responded to in the Peloponnesus only by the smaller states,
whilst Sparta, Arcadia, and Achaia kept aloof. In northern
Greece the confederacy was joined by most of the states except
the Boeotians ; and Leosthenes was appointed commander-in-
chief of the allied forces.

Phocion, as usual, was opposed to this war, thinking the forces
of Athens wholly inadequate to sustain it. Leosthenes scoffed
at him, and asked him " What he had ever done for his country,
during the long time that he was general ?" " Do you reckon it
nothing," answered Phocion, " that the Athenians are buried in
the sepulchres of their forefathers ?" And when Leosthenes
continued his pompous harangues, Phocion said : " Young man,
your speeches resemble cypress- trees, which are indeed large and
lofty, but produce no fruit." " Tell us, then," interrupted Hy-
perides, " what will be the proper time for the Athenians to
make war?" Phocion answered : " Not till young men keep with-
in the bounds of decorum, the rich contribute with liberality, and
the orators desist from robbing the people."

The allied army assembled in the neighbourhood of Thermo-
pylae. Ai<itipater now advanced from the north, and offered
battle in the vale of the Spercheus ; but being deserted by his
Thessalian cavalry, who went over to his opponents during the
heat of the engagement, he was obliged to retreat, and threw
himself into Lamia, a strong fortress on the Malian gulf. Leos-

656 ' HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLY,

thenes, desirous to finisli the war at a blow, pressed the siege
with the utmost vigour ; but his assaults were repulsed, and he
was compelled to resort to the slower method of a blockade.
From this town the contest bet\;\-een Antipater and the allied
Greeks has been called the Lamian ATar.

^ 0. The novelty of a victor}' over the Macedonian arras was
received vdih. boundless exultation at Athens, and this feehng was
raised to a still higher pitch by the arrival of an embassy from
Antipater to sue for peace. Phocion was bantered unmercifully.
He was asked whether he would not like to have done such great
things as Leosthenes ? '• Certahily," said he; '• but I should not
have advised the attempting of them." And when messenger
after messenger aimounced the successes of the Athenian arms,
he exclauned sarcastily, " ^Mien shall we have done conquer-
ing ?" The Athenians were so elated with theh good fortune,
that they would listen to no terms but the unconditional surren-
der of Antipater. Meantime Demosthenes, though still an exile,
exerted hmiself in various parts of the Peloponnesus in counter-
acting the envoys of Antipater, and in endeavouring to gain
adherents to the cause of Athens and the alhes. The Athenians
in return invited Demosthenes back to his native country, and a
ship was sent to convey him to Pireeus, where he was received
\\-ith extraorchnary honom's.

Meanwliile Leonnatus, governor of the Hellespontine Phrygia,
had appeared on the theatre of war with an army of 20,000 loot
and 2500 horse. Leosthenes had been slain at Lamia in a sally
of the besieged ; and Antiphilus, on whom the command of the
allied army devolved, hastened to offer battle to Leonnatus
before he could arrive at Lamia. The hostile armies met in one
of the plains of Thessaly, where Leonnatus was killed and
his troops defeated. Antipater, as soon as the blockade of
Lamia was raised, had piursued Antiphilus, and on the day
after the battle he effected a junction with the beaten army of
Leonnatus.

Shortly aftersvards, Antipater was still fiurther reinforced by
the arrival of Craterus with a considerable force from Asia ;
and being now at the head of an army wliich outnumbered the
forces of the alhes, he marched against them, and gained a
decisive A^ctory over them near Crannon in Thessaly. on the
7th of August, B.C. 322. The allies were now compelled to
sue for peace ; but Antipater refused to treat with them except
as separate states, foreseeing that by this means many would
be detached from the confederacy. The result answered his
expectations. One by one, the various states submitted, till at
lenofth all had laid down their arms. Athens, the orisrinal insti-

B.C. 322. DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES. 557:

gator of the insurrection, now lay at the mercy of the conqueror.
As Antipater advanced, Phocion used all the influence which he
possessed with the Macedonians in favor of his countrymen ;
but he could obtain no other terms than an unconditional sur-
render. On a second mission, Phocion received the final demands
of Antipater ; which were, that the Athenians should deliver up a
certain number of their orators, among whom were Demosthenes
and Hyperides ; that their political franchise should be limited
by a property quahfication ; that they should receive a Macedo-
nian garrison in Munychia, and that they should defray the ex-
penses of the war. Such was the result of the Lamian war.

§ 6. After the return of the envoys bringing the ultimatum of
Antipater, the sycophant Demades procured a decree for the
death of the denounced orators. Demosthenes, and the other
persons compromised, made their escape from Athens before
the Macedonian garrison arrived. ^Egina was their first place
of refuge, but they soon parted in different directions. Hyperi-
des fled to the temple of Demeter at Hermione in Peloponnesus,
w^hilst Demosthenes took refuge in that of Poseidon in the isle
of Calaurea, near Troezen. But the satellites of Antipater,
under the guidance of a Thurian named Archias, who had for-
merly been an actor, tore them from their sanctuaries. Hype-
rides was carried to Athens, and it is said that Antipater took
the brutal and cowardly revenge of ordering his tongue to be
cut out, and his remains to be thrown to the dogs. Demosthenes
contrived at least to escape the insults of the tyrannical con-
queror. Archias at first endeavoured to entice him from his
sanctuary by the blandest promises. But Demosthenes, fore-
warned, it is said, by a dream, fixing his eyes intently on him,
exclaimed : " Your acting, Archias, never touched me formerly,
nor do your promises now." And when Archiac began to
employ threats : " Good," said Demosthenes, " now you speak
as from the Macedonian tripod ; before you were only playing a
part. But wait awhile, and let me write my last directions to
my family." So taking his writing materials, he put the reed
into his mouth, and bit it for some time, as was his custom when
composing ; after which he covered his head with his garment
and reclined against a pillar. The guards who accompanied
Archias, imagining this to be a mere trick, laughed and called
him coward, whilst Archias began to renew his false persuasions,
Demosthenes feeling the poison work — for such it was that he
had concealed in the reed — now bade him lead on. " You may
now," said he, " enact the part of Creon, and cast me out un-
buried ; but at least, 0 gracious Poseidon, I have not polluted
thy temple by my death, which Antipater and his Macedonians

558 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XT.V.

would not have scrupled at." But whilst he "v\-as endeavouring
to walk out, he fell do^\TL by the altar and exphed.

§ 7. The course of events now carries us back to the East.
Perdiccas possessed more power than any of Alexander's gene-
rals, and was regarded as the regent of the empire. He had
the custody of the infant Alexander, the son of Alexander the
Great, and the weak Philip Arrhidseus was a puppet in his hands.
Perdiccas had at first courted the alhance of Antipater, and had
even married his daughter ISTicsea. But when Oh-mpias ofiered
him the hand of her daughter Cleopatra, if he would assist her
against Antipater, Perdiccas resolved to divorce Nicsea at the
first convenient opportunity, and espouse Cleopatra in her stead,
behevuig that such an alliance ^ith the royal family would pave
his way to the Macedonian throne, to which he was now aspir-
ing. His designs, however, were not unknown to Antigonus and
Ptolemy ; and when he attempted to bring Antigonus to trial
for some ofience in the government of his satrapy, that general
made his escape to Macedonia, where he revealed to Antipater
the full extent of the ambitious schemes of Perdiccas, and thus
at once induced Antipater and Craterus to imite ia a league
with him and Ptolemy, and openly declare war against the re-
gent. Thus assailed on all sides, Perdiccas resolved to direct
his arms in the first mstance against Ptolemy. In the spring of
B.C. 321 he accorduigly set out on liis march against Eg}pt, at
the head of a formidable army, and accompanied by Philip Ar-
rhidaeus, and Roxana and her inlant son. He advanced without
opposition as far as Pelusium. but he found the banks of the ]S"ile
strongly fortified and guarded by Ptolemy, and was repulsed in
repeated attempts to force the passage of the river : in the last
of which, near Memphis, he lost great numbers of men, by the
depth and rapidity of the ciurent. Perdiccas had never been
popular \A"ith the soldiery, and these disasters completely ahen-
ated their aflections. A conspiracy was formed against him,
and some of his chief ofiicers murdered him in his tent.

§ 8. The death of Perdiccas was followed by a fresh distribu-
tion of the provinces of the empire. At a meeting of the gen-
erals held at Triparadisus in S}Tia, towards the end of the year
321 B.C., Antipater was declared regent, retaining the govern-
ment of Macedonia and Greece ; Ptolemy was contmued in the
government of Eg}'pt ; Seleucus received the satrapy of Baby-
lon ; whilst Antigonus not only retained his old province, but
was rewarded with that of Susiana.

Antipater did not long survive these events. He died in the
year 3 IS. at the advanced age of SO, leaving Polysperchon, one
of Alexander's oldest generals regent; much to the surprise and

B.C. 821. TREATY OF TRIPARADISUS. 659

mortification of his son Cassander, who received only the second-
ary dignity of ChiHarch, or commander of the cavahy. Cas-
sander was now bent on obtaining the regency ; but seeing no
hope of success in Macedonia, he went over to Asia to sohcit the
assistance of Antigonus.

Polysperchon, on his side, sought to concihate the friendship
of the Grecian states, by proclaiming them all free and inde-
pendent, and by abolishing the oligarchies which had been set
up by Antipater. In order to enforce these measures, Poly-
sperchon prepared to march into Greece, whilst his son Alex-
ander was despatched beforehand with an army towards Athens,
to compel the Macedonian garrison under the command of Nica-
nor to evacuate Munychia. Nicanor, however, refused to move
without orders from Cassander, whose general he declared
himself to be. Phocion was suspected of intriguing in favour of
Nicanor, and being accused of treason, fled to Alexander, now
encamped before the walls of Athens. Alexander sent Phocion
and the friends who accompanied him to his father, who was
then in Pliocis ; and at the same time an Athenian embassy
arrived in Polysperchon' s camp to accuse Phocion. A sort of
mock trial ensued, the result of which was that Phocion was
sent back to Athens in chains, to be tried by the Athenian
people. The theatre, where his trial was to take place, was soon
full to overflowing. Phocion was assailed on every side by the
clamours of his enemies, which prevented his defence from being
heard, and he was condemned to death by a show of hands.
To the last Phocion maintained his calm and dignified, but
somewhat contem.ptuous bearing. When some wretched man
spat upon him as he passed to the prison, " Will no one," said
he, "check this fellow's indecency?" To one who asked him
whether he had any message to leave for his son Phocus, he an-
swered, " Only that he bear no grudge against the Athenians."
And when the hemlock which had been prepared was found in-
sufficient for all the condemned, and the jailer would not furnish
more unless he was paid for it, " Give the man his money," said
Phocion to one of his friends, " since at Athens one cannot even
die for nothing." He died in B.C. 317, at the age of 85. The
Athenians afterwards repented of their conduct towards Phocion.
His bones, which had been cast out on the frontiers of Megara,
were subsequently brought back to Athens, and a bronze statue
was erected to his memory.

§ 9. Whilst Alexander was negotiating with Nicanor about
the surrender of Munychia, Cassander arrived in the Piraeus with
a considerable army, with which Antigonus had supplied him ;
and though Polysperchon himself soon came up with a large

56U HISTORY UF GEEECE. Chat-. XLV.

force, he found the fortifications of PirsBus too strong for him.
Leaving, therefore, his son to blockade the cit)% Polysperchon
advanced with the greater part of his army into the Pelopon-
nesus. Here he laid siege to Megalopolis ; but that town was
defended with such extraordinary efforts that Polysperchon
was compelled to withdraw. His ill success, as well as the
destruction of his fleet by the fleet of Cassander, produced
an unfavourable turn in the disposition of the Greek states
towards Polysperchon, and Athens in particular abandoned his
alliance for that of Cassander, who established an oligarchical
government ia the city under the presidency of Demetrius of
Phalerus.

At the same time Eiuydice, the active aiid intriguing -uafe of
Philip Arrhideeus, conceived the project of throwing ofi^ the yoke
of the regent, and concluded an alhance wdth Cassander, while
she herself assembled an army with which she obtained for a
time the complete possession of Macedonia. But in the spring
of 317 Polysperchon, having united his forces A\ith those of
3)acides, king of Epirus, invaded Macedonia, accompanied by
Olympias. Eur}-dice met them -vvith equal daring : but when
the mother of Alexander appeared on the field, surrounded by a
train in bacchanalian 5t\'le, the Macedonians at once declared in
her favour, and Eur}'dice, abandoned by her o^ATl. troops, fled to
Amphipohs, where she soon fell into the hands of Olympias, who
put both her and her husband to death, with circumstances of
the. greatest cruelty. She next wreaked her vengeance on the
family of Antipater, and on the adherents of Cassander. These
events determined Cassander to proceed with all haste into Ma-
cedonia. At his approach Oljinpias threw herself into Pydna,
together with Roxana and her son. Cassander forthwith laid
siege to this place ; and after a blockade of some months it siur-
rendered in the spring of 316. Olympias had stipulated that
her hfe should be spared, but Cassander soon afterwards caused
her to be murdered. After the faU of Pydna all Macedonia sub-
mitted to Cassander : who, after shutting up Eoxana and her
son in the citadel of Amphipohs, married Thessalonica, a half-
sister of Alexander the Great, -with the view of strengthening his
pretensions to the throne.

Shortly afterwards Cassander marched into Greece, and began
the restoration of Thebes (e.g. 315), in the twentieth year after
its destruction by Alexander, a measure highly popular with the
Greeks.

^ 10. A new war now broke out in the east. Antigonus had
become the most powerful of Alexander's successors. He had
conquered Eumenes, who had long defied his arms, and he now

B.C. 316. COALITION AGAINST ANTIGONUS. 661

began to dispose of the provinces as he thought fit. His increa&'
ing power and ambitious projects led to a general coalition
against him, consisting of Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and
Lysimachus, the governor of Thrace. The war began in the year
315, and was carried on with great vehemence and alternate
success in Syria, Phoenicia, Asia Minor, and Greece. After four
years all parties became exhausted with the struggle, and peace
was accordingly concluded in 311, on condition that the Greek
cities should be free, that Cassander should retain his authority
in Europe till Alexander came of age, that Ptolemy and Lysi-
machus should keep possession of Thrace and Egypt respective-
ly, and that Antigonus should have the government of all Asia.
The name of Seleucus does not occur in the treaty.

This hollow peace, which had been merely patched up for the
convenience of the parties concerned, was not of long duration.
It seems to have been the immediate cause of another of those
crimes which disgrace the history of Alexander's successors.
Alexander, who had now attained the age of sixteen, was still
shut up with his mother Roxana in Amphipolis ; and his parti-
sans, with injudicious zeal, loudly expressed their wish that he
should be released and placed upon the throne. In order to
avert this event Cassander contrived the secret murder both of
the mother and the son.

§11. This abominable act, however, does not appear to have
caused a breach of the peace. Ptolemy was the first to break
it (b.c. 310), under the pretext that Antigonus, by keeping his
garrisons in the Greek cities of Asia and the islands, had not
respected that article of the treaty which guaranteed Grecian
freedom. After the war had lasted three years, Antigonus
resolved to make a vigorous effort to wrest Greece from the
hands of Cassander and Ptolemy, who held all the principal
towns in it. Accordingly, in the summer of 307 b.c. he de-
spatched his son Demetrius from Ephesus to Athens, with a fleet
of 250 sail, and 5000 talents in money. Demetrius, who after-
wards obtained the surname of " Poliorcetes," or " Besieger of
Cities," was a young man of ardent temperament and great
abilities. Upon arriving at the Piraeus, he immediately pro-
claimed the object of his expedition to be the liberation of
Athens and the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison. Sup-
ported by the Macedonians, Demetrius the Phalerean had now
ruled Athens for a period of more than ten years. Of mean
birth, Demetrius the Phalerean owed his elevation entirely to
his talents and perseverance. His skill as an orator raised him
to distinction among his countrymen ; and his politics, which
led him to embrace the party of Phocion, recommended him to

502 HLSTOKT v¥ GREECE. Cilip. XLY.

Cassander and the Macedonians. He cultivated many branches
of Hteratiire, and was at once an historian, a philosopher, and
a poet ; but none of his works have come doTMi to us. During
the iirst period of his ad ministration he appears to have governed
Tvisely and equitably, to have improved the Athenian laws, and
to have adorned the city ^\'ith useful buildings. *" But in spite of
his pretensions to philosophy, the possession of imcontrolled pow-
er soon altered his character for the worse, and he became re-
markable for luxury, ostentation, and sensuahty. Hence he grad-
ually lost the popidarity which he had once enjoyed, and which
had prompted the Athenians to raise to him no lewer than 360
bronze statues, most of them equestrian. The Athenians heard
with pleasure the proclamations of the soii of Aiitigonus ; his
namesake, the Phalerean, was obhged to surrender the city to
him, and to close his pohtical career by retiring to Thebes. The
Macedonian garrison in Mimychia otTered a shght resistance,
which was soon overcome. Demetrius Pohorcetes then formal-
ly annoimced to the Athenian assembly the restoration of their
ancient constitution, and promised them a large donative of com
and ship-timber. This munificence was repaid by the Athenians
with the basest and most abject flatter}*. Both Demetrius and
his father were deified, and two new tribes, those of Antigonias
and Demetrius, were added to the existing ten which derived
their names from the ancient heroes of Attica.

§ 12. Demetrius Pohorcetes did not, however, remain long at
Athens. Early in 306 b.c. he was recalled by his father, and,
saihng to C)'prus, undertook the siege of Salamis. Ptolemy has-
tened to its relief with 140 vessels and 1 0,000 troops. The bat-
tle that ensued was one of the most memorable in the annals of
ancient naval warlare. more particularly on account of the vast
size of the vessels engaged. Ptolemy was completely defeated ;
and so important was the victory deemed by Antigonus, that on
the strength of it he assiuned the title of king, which he also
conferred upon his son. This example was followed by Ptolemy,
Seleucus, and Lysimachus.

Encouraged by their success at Cvprus. Antigonus and Deme-
trius made an attempt upon Eg}'pt, which, however, proved a
disastrous failure. By way of revenge. Demetrius undertook an
expedition against Rhodes, which had refused its aid in the
attack upon Ptolemy. It was from the memorable siege of
Rhodes that Demetrius obtained his name of •• Pohorcetes."

* A census -which Demetrius took of the population of Attica, proba-
bly in 309 B.C., the year of his arohonship, gave 21,000 freemen, 10,000
metics, or resident aliens, and the amazing number of 400,000 slaves.
The wives and families of the free Dooulation must of course be added.

B.C. 30i. BATTLE OF IPSXJS. 663

After in vain attempting to take the town from the sea-side, by
moans of floating batteries, from which stones of enormous
weight were hurled from engines with incredible force against
the walls, he determined to alter his plan and invest it on the
land-side. "With the assistance of Epimachus, an Athenian en-
gineer, he constructed a machine which, in anticipation of its
elTect, was called Helepolis, or " the city taker." This was a square
wooden tower, 150 feet high, and divided into nine stories, filled
With armed men, who discharged missiles through apertures in
the sides. When armed and prepared for attack, it required the
strength of 2300 men to set this enormous machine in motion.
But though this formidable engine was assisted by the operation
of two battering-rams, each loO feet long and propelled by the
labour of 1000 men, the Rliodians were so active in repairing
the breaches made in their walls, that after a year spent in the
vain attempt to take the town, Demetrius was forced to retire
and grant the Rhcdians peace.

§ 13. Whilst Demetrius was thus employed, Cassander had
made great progress in reducing Greece. He had taken Corinth,
and was besieging Athens, when Demetrius entered the Euripus.
Cassander immediately raised the siege, and was subsequently
defeated in an action near ThermopylEe. When Demetrius en-
tered Athens, he was received as before with the most extrava-
gant flatteries. He remained two or three years in Greece, during
which his superiority over Cassander was decided, though no
great battle was fought.

In the spring of 301 B.C. he was recalled by his father Anti-
gonus, who stood in need of his assistance against Lysimachus
and Seleucus. In the course of the same year the struggle be-
tween Antigonus and his rivals was brought to a close by the
battle of Ipsus in Phrygia, in which Antigonus was killed, and
his army completely defeated. Antigonus had attained the age
of 81 at the time of his death. Demetrius retreated with the
remnant of the army to Ephesus, whence he sailed to Cyprus,
and afterwards proposed to go to Athens ; but the Athenians,
alienated by his ill-lbrtune at Ipsus, refused to receive him. Se-
leucus and Lysimachus shared betM^een them the possessions of
Antigonus. Lysimachus seems to have had the greater part of
Asia Minor, whilst the whole country from the coast of Syria to
the Euphrates, as well as a part of Phrygia and Cappadocia, fell
to the share of Seleucus. The latter founded on the Orontes
a new capital of his empire, which he named after his father
Antioch. The fall of Antigonus secured Cassander in the pos-
session of Greece, though it does not appear that any formal
treaty was entered into for that purpose.

1

Group of Dirce. From the Museum at Naples.

CHAPTER XLYI.

FROM THE BATTLE OF IPSUS TO THE CONQUEST OF GREECE BY
THE R03IANS.

§ 1. Proceedings of Demetrius Poliorcetes. He captures Athens. §2.
Obtains the Macedonian crown. His flight and death. §3. Lysimachus
reigns over Macedonia. He is defeated and slain by Seleucus. § 4. Se-
leucus assassinated by Ptolemy Ceraunus. Invasion of the Celts, and
death of Ptolemy Ceraunus. § o. AntigonusGonatas ascends the Mace-
donian throne. Death of Pyrrhus of Epirus. Chremonidean war. §6.
The Achsean League. § 7. State of Sparta. Reforms of Agis and Cleo-
menes. The Cleomenic war. § 8. The ^tolian League. § 9. The
SocialWar. § 10. War betweenPhilip and the Romans. § 11. Philopoe-
men. § 12. Second war between Philip and the Romans. Battle of
Cynoscephalse. § 13. Defeat of Antiochus, and subjugation of the
-^tolians by the Romans. § 14. Extension of the Achaean League.
Conquest of Sparta. Death of Philopoemen. § 15. War between
Perseus and the Romans. Conquest of Macedonia. § 16. Proceedings
of the Romans in Greece. § 17. Athens and Oropus. War between
the Achseans and Spartans. § 18. The Spartans appeal to the Romans,
who reduce Greece into a Roman province.

^ 1. After his repulse from Athens, Demetrius proceeded
towards Peloponnesus, but found that his allies in that quarter
had also abondoned him and embraced the cause of Cassander.

B.C. 294. DEMETRIUS GAINS MACEDONIA. 56&

He was, however, neither ruined nor discouraged. On leaving
the Peloponnesus (b.c. 300) he proceeded to the Thracian Cher-
sonese, and ravaged the territory of Lysimachus. "Whilst en-
gaged in this expedition he was agreeably surprised by receiv-
ing an embassy from Seleucus, by which that monarch solicited
his daughter Stratonice in marriage. Demetrius gladly granted
the request, and found himself so much strengthened by this
alliance, that in the spring of the year 296 he was in a con-
dition again to attack Athens, which he captured after a
long siege, and drove out the bloodthirsty tyrant Lachares,
who had been established there by Cassander. Such was the
extremity of famine to which the Athenians had been reduced,
that we are told of a father and son quarrellmg for a dead
mouse ; and the philosopher Epicurus supported himself, and
the society over which he presided, by dividing amongst them
daily a small quantity of beans. On becoming master of the
city, Demetrius, much to the surprise of the Athenians, treated
therai with great lenity and indulgence, and in consideration of
their distresses, made them a present of a large quantity of corn.
^ 2. Meanwhile Cassander had died shortly before the siege of
Athens, and was succeeded on the throne of Macedon by his
eldest son, Philip IV.* But that young prince died in 295, and
the succession was disputed between his two brothers, Antipater
and Alexander. Their mother Thessalonica, a daughter of the
great Philip, seems to have been their guardian, and to have
attempted to arrange their disputes by dividing the kingdom
between them ; but Antipater, thinking that she favoured Alex-
ander, slew her with his own hand in a fit of jealous rage.
Alexander now called in the aid of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, as
well as of Demetrius, who was in the Peloponnesus with his
army. Pyrrhus, as the nearest, was the first to respond to this
call, and effected a partition of Macedonia between the two
brothers ; an arrangement, which, as it weakened a neighbouring
kingdom, was favourable to his own interests. Shortly after-
wards (294) Demetrius, who saw in the distracted state of Mace-
donia an opening for his own ambitious designs, appeared in
that country with his forces. Alexander having joined him with
his army, Demetrius caused that young prince to be assassinated,
and was saluted king by the troops. Demetrius reigned over
Macedonia, and the greater part of Greece, about seven years.
He aimed at recovering the whole of his father's dominions
in Asia ; but before he was ready to take the field, his adver-
saries, alarmed at his preparations, determined to forestall

* Philip Arrliidseus is called Philip IIL

666 HISTORY OF GREECE. Cuai'. XLVI.

him. In the spring of b.c. 287, Ptolemy sent a powerful fleet
against Greece, while Pyrrhus on the one side and Lysimachus
on the other simultaneously invaded Macedonia. Demetrius had
completely alienated his own subjects by his proud and haughty
bearing, and by his lavish expenditure on his own luxuries ;
while Pyrrhus by his generosity, affability, and daring courage,
had become the hero of the Macedonians, who looked upon him
as a second Alexander. The appearance of Pyrrhus was the
signal for revolt : the Macedonian troops flocked to his standard,
and Denaetrius was compelled to fly. Pyrrhus now ascended the
throne of Macedonia ; but his reign was of brief duration ; and
at the end of seven months he was in turn driven out by Lysi-
machus. Demetrius made several attempts to regain his power
in Greece, and then set sail for Asia, where he successively endea-
voured to establish himself in the territories of Lysimachus, and
of his son-in-law Seleucus. Falling at length into the hands
of the latter, he was kept in a kind of magnificent captivity in a
royal residence in Syria ; where, in 283, at the early age of 55,
his chequered career was brought to a close, partly by chagrin,
and partly by the sensual indulgences with which he endea-
voured to divert it.

§ 3. The history of Alexander's successors continued to be
marked to the end by the same ambition, the same dissen-
sions, and the same crimes which had stained it from the first.
The power of Lysimachus had been greatly increased by the
acquisition of Macedonia ; and he now found himself in posses-
sion of all the dominions in Europe that had formed part of the
Macedonian monarchy, as well as of the greater part of Asia
Minor. Of Alexander's immediate successors, Lysimachus and
Seleucus were the only two remaining competitors for power;
and with the exception of Egypt, those two sovereigns divided
Alexander's empire between them. Li Egypt the aged Ptolemy
had abdicated in 285 in favour of his son by Berenice, afterwards
known as Ptolemy Philadelphus, and to the exclusion of his eldest
son, Ptolemy Ceraunus, by his wife Eurydice. Ptolemy Ceraunus
quitted Egypt in disgust, and fled to the court of Lysimachus ;
and although Arsinoe, the wife of Lysimachus, was own sister to
his rival, Ptolemy Philadelphus, he succeeded in gaining her entire
confidence. Arsinoe, jealous of her stepson Agathocles, the heir
apparent to the throne, and desirous of securing the succession
for her own children, conspired with Ptolemy Ceraunus against
his life. She even procured the consent of Lysimachus to his
murder ; and after some vain attempts to make away with him
by poison, he was flung into prison, where Ptolemy Ceraunus
despatched him with his own hand. Lysandra, the mother of

B.C. 280. IJSVASIOJS OF THE CELl'S. 507

Agathocles, fled with the rest of her family to Seleucus, to de-
mand from him protection and vengeance : and Seleucus, induced
by the hopes of success, inspired by the discontent and dissen-
sions which so foul an act had excited among the subjects of
Lysimachus, espoused her cause. The hostilities which ensued
between him and Lysimachus were brought to a termination
by the battle of Corupedion, fought near Sardis in 281, in which
Lysimachus was defeated and slain. By this victory, Macedo-
nia, and the whole of Alexander's empire, with the exception of
Egypt, southern Syria, Cyprus, and part of Phoenicia, fell under
the sceptre of Seleucus.

§ 4. That monarch, who had not beheld his native land since
he first joined the expedition of Alexander, now crossed the
Hellespont to take possession of Macedonia. Ptolemy Ceraunus,
who after the battle of Corupedion had thrown himself on the
mercy of Seleucus, and had been received with forgiveness and
favour, accompanied him on this journey. The murder of Aga-
thocles had not been committed by Ptolemy merely to oblige
Arsinoe. He had even then designs upon the supreme power,
which he now completed by another crime. As Seleucus stopped
to sacrifice at a celebrated altar near Lysimachia in Thrace,
Ptolemy treacherously assassinated him by stabbing him in the
"back (280). After this base and cowardly act, Ptolemy Ceraunus,
who gave himself out as the avenger of Lysimachus, was, by one
of those movements wholly inexplicable to our modern notions,
saluted king by the army ; but the Asiatic dominions of Seleucus
fell to his son Antiochus, surnamed Soter. The crime of Ptole-
my, however, was speedily overtaken by a just punishment. In
the very same year his kingdom of Macedonia and Thrace was
invaded by an immense host of Celts, and Ptolemy fell at the
head of the forces which he led against them. A second inva-
sion of the same barbarians compelled the Greeks to raise a
force for their defence, which was entrusted to the command of
the Athenian Callippus (e.g. 279). On this occasion the Celts,
attracted by the report of treasures which were now perhaps
httle more than an empty name, penetrated as far southwards
as Delphi, with the view of plundering the temple. The god,
it is said, vindicated his sanctuary on this occasion in the same
supernatural manner as when it was attacked by the Persians :
it is at all events certain that the Celts were repulsed with great
loss, including that of their leader Brennus. Nevertheless some
of their tribes succeeded in establishing themselves near the
Danube ; others settled on the sea-coast of Thrace ; whilst a
third portion passed over into Asia, and gave their name to the
country called Galatia.

568 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVl.

§ 5. After the death of Ptolemy Ceraimus, Macedonia fell for
some time into a state of anarchy and confusion, and the crov.n
was disputed by several pretenders. At length, in 275, Anti-
gonus G-onata^, son of Demetrius Pohorcetes, succeeded in es-
tabhshing himself on the thjrone of Macedonia ; and, ^\ith the
exception of tvvo or tlu'ee years (274—272) during which he was
temporarily expelled by Pyrrhus, he continued to retain posses-
sion of it till liis death in 239. The struggle between Antigonus
and Pyn-hus was brought to a close at Argos, in 272. P}Trhus
had marched into the Peloponnesus with a large force in order
to make war upon Sparta, but with the collateral design of re-
ducing the places which still held out for Antigonus. P^Trhus,
having failed in an attempt to take Sparta, marched against
Argos, where Antigonus also arrived with Iris forces. Both ar-
mies entered the city by opposite gates ; and in a battle which
ensued in the streets, Pyrrhus was struck from liis horse by a
tile hurled by a woman from a house top, and was then de-
spatched by some soldiers of Antigonus. Such was the inglo-
rious end of one of the bravest and most vrarlike monarchs of
antiquity ; whose character for moral virtue, though it would
not stand the test of modern scrutmy, shone out conspicuously
in comparison with that of contemporar}' sovereigns ; but whose
enterprises, undertaken rather from the love of action than from
any well-directed ambition, were rendered abortive by their de-
sultory nature.

Antigonus Gonatas now made himself master of the greater
part of Peloponnesus, which he governed by means of t}Tants
whom he estabhshed in various cities. He then applied himself
to the reduction of xlthens, whose defence was assisted by an
Eg}^ptian fleet and a Spartan army. This war, which is some-
times called the Chremonidean war, from the Athenian Chre-
raonides, who played a conspicuous part in defending the city,
lasted six or seven years, and reduced the Athenians to great
misery. Athens was at length taken, probably in 262.

§ 6. "While all Greece, with the exception of Sparta, seemed
hopelessly prostrate at the feet of Macedonia, a new political
power, which sheds a lustre on the deciinuig period of Grecian
history^ arose in a small province in Peloponnesus, of which the
ver}' name has been liitherto rarely mentioned since the heroic
age. In Achaia, a narrow slip of comitr\^ upon the shores of
the Corinthian gulf, a league, chiefly for religious purposes, had
existed from a very early period among the twelve chief cities
of the province. This league, however, had never possessed
much political importance, and it had been finally suppressed
by the Macedonians. At the time of which we are speaking

B.C. 2.51. ACHJiAN LEAGUE. 569

Antigonus Gonatas was in possession of all the cities formerly-
belonging to the league, either by means of his garrisons or of
the tyrants who were subservient to him. It was, however, this
very oppression that led to a more efficient reviA^al of the league.
The Achsean towns, now only ten in number, as two had been
destroyed by earthquakes, began gradually to coalesce again ; a
process which was much facilitated after Antigonus had with-
drawn from Greece to take up his residence at Pella, where the
affairs of Macedonia chiefly occupied his attention. But Aratus
of Sicyon, one of the most remarkable characters of this period
of Grecian history, was the man who, about the year 251 e.g.,
first called the new league into active political existence. Aratus
was one of those characters who, though not deficient in bold-
ness and daring, seem incapable of exerting these qualities
except in stratagems and ambuscades. He had long lived in
exile at Argos, Avhilst his native city groaned under the dominion
of a succession of tyrants. Having collected a band of exiles,
Aratus surprised Sicyon m the night time, and drove out
the last and most unpopular of these tyrants. Instead of seizing
the tyranny for himself, as he might easily have done, Aratus
consulted only the advantage of his country, and with this view
united Sicyon with the Achsean league. The accession of so
important a town does not appear to have altered the con-
stitution of the confederacy. The league was governed by a
Strategus, or general, whose functions were both military and
civil ; a Graminateiis, or secretary, and a council of ten demiu7'gi.
The sovereignty, however, resided in the general assembly, which
met twice a year in a sacred grove near ^Egium. It was com-
posed of every Achsean who had attained the age of thirty, and
possessed the right of electing the officers of the league, and of
deciding all questions of war, peace, foreign alliances, and the
like. In the year 245 B.C. Aratus Avas elected Strategus of the
league, and again in 243. In the latter of these years he suc-
ceeded in wresting Corinth from the Macedonians by another
nocturnal surprise, and uniting it to the league. The confe-
deracy now spread with wonderful rapidity. It was soon joined
by Troezen, Epidaurus, Hermione, and other cities ; and ulti-
mately embraced Athens, Megara, ^gina, Salamis, and the whole
Peloponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Elis, and some of
the Arcadian towns.

§ 7. Sparta, it is true, still continued to retain her independ-
ence, but without a shadow of her former greatness and power.
The primitive simplicity of Spartan manners had been com-
pletely destroyed by the collection of wealth into a few hands,
and by the consequent progress of luxury. The number of

67 u HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLYI.

Spartan citizens had been reduced to 700 ; but even of these there
were not above a hundred who possessed a sufficient quantity
of land to maintain themselves in independence. The Spartan
kuigs had ceased to be the patriotic servants and generals of their
comitry. Like the condottieri of more modern times, they were
accustomed, since the time of Alexander the Great, to let out
their ser^dces to the highest bidder ; and no loDger content with
the simple habits of their forefathers, they repaired to foreign
courts in order to squander the wealth thus acquired in lux-
uries which they coidd not procure at home. The young king,
Agis lY., who succeeded to the croT\-n in 244, attempted to
revive the ancient Spartan virtue, by restoring the institutions
of Lycurgus, by cancelling all debts, and by m-aking a new distri-
bution of lands ; and A^ith this view he rehnquished all his own
propert}', as well as that of his family, for the pubhc good.
These reforms, though promoted by one of the Ephors, were
opposed by Leonidas, the colleague of Agis in the monarchy,
who rallied the majority' of the more wealthy citizens around
him. Agis and his party succeeded, however, in deposing Leo-
nidas, and for a time his plans promised to be successful ; but
having undertaken an expedition to assist Aratus against the
^tolians, the opposite party took advantage of his absence to
reinstate Leonidas, and when Agis returned, he was put to
death (241). But a few years afterwards, Cleomenes, the son of
Leonidas, succeeded m efiectmg the reforms which had been
contemplated by Agis ; a course which he was probably uiduced
to take by the widow of Agis, whom he had married. It was
liis militaiy successes that enabled Cleomenes to carry out his
political \-iews. Aratus. in liis zeal for extending the Achaean
confederacy, attempted to seize the Arcadian to\Mis of Orcho-
menus, Tegea, and Mantinea, wliich the .^tolians had ceded to
Sparta, whereupon av>-ar ensued (227-226) in which the forces of
the league were defeated by Cleomenes. The latter then sud-
denly returned home at the head of his victorious army, and after
puttuig the Ephors to death, proceeded to carr}' out the reforms
projected by Agis, as well as several others which regarded mih-
tary discipline. The effect of these new measures soon became
visible in the increased success of the Spartan arms. Aratus
was so hard pressed that he was compelled to sohcit the assist-
ance of the Macedonians. Both Antigonus Gonatas and his son
Demetrius IL — who had reigned in Macedonia from 239 to 229
B.C. — were now dead, and the government was admuiistered by
Antigonus Doson, as guardian of Philip, the youthful son of
Demetrius IL Antigonus Doson. who obtained the latter sur-
name from his readiness in making promises, was the grandson

B.C. 220. ^TOLIAN LEAGUE. 571

of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and the nephew of Antigonus Gonatas.
The Macedonians compelled him to accept the crown ; but he
remained faithful to his trust as guardian of Philip, whose mo-
ther he married ; and though he had children of his own by her,
yet Philip succeeded him on his death. It was to Antigonus
Doson that Aratus applied for assistance ; and in 2^3 the Mace-
donian king marched into the Peloponnesus and compelled Cleo-
menes to retire into Laconia. This war between Cleomenes and
Aratus, which is called the Cleomenic war, lasted altogether
about six years. It broke out in 227, and was not brought to a
close till two years after the intervention of D5son. After his
defeat Cleomenes raised a considerable sum by allowing 6000
Helots to purchase their freedom ; and having thus recruited
his army, he in the following year attacked and destroyed Mega-
lopolis. He afterwards pushed his successes up to the very
walls of Argos ; but in 221 he was totally defeated by Antigonus
Doson in the fatal battle of Sellasia in Laconia. The army of
Cleomenes was almost totally annihilated ; he himself was obliged
to fly to Egypt ; and Sparta, which for many centuries had re-
mained unconquered, fell into the hands of the victor.

§ 8. Antigonus, however, did not live long to enjoy his success.
Before the end of the year he was recalled to Macedonia by an
invasion of the lUyrians, which he repelled, but he shortly after-
wards died of a consumption. He was succeeded by Philip Y.,
the son of Demetrius II., who was then about sixteen or seven-
teen years of age. His youth encouraged the ^Etolians to make
predatory incursions into the Peloponnesus. That people were
a species of freebooters, and the terror of their neighbom's ;
yet they were united, like the Achseans, in a confederacy or
league. The ^Etolian league was a confederation of tribes in-
stead of cities, like the Achsean. Its history is involved in ob-
scurity ; but it must at all events have had a fixed constitution
even in the time of Philip and Alexander the Great, since Aris-
totle wrote a treatise on it ; and after the death of Alexander
we find the League taking a^prominent part in the Lamian war.
The diet or council of the league, called the Pansetolicum, assem-
bled every autumn, generally at Thermon, to elect the strategus
and other officers ; but the details of its affairs were conducted
by a committee called Apocleti, who seem to have formed a sort
of permanent council. The ^tohans had availed themselves of
the disorganised state of Greece consequent upon the death of
Alexander to extend their power, and had gradually made them-
selves masters of Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, together with portions
of A.carnania, Thessaly, and Epirus. Thus both the Amphic-
tyonic Council and the oracle of Delphi were in their power.

5Tii HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL^'T.

They had early ^Tested Xaupactiis from the Achseans, and had
subsequently acquired several Peloponnesian cities.

§ 9. Such was the condition of the ^tolians at the time of
Phihp's accession. Soon after that event we find them, under
the leadership of Dorimachus, engaged in a series of freebooting
expeditions in Messenia, and other parts of Peloponnesus. Aratus
marched to the assistance of the Messenians at the head of the
Achaean forces, but was totally defeated in a battle near Caphyse.
The Achseans now saw no hope of safety except through the
assistance of Philip. That young monarch was ambitious and
entei-prising, possessing considerable military' ability, and much
political sagacity. He readily listened to the apphcation of the
Achaeans, and m 220 entered into an aUiauce ■v\'ith them. The
war which ensued between the 2Etolians on one side, and the
AcliEeans, assisted by Philip, on the other, and which lasted
about three years, has been called the Social "VYar. Philip gained
several victories over the ^^tolians, but he concluded a treaty
of peace T\-ith them in 217, because he was anxious to turn his
arms against another and more formidable power.

$ 10. The great struggle, now gomg on between Rome and
Carthage, attracted the attention of the whole civilized world.
It was e\4dent that Greece, distracted by intestine quarrels,
must be soon swallowed up by T\hichever of those great
states might prove successful ; and of the two, the ambition of
the Romans, who had already gained a footuig on the eastern
shores of the Adriatic, was by far the more formidable to
Greece. Phihps inchnation to take part in the great struggle
in the west was increased by the news of the overthrow of the
Romans at the lake of Trasimene ; and he therefore readily
hstened to the ad^•ice and solicitations of Demetrius of Pharos,
who had been driven by the Romans from liis lUyrian domin-
ions, and who now appealed to him for assistance. After the
conclusion of the peace with the ^Etohans Philip prepared a
large fleet, which he employed to watch the movements of the
Romans, and in the follo^\■ing year (216) he concluded a treaty
^^■ith Hannibal, which, among other clauses. proAuded that the
Romans shoidd not be allowed to retain their conquests on the
eastern side of the Adriatic. He even meditated an invasion
of Italy, and with that view endeavoured to make himself
master of ApoUonia and Oricum. But though he succeeded in
taking the latter city, the Romans, under M. Valerius Lse\-inus,
sui-prised his camp whilst he was besieging Apollonia ; and as
they had hkewise blockaded the mouth of the river Aous with
their fleet, Philip was compelled to bum his ships and retire.
Meanwhile Phihp had acted in a most arbitan,- manner in the

B.C. 208. PHILOPCEMEISr. 573

affairs of Greece ; and when Aratus remonstrated with him re-
specting his proceedings, he got rid of his former friend and coun-
sellor hy means of a slow and secret poison (b.c. 213).

When the affairs of the Romans had begun to recover in Italy,
they directed their attention more seriously towards Greece, and
in the year 211 concluded an alliance with the ^Etolians, who
were now weary of peace, and declared war against Philip. Be-
fore the end of the year, the Romans made themselves masters
of Zacynthus, with the exception of the capital ; and having also
wrested OEiiiadse and Naxos from the Acarnanians transferred
these acquisitions to the JEtolians, and retained the booty for them-
selves, agreeably to the treaty. In the following year the town of
Anticyra and the island of ^Egina were treated in a similar manner.

^11. In B.C. 209, the Achseans, being hard pressed by the
JEtohans, were again induced to call in the aid of Philip. The
spirit of the Achaeans was at this time revived by Philipoemen,
one of the few noble characters of the period, and who has been
styled by Plutarch " the last of the Greeks." He was a native
of Megalopolis in Arcadia, and had already distinguished him-
self in the Cleomenic war, and especially at the battle of Sellasia,
which was mainly won by a decisive charge which he made, with-
out orders, at the head of the Megalopolitan horse. In 210 he
was appointed to the command of the Achaean cavalry, and in
208 he was elected Strategus of the League. In both these
posts Philopoemen made great alterations and improvements in
the arms and discipline of the Achsean forces, which he assimi-
lated to those of the Macedonian phalanx. These reforms, as
well as the public spirit with which he had inspired the Achaeans,
were attended with the most beneficial results. In 207 Philopoe-
men gained at Mantinea a signal victory over the Lacedaemoni-
ans, who had joined the Roman alliance ; 4000 of them were
left upon the field, and among them Machanidas, who had made
himself tyrant of Sparta. This decisive battle, combined with
the withdrawal of the Romans, who, being desirous of turning
their undivided attention towards Carthage, had made peace
with Philip (205), secured for a few years the tranquillity of
Greece. It also raised the fame of Philopoemen to its highest
point ; and in the next Nemean festival, being a second time
general of the league, he was hailed by the assembled Greeks as
the liberator of their country.

M2. Upon the conclusion of the second Punic war, the Ro-
mans renewed their enterprises in Greece, for which the conduct
of Philip, who had assisted the Carthaginians, afforded them
ample pretence. Philip's attempts in the ^Egean sea, and in
Attica, had also caused many complaints to be lodged against hira

oU HISTORY OF GREECK Chap. XLVI.

at Rome; and in B.C. 200 the Uomans declared war against
him. Athens, which he had besieged, was reheved by a Ro-
man fleet ; but before he withdrew, Phihp, prompted by anger
and revenge, displayed his barbarism by destroying the gardens
and buildings in the subm'bs, including the Lyceum and the tombs
of the Attic heroes ; and in a second incursion which he made
with large reinforcements, he committed still greater excesses.
For some time, however, the war lingered on without any de-
cided success on either side. But in 198 the consul T. Gluinctius
Flamininus succeeded in gaining over the Achaean league to the
Homan alliance ; and as the JEtohans had previously deserted
Philip, both these powers fought for a short time on the same
side. In 197 the struggle between the Romans and Phihp was
brought to a termination by the battle of CynoscephalsB, near
Scotussa, in Thessaly, which decided the fate of the Macedonian
monarchy, Philip was obliged to sue for peace, and in the fol-
lowing year (196) a treaty was ratified by which the Macedonians
were compelled to renounce their supremacy, to vidthdraw their
garrisons from the Grecian towns, to surrender their fleet, and
to pay 1000 talents for the expenses of the war. At the ensuing
Isthmian games, Flamininus solemnly proclaimed the freedom
of the G-reeks, and was received by them with overwhelming joy
and gratitude. The Romans, however, still held the fortresses
of the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis ; and it was not
till 194 that they showed any real intention of carrying out their
promises by withdrawing their armies from Greece.

§ 13. The iEtolians, dissatisfied with these arrangements, en-
deavoured to persuade Nabis, who had succeeded Machanidas
as tyrant of Sparta, Antiochus III., king of Syria, as well as
Philip, to enter into a league against the Romans. But Anti-
ochus alone, at whose court Hannibal was then residing as a
refugee, ventured to listen to these overtures. He passed over
into Greece with a wholly inadequate force, and was defeated by-
the Romans at Thermopylse (b.c. 191). The iEtolians were now
compelled to make head against the Romans by themselves.
After some ineffectual attempts at resistance, they were reduced
to sue for peace, which they at length obtained, but on the most
humiliating conditions (b.c. 189). These, as dictated to them
in Ambracia, by M. Fulvius Nobilior, differed but little from an
unconditional surrender. They were required to acknowledge
the supremacy of Rome, to renounce all the conquests they had
recently made, to pay an indemnity of 500 talents, and to engage
in future to aid the Romans in their wars. The power of the
JEtolian league was thus for ever crushed, though it seems to
have existed, in name at least, till a much later period.

B.C. 197. BATTLE OF CYNOSCEPHAL^. 675

§ 14. The Achaean league still subsisted, but was destined
before long to experience the same fate as its rival. At first,
indeed, it enjoyed the protection of the Romans, and even ac-
quired an extension of members through their influence, but this
protectorate involved a state of almost absolute dependence.
PhilopcEmen also had succeeded, in the year 192, in adding
Sparta to the League, which now embraced the whole of Pelo-
ponnesus. But Sparta having displayed symptoms of insubor-
dination, PhilopcBmen marched against it in 188, and captured
the city ; when he put to death eighty of the leading men, com-
manded all the inhabitants who had been enfranchised by the
recent tyrants to leave the place by a fixed day, razed the walls
and fortifications, abolished the institutions of Lycurgus, and
compelled the citizens to adopt the democratic constitution of
the Achaeans. Meanwhile, the Romans regarded with satisfac-
tion the internal dissensions of Greece, which they foresaw
would only render her an easier prey, and neglected to answer
the appeals of the Spartans for protection. In 183 the Mes-
senians, under the leadership of Dinocrates, having revolted from
the league, Philopcemen, who had now attained the age of 70, led
an expedition against them ; but having fallen from his horse in
a skirmish of cavalry, he was captured, and conveyed with many
circumstances of ignominy to Messene, where, after a sort of
mock trial, he was executed. His fate was avenged by Lycortas,
the commander of the Achaian cavalry, the father of the histo-
rian Polybius. In the following year, Lycortas, now Strategus,
captured Messene, and having compelled those who had been
concerned in the death of Philopcemen to put an end to their own
lives, conveyed the ashes of that general to Megalopohs, where
they were interred wdth heroic honours.

§ 15. In B.C. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son
Perseus, the last monarch of Macedonia. The latter years of the
reign of Philip had been spent in preparations for a renewal of
the war, which he foresaw to be inevitable ; and when Perseus
ascended the throne, he found himself amply provided with men
and money for the impending contest. But, whether from a
sincere desire of peace, or from irresolution of character, he
sought to avert an open rupture as long as possible, and one of
the first acts of his reign was to obtain from the Romans a
renewal of the treaty which they had concluded with his
father. It is probable that neither party was sincere in the con-
clusion of this peace, at least neither could entertain any hope
of its duration ; yet a period of seven years elapsed before the
mutual enmity of the two powers broke out into open hostilities.
Meanwhile, Perseus was not idle ; he secured the attachment of

576 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL VI.

his subjects by equitable and popular measures, and formed
alliances not only with the Greeks and the Asiatic princes, but
also with the Thracian, Illyrian, and Celtic tribes which sur-
rounded his dominions. The Romans naturally viewed these
proceedings with jealousy and suspicion ; and at length, in 172,
Perseus was formally accused before the Roman senate, by Eu-
menes, king of Pergamus. in person, of entertaining hostile de-
signs against the Roman power. The murder of Eumenes near
Delphi, on his return homewards, of which Perseus Avas suspected.,
aggravated the feeling against him at Rome, and in the follow^-
ing year war was declared against liim.

Perseus w^as at the head of a numerous and well-appointed
army, but of all his allies, only Cot)"s, king of the Odrysians,
ventured to support him against so formidable a foe. Yet the
war was protracted three years without any decisive result ; nay,
the balance of success seemed on the whole to inchne in favour
of Perseus, and many states, which before were wavering, now
showed a disposition to join his cause. But liis ill-timed parsi-
mony restrained him from taking advantage of their offers, and
in 168 the arrival of the consul, L. ^Tlmilius Paulus, completely
changed the aspect of affairs. Perseus was driven from a strong
position which he had taken up on the banks of the Enipeus,
forced to retreat to Pydna, and linally to accept an engagement
near that town. At first the serried ranks of the phalanx
seemed to promise superiority ; but its order ha\dng been broken
by the inequalities of the ground, the Roman legionaries pene-
trated into the disordered mass, and committed fearful carnage,
to the extent, it is said, of 20,000 men. Perseus fled first to
Pella, then to Amphipohs, and finally to the sanctuary of the
sacred island of Samothrace, but was at length obliged to sur-
render himself to a Roman squadron. He was earned to Rome
to adorn the triumph of Paulus (167), and w'as afterwards cast
into a dungeon ; from w^hence, however, he was liberated at the
intercession of his conqueror, and permitted to spend the re-
mainder of his life in a sort of honourable captiA^ty at Alba.
Such was the end of the Macedonian empire, which was now
divided into four districts, each mider the jurisdiction of an oli-
garchical coimcil.

§ 16. The Roman commissioners deputed to arrange the
affairs of Macedonia did not confine their attention to that pro-
vince, but evinced their designs of bringing all Greece under the
Roman sway. In these views they were assisted by various
despots and traitors in different Grecian cities, and especially by
Callicrates, a man of great influence among the Achaeans, and
who for many years lent himself ^s the base tool of the Romans

i

B.C. 168. CONQUEST OF MACEDONIA. 511

to effect the enslavement of his country. After the fall of Ma-
cedonia, Callicrates denounced more than a thousand leading
Achaeans who had favoured the cause of Perseus. These, among
whom was Polyhius the historian, were apprehended and sent
to K.ome for trial. Polyhius was one of the survivors, who,
after a captivity of seventeen years, were permitted to return to
their native country. A still harder fate was experienced by
JEtoha, Boeotia, Acarnania, and Epirus. In the last-named
country, especially, no fewer than seventy of the principal towns
were abandoned by Paulus to his soldiers for pillage, and 150,000
persons are said to have been sold into slavery.

§ 17. An obscure quarrel between Athens and Oropus was the
remote cause which at length afforded the Romans a pretence
for crushing the small remains of Grecian independence by the
destruction of the Achaean league. For some time Athens had
been reduced to a sort of political mendicancy, and was often
fain to seek assistance in her distress from the bounty of the
Eastern princes or of the Ptolemies of Egypt. In the year 156
the poverty of the Athenians became so urgent, that they were
induced to make a piratical expedition against Oropus for the
purposes of plunder. On the complaint of the Oropians the
Homan Senate assigned the adjudication of the matter to the
Sicyonians, who condemned the Athenians to pay the large fine
of 500 talents. In order to obtain a miitigation of this fine the
Athenians despatched to Rome (in 151) the celebrated embassy
of the three philosophers — Diogenes the Stoic, Critolaus the
Peripatetic, and Carneades, the founder of the third Academy.
The ambassadors were nominally successful, since they obtained
a reduction of the fine to 100 talents ; a sum, however, still
inciuch greater than the Athenians were in a condition to pay.
The subsequent relations between Athens and Oropus are ob-
scure ; but in 150 we find the Oropians complaining of a fresh
aggression, which consisted ui an attack upon some of their citi-
zens by the Athenian soldiers. On this occasion the Oropians
appealed for protection to the Achaean league, which, however,
at first declined to interfere. The Oropians now bribed a Spar-
tan named Menalcidas, who was at that time Strategus, with a
present of 10 talents ; and Menalcidas employed the coriupt m-
fluence of Callicrates to procure the intervention of the league.
Menalcidas having subsequently defrauded Calhcrates of the sum
which he had promised him, the latter accused him of having
advised the Romans during his administration to effect the
detachment of Sparta from the league. Menalcidas escaped
condemnation by bribing Diseus, his successor in the office of
Strategus. But such was the obloquy incurred by Diaeus through

2C

5Y8 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVI.

this transaction, that in order to divert public attention from
himself, he incited the Achseans to violent measures against
Sparta, vv^hich ultimately involved the league in a fatal struggle
with E-ome. His pretext for making war on the Spartans was,
that instead of appeahng to the league respecting a boundary
question, as they ought to have done, they had violated its laws
by sending a private embassy to K.ome.

§ 18. The Spartans, feehng themselves incompetent to resist
this attack, appealed to the Romans for assistance ; and in 147
two Roman commissioners were sent to Greece to settle these
disputes. These commissioners decided that not only Sparta,
but Corinth, and all the other cities, except those of Achaia,
should be restored to their independence. This decision occa-
sioned serious riots at Corinth. All the Spartans in the town
were seized, and even the Roman commissioners narrowly es-
caped violence. On their return to Rome a fresh embassy was
despatched to demand satisfaction for these outrages. But the
violent and impolitic conduct of Critolaiis, then Strategus of the
league, rendered all attempts at accommodation fruitless, and
after the return of the ambassadors the Senate declared war
against the league. The cowardice and incompetence of Crito-
laiis as a general were only equalled by his previous insolence.
On the approach of the Romans under Metellus from Macedonia
he did not even venture to make a stand at Thermopylae ; and
being overtaken by them near Scarphea in Locris, he was totally
defeated, and never again heard of. Diseus, who succeeded him
as Strategus, displayed rather more energy and courage. But a
fresh Roman force under Mummius having landed on the isth-
mus, Diseus was overthrovvni in a battle near Corinth ; and that
city was immediately evacuated not only by the troops of the
league, but also by the greater part of the inhabitants. On
entering it Mummius put the few males who remained to the
sword ; sold the women and children as slaves ; and having car-
ried away all its treasures, consigned it to the flames (b.c. 146).
Corinth was filled with masterpieces of ancient art ; but Mum-
mius was so insensible of their surpassing excellence, as to
stipulate with those who contracted to convey them to Italy,
that if any were lost in the passage, they should be replaced by
others of equal value ! Mummius then employed himself in
chastising and regulating the whole of Greece ; and ten commis-
sioners were sent from Rome to settle its future condition. The
whole country, to the borders of Macedonia and Epirus, was
formed into a Roman province, under the name of Achaia, de-
rived from that confederacy which had made the last struggle
for its political existence.

Group of the Laocoon.

CHAPTER XLVII.

HISTORY OF GRECIAN ART FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESIAN
WAR TO ITS DECLINE.

§ 1. Later school of Afhenian sculpture. § 2. Scopas. § 3. Praxiteles.
§4. Si cyoni an school of sculpture. Euphranor, Lysippus. § 5. Sicyo-
nian school of painting. Eupompus, Phamphilus, Apelles. § 6. Archi-
tecture. § 7. Period after Alexander the Great. School of Rhodes.
§ 8. Plunder of Greek works of art by the Romans. *

§ 1. After the close of the Peloponnesian war, what is called
the second or later school of Attic sculpture still continued to
assert its pre-eminence. In style and character, however, it pre-
sented a marked difference from the school of the preceding
age. The excitement and misfortunes which had attended the
war had worked a great change in the Athenians. This was
communicated to their works of art, which now manifested
an expression of stronger passion and of deeper feeling. The
serene and composed majesty which had marked the gods
and heroes of the earlier artists altogether vanished. The new
school of sculptures preferred to take other deities for their sub-
jects than those which had been selected by their predecessors ;
and Jove, Hera, and Athena gave place to gods, characterized by

580 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVn.

more violent feelings and passions, such as Dionysus, Aphrodite,
and Eros. These formed the favorite subjects of the later
Athenian school, and received from it that stamp and character
of representation which they retained through the succeeding
period of classic art. A change is also observable in the ma-
terials employed, and in the technical handling of them. The
magnificently adorned chryso-elepha7itine statues almost wholly
disappear ; marble becomes more frequently used, especially by
the Athenian statuaries, and the whole execution is softer and
more flowing.

§ 2. The only two artists of this school whom it will be neces-
sary to mention are Scopas and Praxiteles. Scopas was a native
of Paros, and flourished in the first half of the fourth century
B.C. His exact date can not be 'ascertained, nor is there any-
thing known of his Hfe, except in connexion with his works, of
which some specimens still remain. Among these are the bas-
reliefs on the frieze of the perystyle which surrounded the Mau-
Boleum, or tomb of Mausolus, at Halicamassus {Budrum), some
of which are now deposited in the British Museum {Budrum
Marbles). Their style is very similar to that of the sculptures
on the frieze of the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, which is
of the same period of art.=* Both are of high excellence, but
inferior to the frieze of the Parthenon. Scopas, however, was
more famous for single statues and detached groups than for
architectural sculpture. His statues of Aphrodite were very
celebrated in antiquity. That of the victorious Aphrodite (Venus
victrix) in the Louvre at Paris is ascribed to his chisel by many
competent judges. But the most esteemed of all his works was
a group representing Achilles conducted by the marine deities to
the island of Leuce. It consisted of figures of Poseidon, Thetis,
and Achilles, surrounded by Nereids on dolphins, huge fishes
and hippocampi, and attended by Tritons and sea-monsters. In
the treatment of the subject heroic grandeur is said to have
been combined with grace. A group better known in modern
times, from a copy of it preserved in the Museum at Florence, is
that of Niobe and her children slain by the hands of Artemis
and Apollo.f There can be no doubt that it filled the pediment
of a temple. At a later period it was preserved in the temple of
Apollo Sosianus at Rome, but it was a disputed point among the
Romans whether it was from the hands of Scopas or Praxiteles.
In the noble forms of the countenances grief and despair arc
protrayed without distortion. Another celebrated work of Scopas
was the statue of the Pythian Apollo playing on the lyre, which

* See below, p. 584. f See drawing on p. 552.

Chap. XLVII. SCOPAS. PRAXITELES. 581

Augustus placed in the temple which he built to Apollo on the
Palatine, in thanksgiving for his victory at Actium. The copy
of this statue in the Vatican is figured on p. 551. Scopas was
an architect as well as a statuary, and built the temple of
Athena Alea at Tagea, in Arcadia, one of the largest and most
magnificent in the Peloponnesus.

§ 3. Praxiteles was contemporary with Scopas, though perhaps
somewhat younger. Nothing is positively known of his history,
except that he was at least a citizen, if not a native, of Athens,
and that his career as an artist was intimately connected with
that city. He excelled in representing the softer beauties of the
human form, and especially the female figure. But art had now
sunk from its lofty and ideal majesty. The Cnidian Aphrodite,
the master-piece of Praxiteles, expressed only sensual charms,
and was avowedly modelled from the courtesan Phrjaie. Yet
such was its excellence that many made a voyage to Cnidus on
purpose to behold it ; and so highly did the Cnidians prize it,
that they refused to part with it to king Nicomedes, although he
offered to pay off' their public debt in exchange for it. In this
work Aphrodite was represented either as just entering or just
quitting the bath ; and it is said to have been the first instance
in which any artist had ventured to represent the goddess en-
tirely divested of drapery. At the same time he made a draped
statue of the goddess for the Coans, which however never enjoyed
so much reputation as the former, though Praxiteles obtained
the same price for it. He also made two statues of Eros, one of
which he deemed his masterpiece. It is related that in his fond-
ness for Phryne he promised to give her any statue she might
choose, but was unwilling to tell her which he considered his
masterpiece. In order to ascertain this point Phryne sent a
message to Praxiteles that his house was on fire ; at which news
he rushed out exclaiming that he was undone if the fire had
touched his Satyr or his Eros. He also excelled in representing
Dionysus with his fauns and satyrs. A statue of Apollo, known
as Apollo Sauroctonos, or the lizard-killer, was among his most
famous pieces. It was in bronze, and numerous copies of it are
still extant.

§ 4. The later Athenian school of sculpture was succeeded by
the Sicyonian school. It is characterised by representations of
heroic strength and of the form of athletsB, and by a 'striving
after the colossal. Its chief artists were Euphranor and Lysippus.
Euphranor was a native of the Corinthian isthmus, but practised
his art at Athens. He appears to have flourished during the
time of Philip of Macedon, and beyond the period of Alexander's
accession. He excelled in painting as well as in statuary. Pie

582 HISTORY OF GREECEr Chap. XLVII.

executed figures in bronze and marble of all sizes, from a drink-
ing-cup to a colossal statue. One of his most celebrated works
was a statue of Paris. Lysippus was a native of Sicyon, and
flourished during the reign of Alexander the Great. He was
originally a mere workman in bronze, but through his genius
and a sedulous study of nature rose to the highest eminence as
a statuaiy. He followed the school of Polycletus, whose Dory-
phorus formed his standard model ; but by this course of study
the ideal of art was sacrificed to the merely natural. Hercules,
a human hero, was the favourite subject of his chisel ; but he
deviated from former models, in which Hercules was endowed
with ponderous strength, and represented him as characterised
by strength and agihty combined. This t}^pe was adopted by
subsequent artists. The celebrated Farnese Hercules in the
Museum at Naples is probably a copy of one of his works.
Lysippus excelled in portraits; in which department he also
adhered to his principles of art, and followed nature so closely
as to portray even the defects of his subjects. Thus, in his
busts of Alexander, he did not omit his wry neck. Neverthe-
less, that monarch was so pleased with his performances, that
he forbade anybody but Lysippus and Apelles to represent him.
The most renoMoied of Lysippus' s statues of Alexander was that
which represented him brandishing a lance, and which was re-
garded as a companion to the picture of Apelles, in which he
wielded a thunderbolt.

It has been observed that the features of Alexander pervade
most of the heroic statues of this period. Lysippus worked
principally in bronze. One of his most celebrated productions
was an equestrian group of the chieftains who fell at the battle
of the Granicus. His works were very numerous, and are said
to have amounted to 1500.

§ 5. With regard to painting, the Asiatic school of Zeuxis and
Parrhasius was also succeeded by a Sicyonian school, of which
Eupompus may be considered as the founder. He was excelled,
however, by his pupil Pamphilus, who was renowned as a teacher
of his art, and founded a sort of academy. His period of in-
struction extended over ten years, and his fee was a talent.
The school of Pamphilus produced several celebrated artists, of
whom Apelles was by far the greatest.

Apelles seems to have been a native of Colophon, in Ionia ;
but, as we have said, he studied ten years under Pamphilus at
Amphipolis ; and subsequently, even after he had attained some
reputation, under Melanthius at Sicyon. Thus to the grace and
elegance of the Ionic school he added the scientific accuracy of
the Sicyonian. The greater part of his life seems to have been

Chap. XLYII. APELLES. 688

spent at the court of Pella. He was warmly patronised by Alex-
ander, who frequoutly visited his studio, and, as mentioned
before, granted him the exclusive privilege of painting liis por-
trait. In one of these visits Alexander began to descant on
art, but exposed liis ignorance so much that Apelles gave him a
polite hint to be silent, as the boys who were grinding the
colours were laughing at him. He appears to have accompanied
Alexander in his eastern expedition, and after the death of that
monarch to have travelled through the western parts of Asia.
He spent the latter part of his life at the court of king Ptolemy
in Egypt. The character of Apelles presents us with traits quite
the reverse of the silly vanity of Zeuxis. He was always ready
to acknowledge his own fliults, as well as the merits of others.
In fact, there was only one point in which he asserted his supe-
riority over his contemporaries, namely, grace ; and there can be
no doubt that this was no vain assumption. He was not ashamed
to learn from the humblest critics. With this view he was
accustomed to exhibit his unfmished pictures before his house,
and to conceal himself behind them in order to hear the cri-
ticisms of the passers by. On one of these occasions a cobbler
detected a fault in the shoes of one of his figures, which Apelles
corrected. The next time he passed, the cobbler, encouraged
by the success of his criticism, began to remark upon the leg ;
at which the artist lost all patience, and rushing from behind his
picture, commanded the cobbler to keep to his shoes. Hence
the proverb, " No sutor ultra crepidam," — let the cobbler stick
to his last. His conduct towards his contemporary Protogenes
of Rhodes exhibits a generosity not always found among rival
artists. On arriving at Rhodes, Apelles saw that the works of
Protogenes were scarcely at all valued by his countrymen ; where-
upon he offered him fifty talents for one of his pictures, at the
same time spreading the report that he meant to sell it again as
one of his own. Apelles studied with the greatest industry, and
always went on trying to improve himself ; yet he knew when
to leave off correcting his pictures, and laid it down as a maxim
that over care often spoiled a piece. His pictures seem to have
been chiefly on moveable panels, and he was probably the first
who used a sort of varnish to his pictures with an effect some-
what similar to that of the modern toning or glazing. He gene-
rally painted single figures, or groups of only a few. He excelled
in portraits, among the most celebrated of which was that
already mentioned of Alexander wielding the thunderbolt. The
hand which held it seemed to stand out of the panel ; and, in
order to heighten this effect of foreshortening, Alexander's com-
plexion was made dark, though in reality it was light. The

584 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVII.

price paid for this picture was twenty talents. But the most
admired of all his paintings was the "Aphrodite (Yenus) Ana-
dyomene " ^ or Aphrodite rismg from ike Sea. The goddess
was represented ringing her hair, whilst the faUing drops formed
a veil around her. It was originally painted for the temple of
iEsculapius at Cos, and was afterwards placed by Augustus in
the temple which he dedicated to Juhus Caesar at Home. Another
figure of Aphrodite, also painted for the Coans, Apelles left incom-
plete at his death, and nobody could be found to finish it. By
the general consent of the ancients Apelles was the first of paint-
ers, and some of the later Latin poets use his name as a synonyme
for the art itself.

§ 6. The architecture of this period was iharked rather by
the laymg out of cities in a nobler and more convenient fashion,
and by the increase of splendour in private residences, than by
any improvement in the style of public buildings and temples.
The conquests of Alexander caused the foundation of new cities,
and introduced into the East the architecture of Greece. The
two finest examples of cities which arose in this manner were
Alexandria in Egypt, and Antioch in S}Tia. The regularity of its
plan, the colossal size of its pubhc buildings, and the beauty and
solidity of its private houses, rendered Alexandria a sort of model
city ; yet it was probably surpassed by Antioch in the pleasing
nature of the impression produced. The fittings and furniture
of the apartments kept pace with the increased external splen-
dour of private dwellings. This age was also distinguished by
its splendid sepulchral monmnents : the one to the memory of
her husband Mausolus, erected at Halicamassus, by the Carian
queen Artemisia, was regarded as one of the seven wonders of
the world. It was adorned with sculptural decorations by the
greatest artists of the later Attic school. (Seep. 580.) At the
same time temple architecture was not neglected ; but the simple
and sohd grandeur of the Doric order, and the chaste grace of
the Ionic, began to give place to the more florid Corinthian.

One of the most graceful monuments of this period stiU
extant is the Choragic Monument of Lysicrates, at Athens,
vulgarly called the Lantern of Demosthenes, Avhich was dedicated
by Lysicrates in B.C. 335, as we learn from an inscription on the
architrave, in commemoration of a factory gained by the chorus
of Lysicrates in the dramatic contests. It is a small circular
building on a square basement, of white marble, and covered by
a cupola, supported by six Corinthian columns : the summit of
the cupola was formerly croA^aied by the tripod, which Lysicrates

* // dvadvofXEVTj ^A.^po6iTij.

Chap. XLVIL AECHITECTURE. 685

had gained as the prize. The frieze of the monument, of which
there are casts in the British Museum, represents the destruction
of the T}Trhenian pirates by Dionysus and his attendants. A
drawing of the monument is given on p. 434, and portions of
the frieze are figured on pp. 455, 456. Another extant monu-
ment of tliis period at Athens is the Horologium of Andronicus
Cprhestes, probably erected about B.C. 100, and vulgarly called
the " Temple of the Winds," from the figures of the "Winds upon
its faces. It is an octagonal tower, with its eight sides facing
respectively the direction of the eight wuids mto which the
Athenian compass was divided. The directions of the several
sides are indicated by the figures and names of the eight winds,
which were sculptured on the frieze of the entablature. On
the summit of the builduig there stood originally a bronze fig-
ure of a Triton, holding a wand in his right hand, and turning
on a pivot, so as to serve for a weathercock. (See drawing on
p. 617.)

§ 7. After the age of Alexander, Greek art began visibly to
dechne. The great artists that had gone before had fixed the
ideal types of the ordinary subjects of the sculptor and painter,
and thus in a manner exhausted invention ; whilst all the tech-
nical details of handling and treatment had been brought to the
highest state of perfection and development. The attempt to
outdo the great masterpieces which akeady existed induced ar-
tists to depart from the simple grace of the ancient models, and
to replace it by striking and theatrical effect. The pomp of the
monarchs who had divided amongst them the empire of Alexan-
der required a display of eastern magnificence, and thus also led
to a meretricious style in art. Nevertheless, it was impossible
that the imiate excellence of the Greek schools should disappear
altogether and at once. The perfect models that were always
present could not fail to preserve a certain degree of taste ; and
even after the time of Alexander, we find many works of great
excellence produced. Art, however, began to emigrate from
Greece to the coasts and islands of Asia Minor : Rhodes, espe-
cially, remained an eminent school of art almost down to the
Christian era. This school was an immediate offshoot of that
of Lysippus, and its chief founder was the Rhodian Chares, who
flourished about the beginning of the third century B.C. His
most noted work was the statue of the Sun, which, under the
name of the Colossus of Rhodes, was esteemed one of the seven
wonders of the world. It was of bronze, and 105 feet high. It
stood at the entrance of the harbour of Rhodes ; but the state-
ment that its legs extended over the mouth of the harbour does
not rest on any authentic foundation. It was twelve years in

2c=*

586 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVIL

erecting, at a cost of 300 talents, and was so large that there
were few who could embrace its thumb. It was overthrown by
an earthquake 56 years after its erection. But the most beau-
tiful work of the Rhodian school at this period is the famous
group of the Laocoon in the Vatican, so well known by its m.any
copies. (See drawing on p. 579.) It was the work of three
sculptors, Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenoddrus. In this group
the pathos of physical suffering is expressed in the highest de-
gree, but not without a certain theatrical air and straining for
effect, which the best age of Greek art would have rejected.
To the same school belongs the celebrated group called the Far-
nesian bull, in the Museum at Naples, representing Zethus and
Amphion binding Dirce to a wild bull, in order to avenge their
mother. (See drawing on p. 564.) It was the work of two
brothers, ApoUonius and Tauriscus of Tralles. About the same
time eminent schools of art flourished at Pergamus and Ephesus.
To the former may be referred the celebrated dying gladiator in
the Capitoline Museum, at Home, and to the latter the Borghese
gladiator in the Louvre. The well-known statue of Aphrodite
at Florence, called the "Venus de Medici," also belongs to the
same period. It was executed by an Athenian artist named
Cleomenes, whose exact date is unknown, but who lived before
the capture of Corinth, in B.C. 146.

§ 8. When Greece began to fall into the hands of the Romans,
the treasures of Greek art were conveyed by degrees to Rome,
where ultimately a new school arose. The triumphs over Phil-
ip, Antiochus, the .^tolians, and others, but, above all, the cap-
ture of Corinth, and, subsequently, the victories over Mithridates
and Cleopatra, filled Rome with works of art. The Roman
generals, the governors of provinces (as Verres), and finally, the
emperors, continued the work of spoliation ;^ but so prodigious
was the number of works of art in Greece, that, even in the
second century of the Christian era, when Pausanias visited it,
its temples and other public buildings were stiLl crowded with
statues and paintings.

* N'ero alone is said to have brought 500 statues from Delphi, merely
to adorn his golden house.

Bust of Aristotle.

CHAPTEE XLVIII.

GRECIAN LITERA.TURE FROM THE END OF THE PELOPONNESTAN
WAR TO THE LATEST PERIOD.

§ 1. The drama. The Middle comedy. The ISTew comedy : Philemon,
Menander. § 2. Oratory. Circumstances which favoured it at Athens.
§ 3. Its Sicilian origin. § 4. The ten Attic orators : Antiphon, Ando-
cides,Lysias, Isocrates, Is8eus,^schines,Lycurgus,Demosthenes,Hype-
rides, and Dinrachus. § 5. Athenian philosophy, Plato. § 6. Sketch
of his philosophy. § Y. The Megarics, Cyrenaics, and Cynics. § 8. The
Academicians. § 9. Aristotle and the Peripatetics. § 10. The Stoics
and Epicureans. § 11. The Alexandrian school of literature. § 12. Later
Greek writers: Polybius, Dionysius of Halicarnassus,Diodorus Siculus,
Arrian, Appian, Plutarch, Josephus, Strabo, Pausanias, Dion Cassius,
Lucian, Galen. § 13. The Greek Scriptures and Fathers. Conclusion.

§ 1. In reviewing the preceding period of Greek literature, we
have already had occasion to notice the dechne of tragedy at
Athens. It continued, indeed, still to subsist ; but after the great
tragic triumvirate we have no authors who have come down to
us, or whose works were at all comparable to those of their
predecessors. There are, however, a few names that should be
recorded ; as that of Agathon, the contemporary and friend of
Euripides, whose compositions were more remarkable for their
flowery elegance than for force or sublimity : of lophon, the
son of Sophocles, whose undutiful conduct towards his father
has been already mentioned, the author of 50 tragedies, which
gained considerable reputation : of Sophocles, the grandson of
the great tragic poet : and of a second Euripides, the nephew of
the celebrated one. With regard to comedy the case was dif-
ferent. After the days of Aristophanes it took, indeed, a

588 HISTORY OF GREECE, Chap. XLYIII.

wholly different form ; but a form which rendered it a more
perfect imitation of natm'e, and established it as the model of
that species of composition m every civilized nation of after-
times. We have already noticed, in the plays of Aristophanes
himself, a transition from the genuine Old Comedy to the Middle
Comedy. The latter still continued to be in some degree po-
litical ; but persons were no longer introduced upon the stage
under their real names, and the office of the chorus was very
much curtailed. It was, in fact, the connecting link between
the Old Comedy and the New, or the Comedy of Manners.
The most distinguished authors of the Middle Comedy, besides
Aristophanes, were Antiphanes and Alexis. The New Comedy
arose after Athens had become subject to the Macedonians.
Pohtics were now excluded from the stage, and the materials
of the dramatic poet were derived entirely from the fictitious
adventures of persons in private life. The two most distin-
guished writers of this school were Philemon and Menander.
Philemon was probably born about the year 360 B.C., and was
either a Cilician or Syracusan, but came at an early age to
Athens. He is considered as the founder of the New Comedy,
which was soon afterwards brought to perfection by his younger
contemporary Menander. Philemon was a prolific author, and is
said to have written 97 plays, of which only a few fragments
remain. Menander was an Athenian, and was born in b.c. 342.
Diopithes, his father, commanded the Athenian forces on the
Hellespont, and was the person defended by Demosthenes in one
of his extant speeches.* Menander was handsome in person,
and of a serene and easy temper, but luxurious and effeminate
in his habits. Demetrius Phalerus was his friend and patron.
He was drowned at the age of 52, whilst swimming in the har-
bour of Pirseus. He wrote upwards of 100 comedies ; yet during
his hfetime his dramatic career was not so successful as his
subsequent fame would seem to promise, and he gained the prize
only eight times. The broader humour of his rival Philemon
seems to have told with more effect on the popular ear. But
the unanimous praise of posterity made ample compensation for
this injurious neglect, and awakens our regret for the loss of one
of the most elegant writers of antiquity. The number of his
fragments, collected from the writings of various authors, show
how extensively he was read ; but unfortunately none are of
sufficient length to convey to us an adequate idea of his style
and genius. The comedies, indeed, of Plautus and Terence may
give us a general notion of the New Comedy of the Greeks, from

* Usgt tQv ev Xepcovr/au.

Chap. XLVIII. THE NEW COMEDY. 589

which fhey were confessedly drawn ; but there is good reason to
suppose that the works even of the latter Roman writer fell far
short of the wit and elegance of Menander.

§ 2. The latter days of Uterary Athens were chiefly distin-
guished by the genius of her orators and philosophers. Both
rhetoric and philosophy were at first cultivated exclusively by
the sophists, and, till the time of Socrates, remained almost
entirely in their hands. Socrates, by directing the attention of
philosophers to the more useful questions of morals, effected a
separation between rhetoric and philosophy. After his time we
fijid various schools of moral philosophy springing up, as the
Academicians, Peripatetics, Stoics, &c., whilst the more technical
part of the art of speaking became a distinct profession.

The extreme democratical nature of the Athenian institutions,
especially after the refomis of Pericles, rendered it indispensable
for a pubhc man to possess some oratorical skill. All public
business, both political and judicial, was transacted by the citi-
zens themselves in their courts and public assemblies. The
assembly of the people decided all questions not only of domestic
pohcy, but even those which concerned their foreign relations.
They not only made but administered the laws ; and even their
courts of justice must be regarded as a sort of public assem-
bhes, from the number of dicasts who composed them. The
vast majority of those who met either in the public assemblies
or in the courts of justice were men of no political or legal
training. The Athenian citizen was a statesman and a judge by
prerogative of birth. Although he took an oath to decide ac-
cording to the laws, he was far from considering himself bound
to make them his study, or to decide according to their letter.
The frequency and earnestness with wliich the orators remind
the dicasts of their oath betray their apprehension of its viola-
tion. It contained, indeed, a very convenient clause for tender
consciences, as it only bound the dicast to decide according to
the best of his judgment ; and the use which might be made
of this loophole by a clever advocate is pointed out by Aris-
totle.=^ Hence it is surprising how little influence the written
code had on the decision of a case. The orators usually drew
their topics from extraneous circumstances, ot from the general
character of theu' adversary, and endeavoured to prejudice the
miinds of their audience by personal reflections wholly foreign
to the matter in hand, and which modem courts would not
tolerate for a moment. In addition to all this, the natural tem-
perament of the Athenians rendered them highly susceptible

* Rhetoric, 1, 15, 5.

590 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL VIII.

of the charms of eloquence. They enjoyed the intellectual gla-
diatorship of two rival orators, and even their mutual reproaches
and abuse.

§ 3. It is remarkable, however, that, though the soil of Attica
was thus naturally adapted to the cultivation of eloquence, the
first regular professors of it, as an art, were foreigners. Prota-
goras of Abdera, who visited Athens in the earlier part of the
fifth century before Christ, was the first who gave lessons in
rhetoric for money. He was followed by Prodicus of Ceos, and
Gorgias of Leontini ; the latter of whom, especially was very
celebrated as a teacher of rhetoric. The art, however, had been
established in Sicily before the time of Gorgias by Corax and his
pupil Tisias. Corax has been regarded as' the founder of tech-
nical oratory, and was at all events the first who wrote a treatise
on the subject. The appearance of Gorgias at Athens, whither
he went as ambassador from Leontini, in 427 B.C., produced
a great sensation amiong the Athenians, who retained him in
their city for the purpose of profiting by his instructions. His
lectures were attended by a vast concourse of persons, and at-
tracted many from the schools of the philosophers. His merit
must have been very great to have drawn so much attention in
the best times of Athens ; and we are told by Cicero that he alone
of all the sophists was honoured with a golden, and not merely
a gilt, statue at Delphi.

§ 4. The Athenians had established a native school of elo-
quence a little before the appearance of Gorgias among them.
The earliest of their professed oiutors was Antiphon (born B.C.
480), who stands at the head of the ten contained in the
Alexandrian canon. Gorgias seems to have been known at
Athens by his works before he appeared there in person ; and
one of the chief objects of Antiphon was to establish a more
solid style in place of his dazzling and sophistical rhetoric.
Thucydides was among the pupils in the school which he opened,
and is said to have owed much to his master. Antiphon was
put to death in 41 1 b.c. for the part which he took in establishing
the oligarchy of the Four Hundred. Fifteen of his orations have
come down to us.

The remaining nine^ttic orators contained in the Alexandrian
canon were Andocides, Lysias, Isocrates, Isseus, ^Eschines, Ly-
curgus, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Dinarchus. Andocides,
who has been already mentioned as concerned with Alcibiades in
the affair of the Hermae,^ was born at Athens in b.c. 467, and died
probably about 391. We have at least three genuine orations of

* See p. 33-1.

Chap. XLVIII. ATHENIAN ORATORY. 591

his, which, however, are not distinguished by any particular
merit.

Lysias, also horn at Athens in 458, was much superior to
him as an orator, but being a fnetic, or resident alien, he was
not allowed to speak in the assemblies or courts of justice,
and therefore wrote orations for others to deliver. Of these 35
are extant, but some are incomplete, and others probably spu-
rious. His style may be regarded as a model of the Attic idiom,
and his orations are characterized by indescribable gracefulness,
combined with energy and power.

Isocrates was born in 436. After receiving the instructions of
some of the most celebrated sophists of the day, he became him-
self a speech writer and professor of rhetoric ; his weakly consti-
tution and natural timidity preventing him from taking a part
himself in public life. His style is moxe periodic than that of the
other Attic orators, and betrays that it was meant to be read
rather than spoken. Although pure and elegant it is wanting
in simplicity and vigour, and becomes occasionally monotonous,
through the recurrence of the same turns. Isocrates made away
with himself in 338, after the fatal battle of Chseronea, in despair,
it is said, of his country's fate. Twenty-one of his speeches
have come down to us. He took great pains with his compo-
sitions, and is reported to have spent ten, or, according to others,
fifteen years over his Panegyric oration.

Isaeus, according to some, was a native of Chalcis ; others call
him an Athenian ; and it is certain, at all events, that he came
at a very early age to Athens. His exact date is not known, but
he flourished between the end of the Peloponnesian war and the
accession of Philip of Macedon. He opened a school of rhetoric
at Athens, and is said to have num.bered Demosthenes among
his pupils. The orations of Isseus were exclusively judicial, and
the whole of the eleven which have come down to us turn on
the subject of inheritances.

Of ^Eschines, the antagonist of Demosthenes, we have already
had occasion to speak. He was born in the year 389, and was
a native of Attica, but of low, if not servile, origin, and of a
mother of more than equivocal reputation. This, however, is
the account of Demosthenes ; and iEschines himself tells a dif-
ferent story. He was successively an assistant in his father's
school, a gymnastic teacher, a scribe, and an actor ; for which
last profession a strong and sonorous voice peculiarly qualified
him. He afterwards entered the army, where he achieved more
success ; for besides a vigorous athletic form, he was endowed
with considerable courage. The reputation which he gained in the
battle of Tamynee encouraged him to come forwards as a public

592 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XL VIII.

speaker. As a politician lie was at first a violent anti-Mace-
donian ; but after his embassy along with Demosthenes and
others to Philip's court, he was the constant advocate of peace.
Demosthenes and ^schines now became the leaduig speakers on
theu' respective sides, and the heat of pohtical animosity soon
degenerated into personal hatred. In 343, Demosthenes charged
^schines with having received bribes from Phihp during a
second embassy ; and the speech, or rather pamphlet* — for it
was not spoken — in wliich he brought forward this accusation,
was answered in another by ^schines. The result of this
charge is unknov.Ti, but it seems to have detracted from the
popularit}^ of TEschines. "VYe have already adverted to his impeach-
ment of Ctesiphon, and the celebrated reply of Demosthenes in
his speech <^e Corona.^ After the banishment of ^Eschines on this
occasion (b.c. 330), he spent several years in Zona and Caria,
where he employed himself in teaching rhetoric. After the
death of Alexander he retired to Rhodes, and estabhshed a
school of eloquence, which afterwards became very celebrated,
and which held a middle place between Attic simphcity on the
one hand, and the ornate Asiatic style on the other. He died in
Samos m 314. As an orator he was second only to Demosthenes.
He never published more than three of his speeches, which have
come down to us : namely that agauist Timarchus, that on the
Embassy, and the one against Ctesiphon.

Of the life of his great rival, Demosthenes, we have already
given some account, and need therefore only speak here of
his hterary merits. The verdict of his contemporaries, ratified
by posterit}^ has pronomiced Demosthenes the greatest orator
that ever lived. The principal element of his success must be
traced in his purity of purpose, which gave to his arguments all
the force of conscientious conviction ; and which, when aided
by a powerful logic, perspicuous arrangement, and the most un-
daunted courage in tearmg the mask from the pretensions of his
adversaries, rendered his advocacy almost irresistible. The efiect
of his speeches was still further heightened by a wonderful and
almost magic force of diction. It cannot, however, be supposed
that his orations were dehvered in exactly that perfect Ibrm in
which we now possess them. There can be no doubt that they
were carefully revised for publication ; but on the other hand,
any trifhng defects m form and composition must have been
more than compensated by the grace and vivacit}'^ of oral de-
livery. This is attested by the well known anecdote of ^schines,
when he read at Rhodes his speech against Ctesiphon. His

* Xltqi TragaTrgeaBeia^. f See pp. 553, 554.

Chap. XLVIII. DEMOSTHENES. 593

audience having expressed their surprise that he should have
been defeated after such an oration : " You would cease to won-
der," he remarked, " if you had heard Demosthenes." Sixty-one
of the orations of Demosthenes have come down to us ; though
of these some are spurious, or at all events doubtful. The most
celebrated of his pohtical orations are the Philippics, the Olyn-
thiacs, and the oration on the Peace ; among the private ones,
the famous speech on the Crown.

The remaining three Attic orators, viz., Lycurgus, Hyperides,
and Dinarchus, were contemporaries of Demosthenes. Lycurgus
and Hyperides both belonged to the anti-Macedonian party, and
were warm supporters of the policy of Demosthenes. Of Ly-
curgus only one oration is extant ; and of Hyperides only two,
which have been recently discovered in a tomb in Egypt. Di-
narchus, who is the least important of the Attic orators, survived
Demosthenes, and was a friend of Demetrius Phalereus. He was
an opponent of Demosthenes, agamst whom he delivered one of
his three extant orations in relation to the affair of Harpalus.*

§ 5. Whilst Attic oratory was thus attaining perfection, philo-
sophy was making equal progress in the new direction marked
out for it by Socrates. Of all the disciples of that original and
truly great philosopher, Plato was by far the most distinguished.
Plato was born at Athens in 429 e.g., the year in which Pericles
died. By Ariston, his father, he was said to be descended from
Codrus, the last of the Athenian kings ; whilst the family of his
mother traced a relationship with Solon. His own name, which
was originally Aristocles, is said to have been changed to Plato
on account of the breadth of his shoulders. f He was instructed
in music, grammar, and gymnastics, by the most celebrated
masters of the time. His first literary attempts were in epic,
lyric, and dithyrambic poetry ; but his attention was soon turned
to philosophy by the teaching of Socrates, whose lectures he
began to frequent at about the age of twenty. From that time
till the death of Socrates he appears to have lived in the closest
intimacy with that philosopher. After that event Plato with-
drew to Megara, and subsequently undertook some extensive
travels, in the course of which he visited Gyrene, Egypt, Sicily,
and Magna Grrsecia. His intercourse with the elder Dionysius
at Syracuse has been already related. $ His absence from
Athens lasted about twelve years ; on his return, being then
upwards of forty, he began to teach in the gymnasium of the
Academy, and also in his garden at Colonus. His instructions
were gratuitous, and his method, like that of his master,

* See pp. 654, 555. \ nXurv^. .}; See p. 489.

594 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVIII.

Socrates, seems to have been by interrogation and dialogue. His
doctrines, however, were too recondite for the popular ear, and
his lectures were not ver}'' numerously attended. But he had
a narrower circle of devoted admirers and disciples, consisting of
about twenty-eight persons, who met in his private house ; over
the vestibule of which was inscribed — " Let no one enter who is
ignorant of geometry." The most distinguished of this httle
band of auditors were Speusippus, his nephew and successor, and
Aristotle. But even among the wider circle of his hearers, who
did not properly form part of his school, were some of the most
distinguished men of the age, as Chabrias, Iphicrates, Timothe-
us, Phocion, and others. A^Tiether Demosthenes attended his
lectures is doubtful. In these pursuits the remainder of his
long hfe was spent, reheved, however, by two voyages to Sicily.*"
He died in 347, at the age of 81 or 82, and bequeathed his gar-
den to his school.

§ 6. Plato must be regarded principally as a moral and pohtical
philosopher, and as a dialectician : as a physical inquirer he did
not shine, and the TimcBUS is his only work in that branch of
philosophy. His dialectic method was a development of that of
Socrates ; and though he did not, like Aristotle, produce any
formal treatise on the subject, it is exemplified in most of his
works, but especially in the Thesetetus, Sophistes, Parmenides,
and one or two others of the same class. The fundamental prin-
ciple of Plato's philosophy is the belief in an eternal and self-
existent cause, the origin of all things. From this divine being
emanate not only the souls of men, which are also immortal, but
that of the universe itself, which is supposed to be animated by
a divine spirit. The material objects of our sight and other
senses are mere fleeting emanations of the divine idea ; it is
only this idea itself that is really existent ;t the objects of
sensuous perception^ are mere appearances, taking their forms
by participation^ ia the idea. Hence it follows that in Plato's
view all knowledge is iJinate, and acquired by the soul before
birth, when it was able to contemplate real existences, and all
our ideas in this world are mere reminiscences of their true and
eternal patterns. These principles, when applied to the investi-
gation of language, necessarily made Plato a realist ; that is, he
held that an abstract name, expressing a genus — as, for instance,
mankind, comprehending all indi\'idual men — tree, comprehend-
ing every species of tree, and so forth — were not mere signs to
express our modes of thinking, but denoted real existences, in
fact the only true existences, as being the expressions of the

* See pp. 491, 492. f to bvTug bv. \ rd ytyvofjieva. § fiedt^iq.

Chap. XLVIII. PLATO. 595

eternally pre-existent idea. In this matter he seems to have de-
parted from Socrates; and, indeed, the reader who should seek
the philosophy of Socrates in the writings of Plato would often
be led very far astray. Socrates believed in a divine cause, but
the doctrine of ideas and other figments with which Plato sur-
rounded it seem to have been his own.

As a moral and political philosopher the views of Plato were
sublime and elevated, but commonly too much tinged with his
poetical and somewhat visionary cast of mind to be of much
practical utility. They are speculations which may awake our
admiration as we read them, but which for the most part it
would be difficult or impossible to put in practice. His belief
in the immortality of the soul naturally led him to establish a
lofty standard of moral excellence, and like his great teacher, he
constantly inculcates temperance, justice, and purity of hfe. His
political views are developed m the Republic and the Laws. The
former of these works presents us with a sort of Utopia, such as
never has existed, and never could exist. .The main feature
of his system is the subordination, or rather the entire sacri-
fice of the individual to the state. The citizens are divided
into three classes, in fanciful analogy with the faculties of the
soul. Thus the general body, or working class, represents the
'passions and appetites ; the will is typified by the mifitary order,
which is to control the general mass, but which is in turn to be
thoroughly subservient to the government, whose functions cor-
respond with those of the intellect, or rational faculty. With
such views Plato was naturally inimical to the unrestricted demo-
cracy of Athens, and inclined to give a preference to the Spartan
constitution. In the Laivs, however, he somewhat relaxed the
theory laid down in the Republic, and sought to render it of more
practical operation. Thus he abandons ia that work the strict
separation of classes, sets some limits to the power of the govern-
ment, and attempts to reconcile freedom and absolutism by
minghng monarchy with democracy.

k 7. Plato, as we have said, visited Megara after the death of
Socrates, where other pupils of that philosopher had also taken
refuge. Among these the most famous was Euclides, who must
not be confounded with the great mathematician of Alexandria.
Euclides founded the sect called from his residence the Me-
garic, and which from the attention they paid to dialectics were
also entitled Dialectici and Eristici (or the litigious). Two other
offshoots of the Socratic school were the Cyrenaics and Cynics.
The former of these sects were founded by Aristippus of Cyrene
in Africa, the latter by Antisthenes. Aristippus, though a hearer
of Socrates, wandered far from the precepts of his great master.

596 HISTORY OF GREECR Ch-\p. XLVIII.

He was fond of luxurious living and sensual gratifications, which
he held to be shameful only when they ohtaiaed so imcontrolled
an empire over a man as to render him their entire slave. His
chief maxim was to discover the art of extracting pleasure from
all the chcumstances of life, and to make prosperit\^ and ad-
versity ahke subservient to that end. Such tenets made him a
favomite ^ith the clever and cultivated man of the world, and
we find him more than once appro\^igly alluded to by Horace.*
Antisthenes was an Athenian, and also a pupil of Socrates. He
taught hi the Cynosarges, a g^ninasium at Athens designed for
Athenian boys bom of foreign mothers, which is said to have been
his own case. It was frrom this g}'mnasium that the sect he
foimded was called the Cijnic, though some derive the name from
their dog-like habits, which led them to neglect all the decent
usages of societv'. It was one of the least important of the
philosophical schools. One of its most remarkable members was
Diogenes of Suiope, whose interview wdth Alexander the Great
at Corinth we havahad occasion to relate. f No writings of any
of the three last-mentioned sects have survived.

h 8. Such were the most celebrated minor schools which sprang
from the teaching of Socrates. The four principal schools were
the Academicians, who owed their origin to Plato ; the Peri-
patetics, founded by his pupil Aristotle ; the Epicureans, so named
from then- master Epicurus ; and the Stoics, founded by Zeno.

Speusippus, Plato's nephew, became the head of the Academy
after his imcle's death. Under him and his immediate suc-
cessoi-s, as Xenocrates, Polemon, Crates, and Crantor, the doc-
trines of Plato were taught v*-ith httle alteration, and these
professors formed what is called the old Academy. The Middle
Academy begins with Arcesilaus, who -flourished towards the
close of the 3rd century B.C., and who succeeded to the chair on
the death of Crantor. Under him the doctrines of the Academy
underwent some modification. He appears to have directed \ns,
inquiries almost exclusively to an investigation of the grounds of
knowledge, and to have approached in some degree the Pyrrhon-
ists or Sceptics. The Platonic doctrines suiiered a finther
change in the hands of Carneades, the founder of the new Aca-

* "2s'xmc in Aristippi fortim prsecepta relabor

Et mihi res non me rebus siibjungere eonor.''

Hoe. Ep. i. 1. 18.
Aad again: —

•• Omids Ai'istippum decuit color et status et res."

lb. 17, 23.

f See p. 527.

Chap. XLVIII. ACADEMICIANS. PEKIPATETICS. 597

demy. Cameades flourished towards the middle of the 2nd
century b.c. Under him, doubt and hesitation began still more
strongly to characterise the teaching of the Platonists. His
distinguished tenet was an entire suspension of assent, on the
ground that truth has always a certain degree of error combined
with it ; and so far did he carry this principle, that even Clito-
machus, his most intimate pupil, could never discover his mas-
ter's real tenets on any subject.

§ 9. But of all the Grecian sects, that of the Peripatetics,
founded by Aristotle, had the greatest influence so far as the
researches of the intellect are concerned ; and this not merely
in antiquity, but even perhaps to a still greater extent in modem
times, and especially during what are called the middle ages.
Aristotle was born in 384 B.C., at Stagira, a sea-port town of
Chalcidice, whence he is frequently called the Stagirite. His
father Nicomachus was physician to Amyntas II., king of Mace-
donia. At the age of 17, Aristotle, who had then lost both father
and mother, repaired to Athens. Here he received the instructions
of Heraclides Ponticus, and other Socratics ; and when, about
three years after his arrival at Athens, Plato returned to that
city, Aristotle immediately attended his lectures. Plato consi-
dered him his best scholar, and called him " the intellect of his
school." Aristotle spent twenty years at Athens, during the
last ten of which he established a school of his own ; but during
the whole period he appears to have kept up his connexion with
the Macedonian court. On the death of Plato in 347, Aristotle
quitted Athens, and repaired to Atameus, in Mysia, where he
resided two or three years with Herm.ias, a former pupil, who
had made himself dynast of that city and of Assos, and whose
adopted daughter he married. Atarneus being threatened by
the Persians, into whose hands Hermias had fallen, Aristotle
escaped with his wife to Mytilene, and in 342 accepted the invi-
tation of Phihp of Macedon to undertake the instruction of his
son Alexander. Philip treated the philosopher with the greatest
respect, and at his request caused the city of Stagira to be re-
budt, which had been destroyed in the Olynthian war. It was
here, in a gymnasium called the Nyraphseum, that Aristotle
imparted his instructions to Alexander, as well as to several
other noble youths. In 335, after Alexander had ascended the
throne, Aristotle quitted Macedonia, to which 'he never re-
turned. He again took up his abode at Athens, where his
friend Xenocrates was now at the head of the Academy. To
Aristotle himself the Athenians assigned the gymnasium called
the Lyceum ; and from his habit of delivering his lectures whilst
walking up and down in the shady walks of this place, his school

"598 HISTORY OF GKEECE. Chap. XLYllI.

was called the peripatetic.^ In the morning he lectured only to
a select class of pupils, called esoteric, \ and these lectures were
called acroamatic, % in contradistinction to being written and
pubhshed. His afternoon lectures were dehvered to a wider
circle, and were therefore called exoterick His method appears
to have been that of a regular lecture, and not the Socratic one
of question and answer. It was during the thirteen years in
which he presided over the Lyceum that he composed the
greater part of his works, and prosecuted his researches in na-
tural history, in which he was most liberally assisted by the mu-
nificence of Alexander. The latter portion of Aristotle's hfe was
unfortunate. He appears to have lost from some unknown cause
the friendship of Alexander ; and, after the death of that monarch,
the disturbances which ensued in Greece proved unfavourable to
his peace and security. Being threatened with a prosecution
for impiety, he escaped from Athens and retired to Chalcis ; but
he was condemned to death in his absence, and deprived of all
the rights and honours which he previously enjoyed. He died at
Chalcis in 322, in the 63rd year of his age. In person Aristotle
was short and slender, with small eyes, and something of a lisp.
His manners were characterised by briskness and vivacity, and he
paid considerable attention to his dress and outward appearance.

Of all the philosophical systems of antiquity, that of Aristotle
was best adapted to the practical wants of mankind. It was
founded on a close and accurate observation of human nature
and of the external world ; but whilst it sought the practical
and useful, it did not neglect the beautiful and noble. His works
consisted of treatises on natural, moral, and political philosophy,
history, rhetoric, criticism, &c. ; indeed there is scarcely a branch
of knowledge which his vast and comprehensive genius did not
embrace. Any attempt to give an accomit of these works would
far exceed the limits of the present work. His greatest claim
to our admiration is as a logician. He perfected and brought
into form those elements of the dialectic art which had been
struck out by Socrates and Plato, and wrought them by liis
additions into so complete a system, that he may be regarded as
at once the founder and perfecter of logic as an art, which even
down to our own days has been but very little improved.

§ 10. The school of the Stoics was founded by Zeno, a native of
Citium in the island of Cyprus. The exact date of Zeno's birth
is uncertain ; but he seems to have gone to Athens about the

* From TregiTvaTElv, to walk about. Others, however, perhaps more
correctly, derive it from the place itself being called 6 izeginarog, or the ;
promenade. -j- eGOTegiKog, inner, intimate. \

\ uKQoajiaTLKog, comimmicated orally. § i^uTEgiKoc, external.

Chap. XLVIII. STOICS. EPICUREANS. 699

beginning of the 3rd century (b.c. 299) ; a visit which, according
to some accounts, was owing to his having been shipwrecked in
the neighbourhood of Piraeus. At Athens he first attached him-
self to the Cynics, then to the Megarics, and lastly to the Acade-
micians ; but after a long course of study he opened a school of
his own in the PcEcile Stoa, or painted porch, whence the name
of his sect. The speculative doctrines of Zeno were not marked
by much originality. He inculcated temperance and self-denial,
and his practice was in accordance with his precepts. The want
of reach in the Stoic tenets, which did not demand so much
refined and abstract thought as those of many other sects, as
well as the outward gravity and decorum which they inculcated,
recommended their school to a large portion of mankind, espe-
cially among the Romans, by whom that sect and the Epicurean
were the two most universally adopted. Two of the most illus-
trious writers on the Stoic philosophy, whose works are extant,
are Epictetus and the Emperor M. Aurelius.

Epicurus was born at Samos in 342, of poor but respectable
Athenian parents. He followed at first the profession of a
schoolmaster, and after spending some time in travelling, settled
at Athens at about the age of 35. Here he purchased a garden,
apparently in the lieart of the city, where he established his phi-
losophical school. He seems to have been the only head of a
sect who had not previously gone through a regular course of
study, and prided himself on being self-taught. In physics he
adopted the atomic theory of the Pythagoreans and Ionics ; in
morals that of the Cyrenaic school, that pleasure is the highest
good ; a tenet, however, which he explained and dignified by
showing that it was mental pleasure that he intended. His works
have perished, but the main substance, both of his physical and
religious doctrines, may be derived from Lucretius, whose poem
De Rerum Natura is an exposition of his principal tenets. The
ideas of atheism and sensual degradation with which the name
of Epicurus has been so frequently coupled are founded on igno-
rance of his real teaching. But as he denied the immortality of
the soul, and the interference of the gods in human affairs, —
though he held their existence, — his tenets were very liable to
be abused by those who had not sufficient elevation of mind to
love virtue for its own sake.

§11. "We have thus traced the progress of Grecian literature
from its earhest dawn till it was brought to perfection by the
master-minds of Athens. After the death of Alexander, Grecian
literature did not become extinct : there was a vitality about it
that insured its subsistence for several ages, though not in its

600 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVIU.

former splendour. Alexandria, now the emporium of commerce,
became also the chief seat of learning, where it was fostered by
the munificence and favour of the first Ptolemies. It was here
that literature became a profession, supported by the foundation
of noble and extensive libraries, and cultivated by a race of
grammarians and critics. These men were of great assistance
to literature by the critical care which they bestowed on editions
of the best authors, and by the invention of many aids to faci-
litate the labours of the student, as better systems of grammar,
punctuation, &c. One of the most eminent of them was Aris-
tophanes of Byzantium, chief librarian at Alex;andria in the reigns
of the second and third Ptolemies, and who founded there a school
of grammar and criticism. It was he and his pupil Aristarchus
who were chiefly concerned in forming the canon of the Greek
classical writers ; and in their selection of authors they displayed
for the most part a correct taste and sound judgment. To Aris-
tophanes is ascribed the invention of the Greek accents. Aris-
tarchus is chiefly renowned as the editor of the Homeric poems
in the form in which we now possess them. From their school
proceeded many celebrated grammarians and lexicographers. It
miust not, however, be supposed that this was the sole species of
literature which flourished at Alexandria. Theocritus, the most
charming pastoral poet of antiquity — of which species of compo-
sition he was the inventor — though a native of Syracuse, lived
for some time at Alexandria, where he enjoyed the patronage of
Ptolemy II. His contemporaries and imitators, Bion of Smyrna,
and Moschus of Syracuse, also wrote with much grace and beauty.
This school of poetry was afterwards cultivated with success by
Virgil, TibuUus, and others among the Romans. At Alexandria
also flourished Callimachus, the author of many hymns, elegies,
and other poems, which were much admired at Rome, and were
translated and ira.itated by Catullus and Propertius. Amongst
numerous other poets we can only mention Apollonius Rhodius,
the author of an epic poem on the exploits of the Argonauts ;
and Aratus, who composed two poems on astronomy and na-
tural phenomena. Among the Alexandrine writers on pure
science, the mathematician Euclid (Euclides) stands conspicuous,
whose elements of geometry still form the text-book of our
schools. He flourished durmg the time of the first Ptolemy
(B.C. 323—283).

§ 12. The list of Greek writers down to the extinction of the
Greek empire might be indefinitely enlarged ; but our limits
would only permit us to present the reader with a barren list of
names ; and we therefore content ourselves with selecting for
notice a few of the most eminent.

CH.VP. XLVIII. LATER GREEK WRITERS. 601

The historian Polybius (b.c. 204 — 122) has aiready been men-
tioned as taking a part in the final struggle of his country with
Rome. His History, though the greater part of it has unfortu-
nately perished, is one of the most valuable remains of antiquity.
His long residence among the Romans afibrded him an oppor-
tunity of studying their annals ; and from the period of the
second Punic war he has been very closely followed by Livy.

Another G-reek writer of Roman history was Dionysius of Ha-
licarnassus, who flourished in the latter half of the first century
B.C. He spent a considerable part of his life at Rome, and de-
voted himself to the study of the history and antiquities of that
city, on which he wrote a book, a considerable part of which is
still extant. He was, however, a better critic than historian,
and we still possess several of his treatises in that department
of literature.

Diodorus, called from his country Siculus, or the Sicilian, also
lived at Rome in the time of JuHus and Augustus Csesar. He
was the author of a universal history in 40 books, called The
Historical Library, of which 15 books are still extant.

Arrian, of Nicomedia in Bithynia, who lived in the first century
of our era, wrote an account of Alexander's expedition, as well
as several works on philosophical and other subjects.

Appian of Alexandria lived in the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian,
and Antoninus Pius, and was the author of a Roman history.

One of the best and most valuable Greek writers of this time
was Plutarch, the biographer and philosopher. He was a native
of Chseronea in Bosotia. The exact date of his birth is unknown,
but it must have been about the middle of the first century of
our era. He passed a considerable time in Rome and Italy ; but
it was late in his fife before he applied himself to the study of
Roman literature, and he appears never to have completely mas-
tered the language. The later years of his life seem to have been
spent at Cheeronea, where he discharged several magisterial
offices, and filled a priesthood. His Lives, if not the most au-
thoritative, are certainly one of the most entertaining works ever
written. They have perhaps been more frequently translated
than any other book, and have been popular in every age and
nation. Besides his Lives, Plutarch was the author of a great
number of treatises on moral and other subjects.

About the same time flourished Josephus, the Jewish historian,
who was born at Jerusalem a.d. 37. Though a Hebrew, the
Greek style of Josephus is remarkably pure.

Strabo, the celebrated geographer, was a native of Amasia in
Pontus, and lived in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius. His
valuable work on geography, which also contains many important

2D

602 HISTORY OF GREECE. Chap. XLVIH.

historical facts, still exists pretty nearly entire, though the text
is often corrupt.

Pausanias, author of the Descri2otion of Greece, is supposed to
have been a native of Lydia, and flourished in the second cen-
tury of our sera. His account of Greece is of considerable value,
for many of the great works of G-recian art were extant w^hen he
travelled through the country, and he appears to have described
them with fidelity as well as minuteness.

Dion Cassius, the historian, was bom at Nicsea in Bithynia,
A.D. 155. His history of Rome in 80 books extended from the
earhest times to a.d. 229. It has come down to us in a very im-
perfect state, but is still a valuable authority for the history of
the latter republic and a considerable portion of the empire.

Lucian, one of the wittiest and most entertainmg of ancient
writers, and who, from his sparkling style, his turn of mind, and
his disregard for authority, may be compared to Swift or Voltaire,
was born at Samosata, probably about a.d. 120. Of his numer-
ous works, the best known are his Dialogues of the Dead, which
have been universally esteemed, not only for their wit, but also
for their Attic grace of diction.

We cannot close this imperfect list of Greek profane writers
without mentioning the name of Galen, the celebrated physician.
Galen was born at Pergamus in Mysia, a.d. 130. He completed
his education at Smyrna, Corinth, and Alexandria, after which he
undertook some extensive travels. He seems to have visited Rome
at least twice, and attended on the emperors M. Aurehus and L.
Yerus. The writings of Galen formed an epoch in medical science,
and after his time all the previous medical sects seemi to have
become merged in his followers and imitators.

§ 13. But the Greek language was not merely destined to be
the vehicle of those civilising influences which flow from the
imagination of the sublimest* poets and the reasonings of the
most profound philosophers. The still more glorious mission
was reserved for it, of conveying to mankind through the Gospel
that certain prospect of a life to come, which even the wisest of
the Grecian sages had beheld only as in a glass, darkly. Three
at least of the four Gospels were written in the Greek tongue, as
well as the greater portion of those scriptures which compose
the New Testament. We have already alluded to the facilities
which the conquests of Alexander afibrded to the spreading of
the Gospel ; nor were there wanting in subsequent ages men
who assisted its extension by their writings. Even the works
of an author like Lucian were subservient to this end, by casting
ridicule on the gods of paganism, and thus preparing the minds
of men for the reception of a purer doctrine. Among the Greek

Chap. XLVIIL CONCLUSIOK 603

Fathers of the Church were many men of distinguished talent ;
as Justin Martyr, one of the earhest of the Christian writers,
Clemens of Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nazianzus, and many
others ; especially Joannes, surnamed Chrysostomus, or the.
golden-mouthed, from the power of his eloquence.

The Greek language and literature continued to subsist till
the taking of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. Even that
shock did not entirely destroy their vitahty. The many learned
Greeks who then took refuge in Italy were the means of reviving
the study of their tongue, then almost entirely neglected, in the
West, and especially at Florence, under the auspices of Cosmo
de' Medici, who appointed Johannes Argyropulus, one of these
refugees, preceptor to his son and nephew. Maximus Planudes,
Manuel Moschopulus, Emanuel Chrysoloras, Theodore Gaza, and
others, assisted in this work ; and through these men and their
successors, and particularly through the labours of Aldus Manu-
tius, the Venetian printer, who flourished in the same century,
the chief masterpieces of Grecian literature have been handed
down and made intelligible to us.

Bust of the poet Menander.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

Book I.— MYTHICAL AGE.

1184. Capture of Troy.

1124. Emigration of the Boeotians from Thessaly into Bceotia.
1104. Return of ttie Heraclidse. Conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians.
1050. Cumffi founded.
850. Probable age of Homer.

Book II.— GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES.

776. Commencement of the Olympiads. Age of Lycurgus.

747. Phidon, tyrant of Argos, celebrates the 8th Olympic games.

743. Beginning of the first Messenian war.

734. Syracuse founded by Archias of Corinth,

723. End of the first Messenian War.

720. Sybaris, in Italy, founded by the Achfeans.

710. Croton, in Italy, founded by the Achaeans.

708. Tarentum founded by the Lacedaemonian Parthenii, under Phalanthus.

700. Archilochus of Paros, the iambic poet, flourished.

693. Simonides of Amorgos, the lyric poet, flourished.

690. Foundation of Gela in Sicily.

685. The beginning of the second Messenian war.

683. First annual Archon at Athens. TjTtaeus, the Athenian poet, came to Sparta

after the first success of the Messenians, and by his martial songs roused the

fainting courage of the Lacedsemonians.
670. Alcman, a native of Sardis in Lydia, and the chief lyric poet of Sparta, flourished.
668. End of the second Messenian war.
€64. A sea-fight between the Corinthians and CorcjTaeans, the most ancient sea-fight

recorded. Zaleucus, the lawgiver in Locri Epizephyrii, flourished.
657. Byzantium founded by the Megarians.

655. The Bacchiadae expelled from Corinth. Cypselus begins to reign.
644. Pantaleon, king of Pisa, celebrates the Olympic games.
630. Cyrene in Libya founded by Battus of Thera.
625. Periander succeeds Cypselus at Corinth. Arion flourished in the reign of

Periander.
624. Legislation of Dracon at Athens.
612. Attempt of Cylon to make himself master of Athens.
610. Sappho, Alcaeus, and Stesichorus flourished.

600. Massilia in Gaul founded by the Phocaeans. '

596. Epimenides, the Cretan, came to Athens.

695. Commencement of the Cirrhaean or Sacred War, which lasted 10 years.
594. Legislation of Solon, who was Athenian archon in this year.
591. Cirrha taken by the Amphictyons.

589. Commencement of the government of Pittacus at Mytilene.
586. The conquest of the Cirrhaeans completed, and the Pythian games celebrated.

The Seven Wise Men flourished.
585. Death of Periander.
582. Agrigentum founded.
581. The dynasty of the Cji^selidaB ended.
579. Pittacus resigns the government of Mytilene.

572. The war between Pisa and Elis ended by the subjection of the Pisaeans.
560. Pisastratus usurps the government of Athens. Ibycus of Rhcgium, the lyric

poet, flourished.
559. C>Tus begins to reign in Persia. "*

556. Simonides of Ceos, the lyric poet, born.
548. The temple of Delphi burnt. Anaximenes flourished,
546. Sardis taken by Cjtus and the Lydian monarchy overthrown. Hipponax, the

iambic poet, flourished.
544. Pherecydes of Syros, the philosopher, and Theognis of Megara, the poet, flourished.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 6U5

B.C.

539. rbycus of Rhegium, the lyric poet, floimshed.

538. Babylon taken by Cjtus. Xenoplianes of Colophon, the philosopher, flourished.

535. Tliespis the Athenian first exhibits tragedy.

532. Polycrates becomes tyrant of Samos.

531. The philosopher Pj-thagoras and the poet Anacreon flourished.

529. Death of Cyrus, and accession of Cambyses as king of Persia.

527. Death of Pisastratus, 33 years after his first usurpation.

525. Cambyses conquers ^g>T)t in the fifth year of his reign. Birth of JEschylus,

523. Chcerilus of Athens exhibits tragedy.

522. Polycrates of Samos put to death. Birth of Pindar. Death of Cambyses,
usurpation of the Magi, and accession of Darius to the Persian throne. He-
catseus, the historian, flourished.

514. Hipparchus, tyrant of Athens, slain by Harmodius and Aristogiton.

511. PhrjTiichus, the tragic poet, flourished.

510. Expulsion of Hippias and his family from Athens. The ten tribes instituted at
Athens by Clisthenes.

504. Charon of Lampsacus, the historian, flourished.

501. Naxos besieged by Aristagoras and the Persians. Upon the failure of this at-
tempt Aristagoras determines to revolt from the Persians.

500. Aristagoras solicits aid from Athens and Sparta. Birth of Anaxagoras the
philosopher. First year of the Ionian revolt. The lonians, assisted by the
Athenians, burn Sardis. ^schylus, aged 25, first exhibits tragedy.

499. Second j'ear of the loniaii revolt.

498. Third year of the Ionian revolt. Aristagoras slain in Thrace. Death of
Pythagoras.

497. Fourth year of the Ionian revolt. Histiaeus comes down to the coast. Birth of
Hellanicus of Mytilene, the historian.

496. Fifth year of the Ionian revolt. Birth of Sophocles.

495. Sixth and last year of the Ionian revolt. The Ipnians defeated in a naval battle
near Miletus, and Miletus taken.

493. The Persians take the islands of Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. Miltiades flies
from the Chersonesus to Athens,

492. Mardonius, the Persian general, invades Europe, and unites Macedonia to the
Persian empire.

491, Darius sends heralds to Greece to demand earth and water, Demaratus, king of
Sparta, deposed by the intrigues of his colleague Cleomenes . He flies to D arius .

490. Datis and Artaphernes, the Persian generals, invade Europe. They take Eretria
in Eubcea and land in Attica, They are defeated at Marathon by the Athenians
under the conmiand of Miltiades. ^Slschylus fought at the battle of Marathon,
set. 35. War between Athens and ^gina.

489. MUtiades attempts to conquer Paros, but is repulsed. He is accused, and, un-
able to pay the fine in which he was condemned, is thrown into prison, where
he died.

486. Revolt of Eg^'pt from the Persians in the fourth year afl;er the battle of Marathon.

485. Xerxes, king of Persia, succeeds Darius. Gelon becomes master of Syracuse.

484. Egypt reconquered by the Persians. Herodotus born, ^schylus gains the
prize in tragedy.

483. Ostracism of Aristides,

481. Themistocles the leading man at Athens.

480. Xerxes invades Greece. He set out from Sardis at the beginning of the spring.
The battles of Thermopylae and Artemisium were fought at the time of the
Olympic games. The Athenians deserted their city, which was taken by
Xerxes. The battle of Salamis, in which the fleet of Xerxes was destroyed,
was fought in the autumn.
Birth of Euripides.

479. After the return of Xerxes to Asia, Mardonius, who was left in the command
of the Persian army, passed the winter in Thessaly. In the spring he marches
southward and occupies Athens ten months after its occupation by Xerxes.
At the battle at Plataea, fought in September, he is defeated by the Greeks under
the command of Pausanias. On the same day the Persian fleet is defeated off"
Mycale by the Greek fleet. Sestos besieged by the Greeks in the autumn, and
surrendered in the following spring.

478. Sestos taken by the Greeks. The history of Herodotus terminates at the siege
of Sestos.

Book IH.— THE ATHENIAN SUPREMACY AND THE PELOPONNESIAN
WAR.

478. In consequence of the haughty conduct of Pausanias, the maritime allies place
themselves under the supremacy of Athens. Commencement of the Athe-

606 HISTORY OF GREECE.

B.C.

nian ascendency or empire, wMcli lasted about TO years — 65 before the ruin

of the Athenian affairs in Sicily, 73 before the capture of Athens by Lysan-

der.
476. Cimon, commanding the forces of the Athenians and of the allies, expels the

Persians from Eion on the StrjTnon, and then takes the island of Scyros, -where

the bones of Theseus are discovered.
Simonides, aet. 80, gains the prize in the dithjTambic chorus.
471. Themistocles, banished by ostracism, goes to Argos. Pausanias convicted of

treason and put to death. Thucydides the historian born.
469. Pericles begins to take part in public aflairs, 40 years before his death.
468. Mycenae destroyed by the Argives. Death of Aristides. Socrates born. Soph-
ocles gained his first tragic victory.
467. Simonides, set. 90, died.
466. Naxos revolted and subdued. Great victory of Cimon over the Persians at the

river Eurj-medon, in Pamphylia. Themistocles flies to Persia.
465. Revolt of Thasos. Death of Xerxes, king of Persia, and accession of Arta-

xerxes I.
464. Earthquake at Sparta, and revolt of the Helots and Messenians. Cimon marches

to the assistance of the Lacedaemonians. Zeno of Elea flourished.
463. Thasos subdued by Cimon.
461. Cimon marches a second time to the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, but his

offers are declined by the latter, and the Athenian troops sent back. Ostracism

of Cimon. Pericles at the head of public affairs at Athens.
460. Revolt of Inaros, and first year of the Egyptian war, which lasted 6 years. The

Athenians sent assistance to the Egj-ptians.
458. The Oresteia of .5]schyliis performed.
457. Battles in the Megarid" between the Athenians and Corinthians. The Laceds-

monians march into Doris to assist the Dorians against the Phocians. On

their return they are attacked by the Athenians at Tanagra, but the latter are

defeated. The 'Athenians commence building their long walls, which were

completed in the following year.
456. The Athenians, commanded by MjTonides, defeat the Thebans at (Enophjla.

Recall of Cimon from exile. Death of ^schylus, aet. 69.
455. The Messenians conquered by the Lacedaemonians in the tenth year of the war.

Tolmides, the Athenian general, settles the expelled Messenians at Naupactus.

See B.C. 464. Tolmides sails round Peloponnesus with an Athenian fleet, and

does great injury to the Peloponnesians.
End of the Egyptian war in the sLxth year. See b.c. 460. All Egypt conquered

by the Persians, except the Marshes, where AmjTtaeus continued to hold out

for some years. See b.c. 449.
Euripides aet. 25 first gains the prize in tragedy.
454. Campaign of Pericles at Sicyon and in Acamania.

Cratinus, the comic writer, "flourished.
452. Five years' truce between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, made through the

intervention of Cimon.
Anaxagoras aet. 50 withdraws from Athens, after residing there 30 years.
449. Renewal of the war with Persia. The Athenians send assistance to

Amyrtaeus. Death of Cimon and victory of the Athenians at Salamis in

Cj-prus.
448. Sacred War between the Delphians and Phocians for the possession of the oracle

and temple. The Lacedaemonians assisted the Delphians, and the Athenians

the Phocians.
447. The Athenians defeated at Chaeronea bv the Bceotians.

445. Revolt of Eubrea and Megara from Athens. The five years' truce having ex-
pired (see B.C. 450), the Lacedaemonians, led by Pleistoanax, invade Attica.

After the Lacedaemonians had retired, Pericles recovers Eubcea. The 30 years'

truce between Athens and Sparta.
444. Pericles begins to have the sole direction of public affairs at Athens. Thucy-
dides, the son of Milesias, the leader of the aristocratical party, ostracised.
443. The Athenians send a colony to Thurii in Italy. Herodotus aet. 41, and Lysias

aet. 15, accompany this colony to Thurii.
441. Euripides gains the first prize in tragedy.
440. Samos revolts from Athens, but is subdued by Pericles in the ninth month.

Sophocles aet. 55 was one of the ten Athenian generals who fought against

Samos.
439. Athens at the height of its glory.
437. Colony of Agnon to Arnphipolis.
436. Cratinus, the comic poet, gains the prize.
435. War between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans on account of Epidamnus. The

Corinthians defeated by the CorcjTaeans in a sea-fight.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 607

B.C.

434. The Corinthians make great preparations to carry on the war with vigour.
433. The Corcyraeans, and Corinthians send embassies to Athens to solicit assistance.

Tile Atlienians form a defensive alhance with the Corcyraeans.
432. The Corcyraeans, assisted by the Athenians, defeat the Corinthians in the spring.
In the same year Potidsea revolts from Athens. Congress of tlie Peloponne-
sians in tiie autumn to decide upon war with Athens.
Anaxagoras, prosecuted for impiety at Athens, withdraws to Lampsacus, where

he died about four years afterwards.
Aspasia prosecuted by the comic poet Ilermippus, but acquitted through the in-

Huence of Pericles.
Prosecution and death of Phidias.
431. First year of the Peloponnesian war. The Thebans make an attempt upon
Platiea two months before midsummer. Eighty days afterwards Attica is in-
vaded by the Peloponiiesians. Alliance between the Athenians and Sitalces,
king of Thrace.
Hallenicus set. 65, Herodotus jet. 53, Thucydides ast. 40, at the commencement

of the Peloponnesian war.
The Medea of Euripides exhibited.
430. Second year of the Peloponnesian war. Second invasion of Attica. The plague

rages at Athens.
429. Third year of the Peloponnesian war. Potidsea surrenders to the Athenians
after a siege of more than two j'ears. Naval actions of Phormio in the Corin-
thian gulph. Commencement of the siege of Plataea.
Death of Pericles in the autumn.
Birth of Plato, the Philosopher.
Eupolis and Phyrnichus, the comic poets, exhibit.
428. Fourth year of the Peloponnesian war. Third invasion of Attica. Revolt of all
Lesbos, except Methymna. Mytilene besieged towards the autumn.
Death of Anaxagoras, aet. 72.
427. Fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. Fourth invasion of Attica. Mjtilene
taken by the Athenians and Lesbos recovered. The demagogue Cleon begins
to have great influence in public affairs. Plataea surrendered to the Pelopon-
nesians. Sedition at Corcyra. The Athenians send assistance to the Leon-
tines in Sicily.
Aristophanes, the comic poet, first exhibits.
Gorgias ambassador from Leontini to Athens.
426. Sixth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Peloponuesians do not invade Attica
in consequence of an earthquake.
Lustration of Delos.
425. Seventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Fifth invasion of Attica. Demosthenes
takes possession of Pylos. The Spartans in the island of Sphacteria surren-
dered to Cleon 72 days afterwards.
Accession of Darius Nothus.
The Acharnians of Aristophanes.
A24:. Eighth year of the Peloponnesian war. Nicias ravages the coast of Laconia and
captures the island of Cythera. March of Brasidas into Thrace, who obtains
possession of Acanthus and Amphipolis. The Athenians defeated by the
Thebans at Delium.
Socrates and Xenophon fought at the battle of Delium.
Thucydides, the historian, commanded at Amphipolis.
The Knights of Aristophanes.
423. Ninth year of the Peloponnesian war. Truce for a year.

Thucydides banished in consequence of the loss of Amphipolis. He was 20

years in exUe.
The Clouds of Aristophanes first exhibited.
422. Tenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Hostilities in Thrace between the Lace-
daemonians and Athenians. Both Brasidas and Cleon fall in battle.
The Wasps of Aristophanes and second exhibition of the Clouds.
Death of Cratinus.

Protagoras, the sophist, comes to Athens.

42L Eleventh year of the Peloponnesian war. Truce for 50 years between the

Athenians and Lacedaemonians. Though this truce was not formally declared

to be at an end till b.c. 414, there were notwithstanding frequent hostilities

meantime.

420. Twelfth year of the Peloponnesian war. Treaty between the Athenians and Ar-

gives effected by means of Alcibiades.
419. Thirteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades marches into Pelopon-
nesus.
The Peace of Aristophanes.
418. Fourteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenians send a force into

608 HISTORY OF GREECE.

B.C.

Peloponnesus to assist the Argives against the Lacedaemonians, but are de-
feated at the battle of Mantineia. Alliance between Sparta and Argos.
417. Fifteenth year of the Peloponnesian war.

416. Sixteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenians conquer Melos.
415. Seventeenth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Athenian expedition against
Sicily. It sailed after midsummer, commanded by Nicias, Alcibiades, and
Lamachus. Mutilation of the Hermae at Athens before the fleet sailed. The
Athenians take Catana. Alcibiades is recalled home : he makes his escape,
and takes refuge with the Lacedaemonians.
Andocides, the orator, imprisoned on the mutilation of the Hermae. He escapes
by turning informer.
414. Eighteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Second campaign in Sicily. The
Athenians invest SjTacuse. Gylippus the Lacedaemonian comes to the assist-
ance of the Syracusans.
The Birds of Aristophanes.
413. Nineteenth year of the Peloponnesian war. Invasion of Attica and fortification
of Decelea, on the advice of Alcibiades.
Third campaign in Sicily. Demosthenes sent with a large force to the assist-
ance of the Athenians. Total destruction of the Athenian army and fleet.
Nicias and Demosthenes surrender and are put to death on the 12th or 13th of
September, 16 or 17 days after the eclipse of the moon, which took place on the
27th of August.
412. Twentieth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Lesbians revolt from Athens.
Alcibiades sent by the Lacedaemonians to Asia to form a treaty with the Per-
sians. He succeeds in his mission and forms a treaty with Tissaphemes, and
urges the Athenian allies in Asia to revolt.
The Andromeda of Euripides.
411. Twenty-first year of the Peloponnesian war. Democracy abolished at Athens,
and the government entrusted to a council of Four Hundred. This council
holds the government four months. The Athenian army at Samos recalls Al-
cibiades from exile and appoints him one of their generals. He is afterwards
recalled by a vote of the people at Athens, but he remained abroad for the next
four years at the head of the Athenian forces. Mindarus, the Lacedaemonian
admiral, defeated at Cynossema.
Antiphon, the orator, had a great share in the establishment of the Four Hundred.

After their downfal he is brought to trial and put to death.
The history of Thucydides suddenly breaks off in the middle of this year.
The Lysistrata and ThesmophoriazusoB of Aristophanes.
Lysias returns from Thurii to Athens.
410. Twenty-second year of the Peloponnesian war. Mindarus defeated and slain by

Alcibiades at Cyzicus.
409. Twenty-third year of the Peloponnesian war.

The Philoctetes of Sophocles.
408. Twenty-fourth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades recovers Byzantium.
The Orestes of Euripides.
The P/m;m5 of Aristophanes.
407. Twenty-fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. Alcibiades returns to Athens.
Lysander appointed the Lacedcemonian admiral and supported by Cyrus, who
this year received the government of the countries on the Asiatic coast. An-
tioehus, the Lieutenant of Alcibiades, defeated by Lysander at Notium in the
absence of Alcibiades. Alcibiades is in consequence banished, and ten new
generals appointed.
406. Twenty-sixth year of the Peloponnesian war. Callicratidas, who succeeded
Lysander as Lacedaemonian admiral, defeated by the Athenians in the sea-
fight off the Arginussae islands. The Athenian generals condemned to death
because they had not picked up the bodies of those who had fallen in the
battle.
Dionysius becomes master of SjTacuse.
Death of Euripides and Sophocles.
405. Twenty-seventh j'ear of the Peloponnesian war. Lysander defeats the Athenians
off ^gospotami, and takes or destroys aU their fleet with the exception of eight
ships which fled with Conon to Cyprus.
The Frogs of Aristophanes.
404. Twenty-eighth and last year of the Peloponnesian war. Athens taken by Ly-
sander in the spring on the 16th of the month Munychion. Democracy abol-
ished, and the government entrusted to thirty men, usually called the Thirty
Tyrants.
The Thirty Tyrants held their power for eight months, till Thrasybulus occupied

Phyle and advanced to the Piraeus.
Death of Alcibiades during the tyranny of the Thirty.

CIIRONOUXJICAL TABLi:. 609

Book IV.— THE SPARTAN AND TIIEBAN SUPREMACIES.

B.C.

403. Thrasybuius and his party obtain possession of the Pira*ns, from whence they
carried on war lor several months against the Ten. the successors of the
Thirty. They obtain j)Ossession of Athens before July; but the contest be-
tween the parties was not finally concluded till September.
Tluicydules, ipt. 68, returns to Athens.
401. E.xpedition of Cyrus against his brother Arta.xer.xes. lie falls in the battle of
Cunaxa, which was lought in the autunm. His CIreek auxiliaries commence
their return to Greece, usually called the retreat of the Ten Thousand.
First year of the war of Laceda,'mon and Elis.
Xenophon accompanied Cyrus, and allerwards was the principal general of the

Greeks in their retreat.
The CEdipiis at Colonus of Sophocles exhibited after his death by his grandson
Sophocles.
400. Return of the Ten Thousand to Greece.

Second year of the war of Lacediemon and Elis.
The speech of Andocides on the Mysteries.
399. The Laceda-monians send Thimbron with an army to assist the Greek cities in
Asia against Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. The remainder of the Ten
Thousand incorporated with the troops of Thimbron. In the autunm Thim-
bron was superseded by Dercyllidas.
Third and last year of the war of Lacediemon and Elis.
Death of Socrates, aet. 70.
Plato withdraws to Megara.
398. Dercyllidas continues the war in Asia with success.
397. Dercyllidas still continues the war in Asia.
396. Agesilaus supersedes Dercyllidas. First campaign of Agesilaus in Asia. He

winters at Ephesus.
395. Second campaign of Agesilaus in Asia. He defeats Tissaphernes, and becomes
master of Western Asia. Tis.saphernes superseded by Tithraustes, wlio
sends envoys into Greece to induce the Greek states to declare war against
Laceda^mon. Commencement of the war of the Greek states against Lacedae-
mon. Lysander slain at Haliartus.
Plato, set. 34, returns to Athens.
394. Agesilaus recalled from Asia to fight against the Greek states, who had declared
war against Laced;enion. He passed the Hellespont about midsummer, and
was at the entrance of Bceotia on the 14th of August. He defeats the allied
forces at Coronea. A little before the latter battle the Lacedaemonians also
gained a victory near Corinth ; but about the same time Conon, the Athenian
admiral, and Pharnabazus, gained a decisive victory over Pisander, the Spar-
tan admiral, offCnidus.
Xenophon accompanied Agesilaus from Asia and fought against his country at
Coronea. He was in consequence banished from Athens. He retired under
Laccdiemonian i)rotection to Scillus, where he composed his works.
393. Sedition at Corinth and victory of the Lacedaemonians at Lechaeum. Pharna-
bazus and Conon ravage the coasts of Peloponnesus. Conon begins to restore
the long walls of Athens and the fortifications of the Piraeus.
391. The Lacedaemonians under Agesilaus ravage the Corinthian territory, but a
Spartan mora is cut to pieces by Iphicrates.
The Ecclesiazusm of Aristophanes.
Expedition of Agesilaus into Acarnania.
Speech of Andocides " On the Peace." He is banished.
390. Expedition of Agesipolis into Argolis. The Persians again espouse the cause
of the Lacedaemonians, and Conon is thrown into prison. The Athenians as-
sist Evagoras of Cyprus against the Persians. Thrasybuius, the Athenian
commander, is defeated and slain by the Lacedsmonian Teleutias at Aspendus.
389. Ag>Trhius sent as the successor of Thrasybuius to Aspendus and Iphicrates to
the Hellespont.
Plato, a-t. 40, goes to Sicily : the first of the three voyages.
388. Antalcida.s, the Lacediemonian commander on the Asiatic coast, opposed to
Iphicrates and Chabrias.
The second edition of the Plutus of Aristophanes.
387. The pea^e of Antaloidas.

386. Restoration of the Plataea, and independence of the town of Bceotia.
385. Destruction of Mantinea by the Lacedaemonians under Agesipolis.
384. Birth of Aristotle.
382. First year of the Olynthian war.

PhcEbidas seizes the Cadmea, the citadel of Thebes.
Birth of Demosthenes.
381. Second year of the Olynthian war.

2t)*

610 HISTORY OF GREECE.

3S0. Third year of the Olynthian war.

The Panegyricus of Isocrates.
379. Fourth and last year of the Olynthian war.

The Cadmea recovered by the Theban exiles in the winter.
378. Cleombrotus sent into Boeotia in the middle of winter, but returned without ef-
fecting anything. The Lacedaemonian Sphodrias makes an attempt upon the
Piraeus. The Athenians form an alliance with the Thebans against Sparta.
First expedition of Agesilaus into BcEOtia.
Death of Lysias.
377. Second expedition of Agesilaus into Boeotia.

376. Cleombrotus marches into Bceotia, and sustains a slight repulse at the passes
of Cithaeron.
The Lacedaemonian fleet conquered by Chabrias off Naxos, and the Athenians
recover the dominion of the sea.
375. Cleombrotus sent into Phocis, which had been invaded by the Thebans, who

withdraw into their own country on his arrival.
374. The Athenians, jealous of the Thebans, conclude a peace with Lacedaemon.
Timotheus, the Athenian commander, takes Corcyra, and on his return to
Athens restores the Zacjmthian exiles to their country. This leads to a re-
newal of the war between Athens and Lacedaemon.
Second destruction of Plataea.
Jason elected Tagus of Thessaly.
373. The Lacedaemonians attempt to regain possession of CorcjTa, and send Mnasip-
pus with a force for the purpose, but he is defeated and slain by the CorcjTS-
ans. Iphicrates, with Callistratus and Chabrias as his colleagues, sent to
Corc3Ta.
Prosecution of Timotheus by Callistratus and Iphicrates. Timotheus is ac-
quitted.
372. Timotheus goes to Asia. Iphicrates continued in the command of a fleet in the

Ionian sea.
371. Congress at Sparta, and general peace (called the Peace of Cfdlias), from which
the Thebans were excluded, because they would not grant the independence
of the Boeotian towns.
The Lacedeemonians, commanded by Cleombrotus, invade Boeotia, but are de-
feated by the Thebans under Epaminondas at the battle of Leuctra. Com-
mencement of the Theban Supremacy.
Foundation of Megalopolis.
370. Expedition of Agesilaus into Arcadia.

Jason of Pherae slain. After the interval of a year, Alexander of Pherae succeeds

to his power in Thessaly.
First invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. They remain in Peloponnesus
four months, and found Messene.
367. Embassy of Pelopidas to Persia.

Second invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans.

Expedition of Pelopidas to Thessaly. He is imprisoned by Alexander of Pherae,

but Epaminondas obtains his release.
Archidamus gains a victory over the Arcadians.
Death of the elder Dionysius of SjTacuse, after a reign of 38 years.
366. Third invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans.

The Archidamus of Isocrates.
365. War between Arcadia and Elis.
364. Second campaign of the war between Arcadia and Elis. Battle of Olympia at

the time of the games.
362. Fourth invasion of Peloponnesus by the Thebans. Battle of Mantinea, in June,
in which Epaminondas is killed.
Xenophon brought down his Greek history to the battle of Mantinea.
361. A general peace between all the beUigerents, with the exception of the Lacedae-
monians, because the latter would not acknowledge the independence of the
Messenians.
Agesilaus goes to Egj'pt to assist Tachos, and dies in the winter when preparing

to return home.
Birth of Deinarchus, the orator.
360. War between the Athenians and Olynthians for the possession of Amphipolis.
Timotheus, the Athenian general, repulsed at Amphipolis.

Book V.— THE MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY.

359. Accession of Philip, king of Macedonia, aet. 23. He defeats Argaens, who laid
claim to the throne, declares Amphipolis a free city, and makes ])eace with the
Athenians. He then defeats the Pteonians and Illyrians.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 611

B.C.

3J8. Amphipolis taken by Philip. Expedition of tlic Athenians into Euboea.
357. Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium revolt from Athens. First year of the Social
War.
The Phocians seize Delplii. Commencement of the Sacred War. The Thebans

and the Locrians are the chief opponents of the Phocians.
Dion sails from Zacynthus and lands in Sicily about September.
356. Second year of the Social War.

Birth of Ale.\ander, the son of Pliilip and Olympias, at the time of the Olympic

Potidaea taken by Philip, who gives it to Olynthus.

Dionysius the younger expelled from Syracuse by Dion, after a reign of 12
years.
355. Third and last year of the Social War. Peace concluded between Athens and

her former allies.
354. Trial and condemnation of Timotheus.

Demosthenes begins to speak in the assemblies of the people.
353. Philip seizes upon Pagasse, and begins to besiege Methone.

Death of Dion.
352. Philip takes Methone and enters Thessaly. He defeats and slays Onomarchus,
the Phocian general, expels the tyrants from Pherae, and becomes master of
Thessaly. He attempts to pass Thermopylae, but is prevented by the Athen-
ians.
War between Lacedsemon and Megalopolis.
The first Philippic of Demosthenes.
349. The Olynthians, attacked by Pliilip, ask sticcour from Athens.

The Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes.
348. Olynthian war continued.
347. Olynthus taken and destroyed by Philip.

Death of Plato, aet. 82. Speusippus succeeds Plato. Aristotle, upon the death
of Plato, went to Atarneus.
346. Peace between Philip and the Athenians.

Philip overruns Phocis and brings the Sacred War to an end, after it had lasted

10 years. All the Phocian cities, except Abas, were destroyed.
Oration of Demosthenes on the Peace.
345. Speech of ^schines against Timarchus.

344. Timoleon sails from Corinth to Syracuse, to expel the tyrant Dionysius.
Aristotle, after three years' stay at Atarneus, went to Mytiiene.
The second Philippic of Demosthenes.
343. Timoleon completes the conquest of Syracuse.
Disputes between Philip and the Athenians.
The speech of Demosthenes respecting Halonnesus.
The speeches of Demosthenes and JEschines Hepl HapanpeGPeiai.
342. Philip's expedition to Thrace. He is opposed by Diopithes, the Athenian gen-
eral at the Chersonesus.
Aristotle comes to the court of Philip.

Isocrates, aet. 94, began to compose the Panathenaic oration.
Birth of Epicurus.
341. Philip is still in Thrace, where he wintered.

The oration of Demosthenes on the Chersonesus, and the third and fourth Phil-
ippics.
Philip besieges Selymbria, Perinthus, and Byzantium.
339. Renewal of the war between Philip and the Athenians. Phocion compels Philip
to raise the siege both of Byzantium and Perinthus.
Xenocrates succeeds Speusippus at the Academy.
338. Philip is chosen general of the Amphictyons to carry on the war against Am-
* phissa. He marches through Thermopylae and seizes Elatea. The Athenians
form an alliance with the Thebans ; but their united forces are defeated by
Philip at the battle of Chaeronea, fought on the 7th of Metageitnion (August).
Philip becomes master of Greece. Congress at Corinth, in which war is de-
clared by Greece against Persia, and Philip appointed to conduct it.
Death of Isocrates, aet. 98.
336. Death of Timoleon.

Murder of Philip, and accession of his son Alexander, set. 20.
335. Alexander marches against the Thracians, Triballi, and lUyrians. While he is
engaged in this war Thebes revolts. He forthwith marches southwards and
destroys Thebes.
334. Alexander commences the war against Persia. He crosses the Hellespont in the
spring, defeats the Persian satraps at the Granicus in May, and conquers the
western part of Asia Minor.
Aristotle returns to Athens.

012 HISTORY OF GREECE.

333. Alexander subdues Lycia in the winter, collects his forces at Gordium in the
spring, and defeats Darius at Issus late in the autumn.

332. Alexander takes Tyre, after a siege of seven months, in July. He takes Gaza
in September, and then marches into Egjpt, which submits to him. In the
winter he visits the oracle of Ammon, and gives orders for the foundation of
Alexandria.

331. Alexander sets out from Memphis in the spring, marches tlurough Phoenicia and
Syria, crosses the Euphrates at Thapsacus in the middle of the summer, and
defeats Darius again at Arbela or Gaugamela on the 1st of October. He win-
tered at Persepolis.
In Greece Agis is defeated and slain by Antipater.

330. Alexander marches into Media, and takes Ecbalana. From thence he sets out
in pursuit of Darius, who is slain by Bessus. After the death of Darius, Al-
exander conquers Hyrcania, and marches in pursuit of Bessus through Dran-
giana and Arachosia, towards Bactria.
The speech of ^schines against Ctesiphon, and the speech of Demosthenes on

the Crown, ^schines, after his failure, withdrew to Asia.
Philemon began to exhibit comedy during the reign of Alexander, a little earlier
than Menander.

329. Alexander marches across the Paropamisus in the winter, passes the Oxus,
takes Bessus, and reaches the Jaxartes, where he founds a city, Alexandria
Eschate. He subsequently crosses the Jaxartes and defeats the Scythians.
He winters at Bactra.

328. Alexander is employed during the whole of this campaign in the conquest of Sog-
diana.
He marries Roxana, the daughter of Oxyartes, a Bactrian prince.

327. After the subjugation of Sogdiana Alexander returns to Bactra, from whence he
marches to invade India. He crosses the Hydaspes and defeats Porus. He
continues his march as far as the Hyphasis, but is there compelled by his
troops to return to the Hydaspes. In the autumn he begins to sail down the
Hydaspes and the Indus to the Ocean, which he reached in July in the follow-
ing year.

326. Alexander returns to Persia, with part of his troops, through Gedrosia. He
sends Nearchus with the fleet to sail from the mouths of the Indus to the Per-
sian gulph. Nearchus accomplishes the voyage in 129 days.

325. Alexander reaches Susa at the beginning of the year. Towards the close of it
he visits Ecbatana, Avhere Hephaestion dies. Harpalus comes to Athens, and
bribes many of the Greek orators.

324. Alexander reaches Babylon in the spring.

Demosthenes, accused of having received a bribe from Harpalus, is condemned
to pay a fine of 50 talents. He withdraws to Trcezen and jEgina.

323. Death of Alexander at Babylon, in June, after a reign of twelve years and eight
months.
Division of the satrapies among Alexander's generals.

The Greek states make war against Macedonia, usually called the Lamian war.
Leosthenes, the Athenian general, defeats Antipater, and besieges Lamia, in
which Antipater had taken refuge. Death of Leosthenes.
Demosthenes returns to Athens.

322. Leonnatus comes to the assistance of Antipater, but is defeated and slain. Cra-
terus comes to the assistance of Antipater. Defeat of the confederates at the
battle of Crannon on the 7th of August. End of the Lamian war. Munychia
occupied by the Macedonians.
Death of Demosthenes on the I4th of October.

Death of Aristotle, set. 63, at Chalcis, whither he had withdrawn from Athens a
few months before.

321. Perdiccas invades Egypt, where he is slain by his own troops. Partition of the
provinces at Triparadisus.
Menander, set. 20, exhibits his first comedy.

318. Death of Antipater, after appointing Polysperchon regent, and his son Cassander
chiliarch.

317. War between Cassander and Polysperchon in Greece. The Athenians put Pho-
cion to death. Athens is conquered by Cassander, who places it under the
government of Demetrius Phalereus.

317. Death of Philip Arrhidaeus and Eurydice.

Olympias returns to Macedonia, and is besieged by Cassander at Pydna.

316. Antigonus becomes master of Asia. Cassander takes Pydna, and puts Olympias
to death. He rebuilds Thebes.

315, Coalition of Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus against Antigonus.
First year of the war.
Polemon succeeds Xenocrates at the Academy.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 618

D.C.

;il4. Second year of the war against Antigonus.

Death of the orator .'Eschines, iBt. 75.
313. Third year of tlie war against Antigonus.
312. Fourth year of the war against Antigonus.

311. General peace. Murder of Roxana and Alexander IV. by Cassander.
310. Ptolemy appears as liberator of the Greeks. Renewal of hostilities between him

and Antigonus.
308 Ptolemy's expedition to Greece.
307. Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, becomes master of Athens. Demetrius Pha-

lereus leaves the city.
306. Demetrius recalled from Athens. He defeats Ptolemy in a great sea-fight off

Salamis in Cyprus. AUer that battle Antigonus assumes the title of king, and

his example is followed by Ptolemy, Scleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander.
Epicurus settles at Athens, where he teaches about 3(5 years.
305. Rhodes besieged bv Demetrius.

301. Demetrius makes peace with the Rhodians, and returns to Athens.

303. Demetrius carries on the war in Greece with success against Cassander.

302. War continued in Greece between Demetrius and Cassander.
301. Demetrius crosses over to Asia.

Battle of Ipsus in Phrysia, about the month of August, in which Lysimachus and
Seleucus defeat Anligomis and Demetrius. Antigonus, aet. 81, falls in the battle.
297. Demetrius returns to Greece, and makes an attempt upon Athens, but is re-
pulsed.
Death of Cassander and accession of his son Philip IV.
295. Death of Philip IV. and accession of his brother Antipater.
Demetrius takes Athens.

Civil war in Macedonia between the two brothers, Antipater and Alexander.
Demetrius becomes king of .Macedonia.
291. Death of .Menander, set. 52.
290. Demetrius takes Thebes a second time. He celebrates the Pythian games at

Athens.
287. Coalition against Demetrius. He is driven out of Macedonia, and his dominions
divided between Lysimachus and Pyrrhus.
Demetrius sails to Asia.

Pyrrhus driven out of Macedonia by Lysimachus after seven months' possession.
286. Demetrius surrenders himself to Seleucus, who keeps him in captivity.
285. Ptolemy 11. Philadelphus is associated in the kingdom by his father.
283. Demetrius, aet. 54, dies in captivity at Apamea in Syria.

Death of Ptolemy Soter, set. 84.
281. Lysimachus is defeated and slain by Seleucus, at the battle of Corupedion.
280. Seleucus murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus seven months after the death of Ly-
simachus.
Antiochus I., the son of Seleucus, becomes king of Asia, Ptolemy Ceraimus king

of Thrace and Macedonia.
Irruption of the Gauls and death of Ptolemy Ceraunus.
Rise of the Achaean league.
279. The Gauls under Brennus invade Greece, but Brennus and a great part of his

army are destroyed at Delphi.
278. Antigonus Gonatas becomes king of Macedonia.
273. Pyrrhus invades Macedonia, and e.xpels Antigonus Gonatas.
272. Pyrrhus invades Peloponnesus, and perishes in an attack on Argos. Antigonus

regains Macedonia.
262. Death of Philemon, the comic poet, aet. 97.
251. Aratus delivers Sicyon, and unites it to the Achaean League.
243. Aratus, a second time general of the Achaean League, delivers Corinth from the

Macedonians.
241. Agis IV., king of Sparta, put to death in consequence of his attempts to reform

the state.
239. Death of Antigonus, and accession of his son, Demetrius II.
236. Cleomenes III. becomes king of Sparta.
229. Death of Demetrius II., and accession of Antigonus Doson, who was left by

Demetrius guardian of his son Philip.
227. Cleomenes commences war against the Achaean League.
226. Cleomenes carries on the war with success against Aratus, who is again the

general of the Achtcan League.
225. Reforms of Cleomenes at Sparta.

224. The Achieans call in the assistance of Antigonus Doson against Cleomenes.
221. Antigonus defeats Cleomenes at Sellasia, and obtains possession of Sparta.
Cleomenes sails to Egypt, where he dies. Extinction of the roval line of the
Heraclidap at Sparta.

614

HISTORY OF GREECE.

217.
216.
213.

211.
20S,

207.

205.
200.
197.
196.
192.

191.

1S9.

188.

1S3.

179.
171.

168.

151.
147.

146.

Death of Antigonus Doson, and accession of Philip V., aet. 17.

The Achsans and Aratus are defeated by the ^tolians. The Achseans apply for
assistance to PhiUp, who espouses their cause. Commencement of the Social
War.

Third and last year of the Social War. Peace concluded.

Ptiilip concludes a treaty with Hannibal.

Philip removes Aratus by poison.

Treaty between Rome and the JEtohans against PhUip.

Philip marches into Peloponnesus to assist the Achsans.

Phnopcemen is elected general of the Achaean League, and effects important re-
forms m the army.

Philopcemen defeats and slays Machanidas, tyrant of Lacedsemon, at the battle
of Mantinea.

The JEtolians make peace with Philip. Philip's treaty with Ro.me.

War between PhUip and Rome.

Philip defeated at the battle of C>-noscephal8e.

Greece declared free by Flamininus at the Isthmian games.

Lacedsemon is added by Philopcemen to the Achaean Le,ague.

Antiochus comes into Greece to assist the ^tolians against the Romans. He
winters at Chalcis.

Antiochus and the -iEtolians defeated by the Romans at the battle of ThermopylEe.

The Romans besiege Ambracia, and grant peace to the .<Etolians.

Philopcemen, again general of the Achaean League, subjugates Sparta, and ab-
rogates the laws of Lycurgus.

The Messenians revolt from the Achaean League. They capture and put to
death Philopcemen.

Death of Philip and accession of Perseus.

War between Perseus and Rome.

Defeat and capture of Perseus by ^milius Paulus.

Division of Macedonia.

One thousand of the principal Achaeans are sent to Rome. Polybius is among
the Achaean exiles.

Embassy of the three philosophers to Rome. Return of the Achaean exiles.

War between Rome and the Achseans.

Destruction of Corinth by Mummius. Greece becomes a Roman province.

Colonial Coin of Corinth. On the obverse the head of Antoninus Pius ; on the reverse
the port of Cenchreae. The letters C. L. I. Cor. stand for Colonia Laus Julia Corin-
thus, the name given to the city when Julius Cassar founded a colony there in b.c. 46.

APPENDIX

BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR.

GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE.

(FROM HEEREN.)

Greece is bounded on the north hy the Cambunian mount-
ains, which separate it from Macedonia; on the Boundaries
south and east by the JEgsean, on the west by the lo- of Greece:
nian Sea. Greatest length from south to north = 220 geogr.
miles, greatest breadth from west to east, = 140 its dimen-
geogr. miles. Superficial contents, = 29,600 square sio^s:
miles. — ^Principal rivers : the Peneus, which discharges its wa-
ters into the ^gsean, and the Achelous, which flows into
the Ionian Sea. Advantages in respect to fertihty, result-
ing from the mildness of the climate, between 37 — 40° N. lat. ;
from the number of small streams ; from the qualities physical ad-
and variety of soil, in which this country has been so vantages,
much more blessed by nature than any other of similar extent,
that every branch of cultivation may be prosecuted equally and
in conjunction. — Advantages in reference to navigation and
commerce : situated in the vicinity of the three quarters of the
world, on three sides washed by the sea, and by reason of its
irregular, indented coast, abounding with commodious ports and
havens.

It may be divided into Northern Greece, from the north
boundary to the chain of (Eta and Pindus, between the .

Ambracian Gulf west, and the Maliac east. Central
Greece, or Hellas, down to the isthmus of Corinth : and the
southern peninsula, or Peloponnesus.

Northern Greece comprises two countries ; Thessa- northern
ly east, Epirus west. Greece.

1. Thessaly, the largest and one of the most fruitful of the
Grecian countries. Length from north to south 60 geogr.

616 APPENDIX

miles ; breadth from west to east 64 geogr. mdles. Elvers ;
the Peneus, Apidanus, and several smaller streams.
^' Mountains ; 01}Tnpus, residence of the fabulous gods,
and Ossa in the north ; the chain of (Eta, Othrys, and Pindus
in the south. Division into five provinces : 1. Estiseotis : cities ;
Gomphi, Azonis. 2. Pelasgiotis : cities ; Larissa, Gonni, the
vale of Tempe. 3. Thessahotis : cities; Pharsalus, etc. 4.
Phthiotis : cities ; Pheree, etc. 5. The foreland of [Magnesia,
with a city of the same name. Other territories, such as Per-
rhsebia, etc. for instance, derived their names from the non-
Greek races who inhabited them.

2. Epirus. JS'ext to Thessaly, the largest, although one of
. the least cultivated countries of Greece : 48 — 60 geogr.
^"^^' miles long, and the same in breadth. Divisions : Molos-
sis ; city, Ambracia : Thesprotia ; city, Buthrotum ; in the in-
terior, Dodona.

Cextbal Central Greece, or Hellas, comprises nine coim-
Greece. tries.

1. Atrica, a foreland, extending towards the soiitheast, and

gradually diminishing. Length, 60 geogr. miles ; great-
est breadth, 24 geogr. miles. Rivers ; Ihssns, Cephis-
sus. Mountains ; Hymettus, Pentehcus, and the headland of
Sunium. Cit}' ; Athens, with the harbours Pirseus, Phalereus,
and Mimychius ; in the other parts no to-v\Tis, but hamlets, Stjuoi,
such as Marathon, Eleusis, Decelea, etc.

2. Megaris, close to the isthmus of Corinth. The smallest of

the Grecian countries ; 16 geogr. miles long, and from
^^^^' 4 — 8 broad. City, Megara.

3. BoBotia, a mountainous and marshy country, 52 geogr.

miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad. Rivers; Asopus,
*^° *■ Ismenus, and several smaller streams. Moimtains ; He-
licon, Citheron, etc. Lake ; Copais. — Boeotia was, of all the
Grecian countries, that which contained the greatest niunber of
cities, each having its OTivn separate territor}^ Among these,
the first in importance, and frequently mistress of the rest, was
Thebes on the Ismenus. The others, Plataeje, Tanagra, Thes-
piae, Cha^ronea, Lebadea, Leuctra, and Orchomenus, are aU cel-
ebrated in Grecian histor}'.

4. Phocis, smaller than Attica ; 48 geogr. miles long, from

APPENDIX. 617

4 — 20 broad. River ; Cephissus. Mountain ; Parnassus.
Cities ; Delphi, on Parnassus, with the celebrated oracle _ .
of Apollo ; Crissa, with the harbour of Cirrha, and, up
the country, Elatea. The other cities are insignificant.

5, 6. The two countries called Locris. The eastern on the
Euripus, territory of the Locri Opuntii and Epicnemidii, Locris 1st
is the lesser of the two ; being but Httle larger than and 2d.
Megaris. City ; Opus : pass, Thermopylae. The western Lo-
cris on the Corinthian Gulf, station of the Locri Ozolse, is from
20 — 24 geogr. miles long, and from 16 — 20 broad. Cities;
Naupactus on the sea, Amphissa up the country.

7. The small country of Doris, or the Tetrapolis Dorica, on
the south side of Mount (Eta, from 8 — 12 geogr. miles
long, and the same in breadth.

Doris.

8. JEtolia, son^ewhat larger than Boeotia ; from 40 — 52
geogr. miles long, and from 28 — 32 broad ; but the

least cultivated country of all. Rivers ; Achelous, which

skirts Acamania, and the Evenus. Cities ; Calydon, Ther-

mus.

9. Acamania, the most western country of Hellas, 32 geogr.
miles long, and from 1 6 — 24 broad. River ; Achelo-
us. Cities ; Argos Amphilochicum, and Stratus.

The Peninsula of Peloponnesus contains eight coun- pelopon-
tries. NEsus.

1. Arcadia, a mountainous country, abounding in pastures,
and situate in the centre of the peninsula ; greatest
length, 48 geogr. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geogr.

miles. Mountains ; Cyllene, Erymanthus, etc. Rivers ; Al-
pheus, Erymanthus, and several smaller streams. Lake : Styx
Cities ; Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Hereea, Psophis ; subse-
quently Megalopolis, as a common capital.

2. Laconia, likewise mountainous. Greatest length, 66
geogr. miles; greatest breadth, 36 geogr. miles. Riv-
er ; Eurotas. Mountains ; Taygetus, and the head-
lands Malea and Tenarium. Cities ; Sparta on the Eurotas.
Other places ; Amyclee, Sellasia, and others of little importance.

3. Messenia, west of Laconia ; a more level and extremely

618 APPENDIX.

fertile country, subject to the Spartans from e.g. 668. Great-
est length, 28 geogr. miles : greatest breadth, 36 geogr.
miles. City ; Messene. Frontier places ; Ithome and

Ira : of the other places, Pylus (Navarino) and Methone are the

most celebrated.

4. Elis, with the small territory of Triphylia, on the west of
the Peloponnesus. Length 60 geogr. miles : greatest
breadth, 28 geogr. miles. Rivers ; Alpheus, Peneus, Sel-

lis, and several smaller streams. Cities ; in the north, Elis,
Cyllene, and Pylus : on the Alpheus, Pisa and the neighbouring
town of Olympia : in Triphylia, a third Pylus

5. Argolis, on the east side of the peninsula ; a foreland op-

posite to Attica, with which it forms the Sinus Saroni-

Arffolis .

cus. Length, 64 geogr. miles : breadth, from 8 — 28
geogr. miles. Cities ; Argos, Mycenae, Epidaurus. Smaller
but remarkable places ; Nemea, Cynuria, Trgezen.

6. Achaia, originally Ionia, called likewise JEgialus, com-

prises the north coast. Length, 56 geogr. miles :
breadth, from 12 — 24. It contains twelve cities, of
which Dyme, Patrse, and Pellene, are the most important

Sicyonia.

7. The little country of Sicyonia, 16 geogr. miles long,
8 broad, with the cities of Sicyon and Phlius.

8. The small territory of Corinth, of the same extent as the
foregoing, adjoining the isthmus which coimects Pelopon-
nesus with the mainland. City ; Corinth, originally
Ephyra, with the ports of Lechseum and Cenchreae ; the former
on the Corinthian, the latter on the Saronic Gulf

The Greek Islands may be divided into three classes ; those
which lie immediately off the coasts, those which are
collected in groups, and those which he separate in the
open sea.

1. Islands off the coasts. Off the west coast in the Ionian
Off the Sea : Corcyra, opposite Epims, 32 geogr. miles long,
coasts. from 8 — 16 broad. City; Corcyra. A Corinthian
Leucadta; colony. Opposite Acarnauia ; Leucadia, with the city
and headland of Leucas. — Cephalonia or Same, orig-
andu^hac?; inally Scheria, with the cities of Same and Cephalo-
nia. In the neighbourhood lies the small island of Ithaca. —

APPENDIX. 619

Opposite Elis, Zacynthus. Off the southcoast, Cythera, with
a town of the same name. Off the east coast, in the zacynthus ;
Saronic Gulf, ^Egina and Salamis. Opposite Boeotia, Cythera;
from which it is separated by the Strait named Eu- ^gina and
ripus, Euboea, the most extensive of all ; 76 geogr. ^ ^^^^ '
miles long, from 12 — 16 geogr. miles broad. Cities; ^"''^^'
Oreus, with the headland of Artemisium on the north, scyathus,
in the centre Chalcis, Eretria. Off Thessaly, Scya- Thasus,im-

•n 1 1 mi T T ^'■'^^' Samo-

thus, and Halonesus. Ji'arther north, ihasus, imbrus, thrace,Lem-
Samothrace, and Lemnos. "*^^' ^*'^-

2. Clusters of Islands in the ,^gsean sea : the Cyclades and
Sporades ; the former of which comprise the western. Groups.
the latter the eastern islands of the Archipelago. The cyciades
the most important among them are, Andros, Delos, Pa- and Spo-
ros, Naxos, Melos, all with cities of the same names.

3. The more extensive separate islands : 1. Crete, 140 geogr.
miles long, from 24 — 40 broad. Mountain ; Ida. Separate.
Cities; Cydonia, Gortyna, Cnossus. 2. Cyprus, 120 <^rete;
geogr. miles long, and from 20 — 80 broad. Cities ; Sa- ^
lamis, Paphos, Citium, and several smaller places.

GRECIAN METHOD OF CALCULATING TIME.

Our knowledge of Greek chronology is very imperfect, the only part
which has been Tally preserved being tnat of the Athenians. This people,
like the Romans of Numa, divided their year by the revolutions of the moon,
making up for its irregularities by intercalation. The Athenian year con-
tainedtwelve months, each of them alternately twenty-nine and thirty days
Ions. The year be^an at the summer solstice, and, in order to make the be-
einnino- re<nilar, they formed cycles of eight and nineteen years, intercalating
three raoufhs for the first, or seven for the second. The month was divided
into decades, and the days were counted firom the beginning for the first two
decades, and from the beginning or end for the last. Thus the second of the
month was the second of the opening month. The eleventh was thejirst of the
middle of the month, and the twenty-Hrst was either t\ie first after the twentieth,
or the tenth from the end of the month, or the first of the closing month. The
day, like that of the Jews and Mahometans, began at sunset.

In classif\'ing the year, like the Spartans and Romans, they used the name
of the presiding magistrate ; so that Athenian chronology was counted by
Archons. The Olympiad was first used by Timaeus of Sicily, the historian,
in the fifth century before Christ.

The Olympic games, the great national festival of Greece, were celebrated
every five years. The first authentic Olympiad is known as the Olympiad
of Corosbus the Elean. who gained the prize in the foot-race in the year 776
before Christ. But modem writers have adopted the more convenient method
of calculating events by the year before and after Christ -, a system which has
the great advantage of being equally applicable to the history of every nation.

TABLE OF GRECLA.N CHRONOLOGY BY PERIODS, CO>rPARED WITH
THAT OF ROME, ETC.

First Period.

MYTHICAL AGE OF GREECE.— 1184 to 776 b.c.

This period begins with the conjectural date of the capture of Troy, 11S4
B.C., and ends with the first Olympiad, 776 B.C.

B.C. GEEECE.

1000.
878.

850. Homer — ^by conjecture — 850.
776. Lycurgus — 776 ?

Secoxd Period.

GROWTH OF THE GRECIAN STATES.—
776 B.C. TO 594 B.C.

776. Restoration of the Olympic games and vic-
tory of Corcebus.
753.
7i7. Phidon of Arsos.

ROME, PERSIA, ETC.

Solomon — 1004.
Carthage— 878 ?

Rome founded.
JEra of Nabonassor.
(saiah-

SYNCHRONISTIC TABLES.

621

Third Period.
594 B.C. TO 501 B.C.

B.C. GREECE.

594. Solon archon and legislator of Athens.

560. Pisistratus usurps the government at Athens.
559. Anacreon begins to be distinguished.

532. Poly crates becomes Tyrant of Sardis.

Pythagoras flourished.
529.
527. Death of Pisistratus.

^schylus bom.

Anacreon and Simonides come to Athens.

Chcerilus of Athens first exhibits tragedy.

Pindar born.

Expulsion of Hippias.

Ten tribes instituted by Clisthenes.

525.

518,
510

501.

500. Ionian revolt.

Fourth Period.

PERSIAN WAR.— 500 to battle of plat^a,
479.

499. Sardis burnt.
494.

490. Battle of Marathon.
485.

484. Birth of Herodotus,

480. Invasion of Xerxes.

Thermopylae — Artemisium — Salamis.
479. Battle of Plataea.

Fifth Period.

SUPREMACY OF ATHENS, WHICH LAST-
ED ABOUT SEVENTY YEARS.— from

THE BATTLE OF PLAT.ffiA, 479, TO THE PEACE
OF CIMON, 449.

478. The maritime allies place themselves under

the supremacy of Athens.
471. Themistocles ostracised.

ROME, PERSIA, ETC.

Tarquin the Elder, king
of Rome, and Nebu-
chadnezzarof Babylon.

Cyrus in Persia.

End of the Median em-
pire.

Servius Tullius king of
Rome.

Death of Cyrus.

Cambyses conquers
Egypt.

Expulsion of Tarquin.

Titus Lartius Flavus
fijst Dictator of Rome.

Institution of the tribunes
of the people at Rome.

Xerxes succeeds Darius.

Gelon becomes master of
Syracuse.

Spurius Cassius, who
the preceding year had
proposed the first Agra-
rian law, condemned
to death.

Egypt reconquered by the
Persians.

Fourth year of war with
Veii.

The Fabia Gens take
their station on the
Cremera.

Hieron succeeds Gelon
at Syracuse.

622

APPENDIX.

B.C. GREECE.

471. Thucydides born.

Pausanias put to death.

Timoleon of Rhodes, the lyric poet, flour-
ished.
468. Aristides dies.

Socrates born.

Sophocles gains his first prize in tragedy.

Mycenae destroyed by the Argives.
467. Simonides dies, aged 90.

Andocides the orator born.

461.

449.

Cimon ostracised,
affairs in Athens.

Pericles at the head of

First year of the Egyptian war, which lasts
six. The Athenians send aid to the Egyp-
tians.

Democritus and Hippocrates born.

Death of Cimon.

Peace with Persia — improperly called the
Peace of Cimon.

Sixth period.

FROM THE PEACE OF CIMON, 449, TO THE FIRST
YEAR OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, 431.

448. Sacred War between the Delphians and

Locrians.
445. Thirty years' truce between Athens and

Sparta.

443. The Athenians send a colony to Thurii in
Italy, which Herodotus, aet. 41, accompa-
nied, and Lysias, aet. 15.

439. Athens at the height of her glory. Pericles
at the head of affairs.

432. The Corinthians defeated by the Corcyraeans
and Athenians.
Revolt of Potidaea.
Congress of Peloponnesians to decide on

war against Athens.
Prosecution of Anaxagoras and Aspasia.
Prosecution and death of Phidias.
431.

Seventh Period.

from the first year of the peloponnesian
war, 431, to the fifty years' truce, 421.

430. Plague at Athens.

429. Athenians take Potidaea.

Death of Pericles.

Birth of Plato.

Eupolis and Phrynicus, comic poets, exhibit.

ROME, PERSIA, ETC.

Antium taken by the Ro-
mans.

Death of Hieron.

The Romans send a col-
ony to Antium.

Contests concerning the
Terentillian law at
Rome.

The Capitol seized by
Herdonius.

The Decemvirs deposed.

Virginia.

Lex Trebonia.

Lex Canuleia, establish-
ing connubium be-
tween Patricians and
Plebeians. First Mil-
itary Tribunes.

Institution of the Censor-
ship. Victory over the
Volscians.

Spurius Melius killed
by Q. Servilius Ahala,
Master of the Horse.

Great victor)"^ over the
^quians and Volsci
ans at Mount Algidus.

SYNCHRONISTIC TABLES.

623

B.C. GREECE.

427. Fourth invasion of Attica.

Gorgias ambassador from Leontini to Athens.

Aristophanes first exhibits.
423. Thucydides banished.

Truce for a year.

The Clouds of Aristophanes.
421. Truce for fifty years — which lasts only to
414 — with frequent hostilities all the while.

Eighth Period.

FROM THE FIFTY YEARI
"FOUR hundred"

' TRUCE, 421, TO THE
AT ATHENS, 411.

415.

414.
412.

411.

409.

Athenian expedition against Sicily.

Alcibiades sent by the Lacedaemonians to
make a treaty with the Persians.

Andromeda of Euripides.

"The Four Hundred" at Athens.

Recall of Alcibiades.

The Lysistrata and Thesmophoriazusae of
Aristophanes.

Lysias returns to Athens.

406. Naval victory of the Athenians off the Ar-
ginussse islands.
Dionysius master of Syracuse.
Death of Euripides and Sophocles.

404. End of the war.

The Thirty Tyrants at Athens.
Death of Alcibiades.

Ninth Period.

SPARTAN SUPREMACY.— 34 years, from
THE batlle of ^gospotami, 405, TO the

BATTLE OF LEUCTRA, 371.

403. Thrasybulus obtains possession of Athens.

Thucydides returns to Athens, aet. 68.
401.

399. Death of Socrates.

396. First campaign of Agesilaus in Asia.

394. Battle of C nidus deprives Sparta of her

maritime supremacy.
390.

387. Peace of Antalcidas.

384. Aristotle born.

382. First year of the Olynthian war.

Phcebidas seizes the citadel of Thebes.
Birth of Demosthenes.

ROME, PERSIA, ETC.

War declared against
Veii.

War with the Volscians.

Vulturnum taken by the
Samnites.

The number of the Quae-
stors increased from
two to four.

War with the ^quians.

Three plebeians chosen
to the quaestorship.

War with the Volscians.

Anxur (Terracina) ta-
ken.

Roman soldiers receive
pay for the first time.

An eclipse of the sun re-
corded in the Annales
Maximi.

Expedition of Cyrus the

Younger.
Plague at Rome. First

Lectisternium.
Veii taken by Camillus.
Peace with the Falisci.

Rome taken by the

Gauls.
Roman tribes increased

from twenty-one to

twenty-five.
Manlius thrown from the

Tarpeian rock.
War with Praeneste.

624

APPENDIX.

B.C. GREECE.

378. Alliance between Athens and Thebes against
Sparta. Date of a new political combina-
tion in Greece.

376.

371. Peace of Callias.
Battle of Leuctra.

Tenth Period.

THEBAN SUPREMACY.— FROM the battle

OF LEUCTRA, 371, TO THE BATTLE OF MAN-
TINEA, 362.

367. Embassy of Pelopidas to Persia.

366.

365. War between Arcadia and Elis,

362. Battle of Mantinea.

Eleventh Period.
MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY.— from the

ACCESSION OF PHILIP, 359, TO THE DEATH OF
ALEXANDER, 323.

359. Accession of Philip.
357. Social war.
Sacred war.

356. Second year of the social war.

Birth of Alexander.

Philip takes Potidaea and gives it to the
Olynthians.
352. The first Philippic.

347. Olynthus taken by Philip.

Plato dies, set. 82.
346. Peace between Philip and the Athenians.

343. First Samnite war.

342. Philip's expedition into Thrace.

Aristotle at the court of Philip.

Birth of Epicurus.
338. Battle of Chseronea.

Philip master of Greece.

Death of Isocrates.
336. Assassination of Philip, and accession of

Alexander.
335. Destruction of Thebes.
333. Battle oflssus.
332. Alexander, king of Epirus, makes a treaty

with the Romans.
330. Alexander takes Ecbatana. Demosthenes
on the crown.

ROME, PERSIA, ETC.

Rogationes Liciniae pro-
posed.

Dionysius the elder dies.

First plebeian Consul.

Plague at Rome.

Death of Camillus.

Half of the Military Tri-
bunes chosen by the
people.

Earthquake at Rome.

Duilian and Macrian
laws restoring the rate
of interest fixed by the
Twelve Tables.

Dionysius the younger
expelled from Syra-
cuse by Dion.

First plebeian Dictator.

Quinqueviri Mensarii
appointed for a general
liquidation of debts.

Second celebration of the
LudiSasculares. War
with the Volscians.

Latium subdued.

Peace with the Gauls.
Cales taken.

Revolt of Fundi and Pri-
vernum.

SYNCHRONISTIC TABLES.

625

329. Battle of Arbcla.

323. Death of Alexander.
Death of Diogenes.

Twelfth Period.

from the death of alexander to the rise
of the ach.a2an league, 323 to 280.

323. Lamian war.

322. End of the Lamian war, and death of De-
mosthenes.
Death of Aristotle at Chalcis.
32L
31L General peace.

306. Defeat of Ptolemy by Cassander.

Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus,

and Cassander assume the title of king.
Epicurus settles at Athens, and teaches
there 36 years.
301. Battle of Ipsus.

280. Rise of the Achaean league.

279. The Gauls under Brennus invade Greece.

278. Pyrrhus passes into Sicily.

264. First Punic war.

24L Death of Agis IV. of Sparta.

225. Reforms of Cleomenes at Sparta.

220. Beginning of the social war.

216. Philip V. of Macedon concludes a treaty

with Hannil)al.
211. Treaty between Rome and the ^tolians

against Philip.

197. Battle of Cynoscephalse.
183. Death of Philopoemen, "The last of the
Greeks."

168. Defeat of Perseus.
146. Corinth destroyed.

Greece a Roman province.

ROME, PERSIA, ETC.

Privernum taken.
Colony sent to Anxus.

Samnites defeated.

The " Caudine Forks."

The Etruscans defeated.

Sanmites defeated.

Insurrection and subju-
gation of the Hemi-
cans.

War with the Marsi and
Etruscans.

Romans defeated by Pyr-
rhus near Heracleia.

Victory of Pyrrhus near
Asculum.

Romans triumphant in
Southern Italy.

Last year of the First
Punic war. Sicily a
Roman province.

War with the Gauls. Q.
Fabius Pictor and L.
Cincius Alimentus,
historians, flourished.

Via Flaminia and Circus
Flaminius.

Battle of Cannas.

Eighth year of the second
Punic war. Hannibal
fails in his attempt to
raise the siege of
Capua.

War against the Ligu-
rians continued. Death
of Scipio Africanus.
Death of Hannibal.

Carthage destroyed by

Scipio.
Cassius Hemina and C.

Fannius, historians,

flourished.

2 E

626

APPENDIX.

d

o
<:

3

JiKUly called the " Father of History," equally
remarkable for the clearness, truthfulness, and
vivacity of his narrative, and the extent and ac-
curacy of his researches. He wrote in the Ionic
dialect.

Accurate, judicious, and profound. The. in-
ventor of the art of historical criticism. As a
writer, concise, forcible, sometimes obscure, emi-
nently suggestive, and in the speeches which he
introduces in order to explain the motives and
views of his leading characters, displaying an el-
oquence which Den\()sthenes studied as a modcd.

The little that has been preserved of his writ-
ings has not given a favourable idea of his ac-
curacy.

As a historian the Anabasis places him in tlu
first rank of narration. Tlu; Hellenics or Greek
history in continuation of ''I'hucydides falls l)elow
not Thucydides only, but Xciiophon's other works.
The Cyropcdia, once regarded as a history, is
now universally acknowledged to be a phil(),s(q)h-
ico-historical romance : chronologically, and per-
haps in merit, the first in its class. The "Me-
morabilia" is a beautiful defence and exposition
of the doctrines of his master, Socrates. Plis
style, clear, natural, and graceful, has won foi
him the name of the Attic bee.

K

a
o

History of the Ancients from Cvrus
to the taking of Sestos, 478 ; divided
into nine books, each of which bears
for title the name of one of the Muses.

History of the Peloponnesian war
from the beginning to 41 1, the middle
of the twenty-first year.

History of Persia and India, of
which only a few fragments remain.

The Cyropedia; The Anabasis, or
Retreat of the " Ten Thousand ;" The
Hellenics ; The Memorabilia ; (Eco-
nomics, and various minor treatises.

Z

P

o

t talicarnasisiui
{Carta.)

Athens.

Cnidus.
Athens.

•HXYaa

•Hxaia

4H4,
471.

471.

s

2

Herodotus.

TiHJC'YDIDES.

Ctesias.
Xenophon.

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GENERAL EXAMINATION aUESTIONS.

1. The original population of Greece. — Pelasgi. — Hellenes.
— Foreign colonies.

2. History and character of the Heroic age. — Invasion and
conquest of the Dorians. — Greek colonies in Europe, Asia, and
Africa. — Homer. — The Olympiads. — General character of our
knowledge of these subjects.

3. History of Athens from the early traditions to the first
Persian invasion. — Who formed the Athenian people ? — How
were they divided ? — The Eupatrids. — Government. — The Ar-
chonts. — Legislation of Draco and of Solon. — Constitution of
Athens at the epoch of the Persian wars.

4. Early history of Sparta. — "Who formed the Spartan peo-
ple ? — The Tribes. — The Spartans. — Perioeci and Helots. —
Constitution and legislation of Lycurgus.

5. State of Northern Greece and the Peloponnesus at the
beginning of the Persian war.

6. Sketch of Persian history, and cause of the Persian in-
vasion of Greece. — Relative strength of the two nations, and
military reputation of each on the first invasion.

7. History and results of the first invasion ; — internal and
external.

8. History and results of the second invasion ; — internal and
external.

9. Eminent men, and chief battles of the first and second
invasions.

10. Position of Greece after the second repulse of the Per-
sians.

11. Causes, character, and duration of the Athenian su-
premacy.

12. History of the Athenian supremacy. — Its influence upon
the intellectual and artistic development of Greece.

13. Administration of Pericles. — Its alleged effects upon the
Athenian character.

14. Internal history of Greece from the Persian to the Pe-
loponnesian war.

15. Causes and character of the Peloponnesian war.

16. Division of the Peloponnesian war. — Principal battles.
— Leading men. — Chief incidents.

2e=^

634 APPENDIX.

17. The Sicilian expedition.

18. Close and consequences of the Peloponnesian war. —
State of Athens. — Sparta. — Other states and the colonies.

19. History, duration, and character of the Spartan su-
premacy.

20. History, duration, and character of the Thehan su-
premacy.

21. Iletreat of the Ten Thousand, and its consequences.

22. State of G-reece at the accession of Phihp of Macedon.

23. Hise of the Macedonian power, and character of the
opposition of Demosthenes.

24. State of Greece at the accession of Alexander.

25. Personal history and character of Alexander.

26. Alexander as a Greek.

27. State of Persia at the accession of Alexander.

28. History of the conquests of Alexander.

^9. Character of Alexander after the conquest of Persia.

30. Results of his conquests.

31. The successors of Alexander. — Different and final dis-
tribution of his empire.

32. The Acheean and ^Etohan leagues, and general history of
Greece till the Roman conquest.

33. Sketch of Greek literature by divisions. — Epic poetry.
Lyric poetry. Dramatic poetry, history, philosophy, &c.

34. Sketch of Greek philosophy.

35. Sketch of Greek art.

THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND ITS DIALECTS.

(FROM DONALDSON.)

Art. 1. The Greek Language {({ycDvrj 'EXhjvLKri) is that
which was anciently spoken throughout the whole extent of
Greece or Hellas ('E/lAa^), a term which included all the Greek
colonies (Herod. II, 182). But there were two countries to
which this name was applied, — that wliich still bears the name,
and which was distinguished as fj dpxaia 'E/lAa^ (Plut. Thnol.
c. 37), or GrcBcia Antiqiia ; and the south-east of Italy with
Sicily, which was caUed 7\ fieydXrj 'EA/la^ (Strabo, p. 253), or
GrcBcia Magna.

2. It was in the former of these, or Greece ProjDer, as it is
sometimes designated, that this language was formed by a fusion
of diiTerent tribes ; and though the colonists in Asia Minor and
Magna Grcecia contributed largely to the development of
Greek literature, the intellectual energies of the people, and con-
sequently the living excellence of the language, were always
most conspicuous in the mother-countiy ; and, in the end, all
the scattered Greeks had learned to speak the language of
Attica.

3. The ancient Greek language is a member of the great
Indo-Germanic family, and is therefore intimately connected
with the old languages of the Indians, Persians, Celts, Sclavo-
nians, Germans, and Itahans. It belongs to the science of
Comparative Philology to point out the nature and extent of
this, connection.

4. Confining our attention to the Greek language, we find
that this language, as we have it, consists of two elements — the
Pelasgian and the Hellenic ; and Herodotus has informed us,
that the Hellenes or Greeks owed their greatness to a coalition
with the Pelasgians (I, 58. Yarronianus, p. 14). The Pelas-
gians (He/l-aayot, or HeAoTre^, " swarthy Asiatics," or " dark-
faced men." Varron. p. 24. Kenrick Fhil. Mus. II, 353) were
the original occupants and civilizers of the Peloponnese, which
was called after their name, and also of many districts in north-
ern Greece. These were afterwards incorporated with the Hel-
lenes {^'YiXXr]veg, "the warriors:" comp. the name of their god
'A.7:eXX(jdv, Miiller, Dor. II, 6, § 6), a cognate martial tribe from
the mountains in the north of Thessaly. In proportion as the
Hellenic or Pelasgian element in this admixture predominated

636 APPEXDIX.

in particular districts, the tribes were called Dorians (Awptetc,
" Higlilanders," from 6a and bpog, Kenrick, Herod, p. lxi.), or
lonians ('Iwrec, "men of the coast," 'E-tovla; also Myia/xlc,
" Beach-men,' or 'A;^aiOi, '• Sea-men :" Kenrick, Fkil. Shis. 11,
p. 367). And these appear in historical rimes as the two grand
subdivisions of the Hellenic race (Herod. I, 56).

5. "VMien, however, the Dorians or •'■ Highlanders" first de-
scended from their mountains in the north of Thessaly, and in-
corporated themselves "^ith the Pelasgiaus of the Thessahan
plains, they were called ^oJians [J^lo/^lc, " mixed men"'^),
and this name was retained by the Thessahans and Boeotians
long after the opposition of Doria/i and Ionian had estabhshed
itself in other parts of Greece. The legend states this fact ver}-
distinctly, when it tells us that '•' HeUeu left his kingdom to
^olns, his eldest son, while he sent forth Dorus, and Xuthus,
the father of Ion, to make conquests in distant lands," (ApoUod.
I, 7, 3, 1. Thii-lVaU, I, p. 101).

6. Hence we find that of the Greek colonies settled on the
western coast of Asia ]\Iinor, the earhest and most northerly,
which started ftom Bceotia, called themselves kalians ; that
those who subsequently proceeded from Attica, and occupied the
central district, called themselves lonians ; while those who
finally sailed from Argos, and took possession of the southern
coast, bore the name of Dorians.

7. The cultivation of Lyric poetry by the Cohans of Lesbos,
the choral poetry of the Dorians, and the epic poetry of the
lonians. gave an early and definite expression to certain provin-
cial varieties which were called Dialects (did/.eKroi), and the
energetic and intelligent branch of the Ionian race which occu-
pied Attica ('ArrLKfj or 'AKriKf], '-'the Promontory-Land"), sub-
sequently gave such a distinctive character to their own idiom,
that the Attic {tj 'Xrdic) was considered a fourth Dialect by
the side of the Doric {rj JH^oplc), the JEolic (?) Xlo/.tc), and the
Ionic {rj 'lac).

S. As every dialect or provincial variety is such with refer-
ence to some standard of comparison, and as the Attic in the
end became the general language, or " coromon Dialect" (kolvt]
oLaAeKTOc) of all the Greeks, Granmiarians have always esti-

* The proper meaning of Mo/.oc is "particoloured," and it is used
especially to designate alternations of black and \\-hite in stripes: thus,
the cat is called al/.ovpog (alo/.ovpoc) from the stripes on its tail : and
for the same reason aio/.og is a constant epithet of the serpent. It is
the opposite of dr/.oir: so Athen. XH', 622, c. u-/.ovv pvdfibv
Xeovreg aioAcj /ne/.eu We do not agree therefore -vrith Dr. Thirlwall
(I. p. 102), that A167.0C is a by-form of 'E'/./.rji:

APPENDIX. 637

mated the ^olic, Doric, and Ionic dialects by their deviations
from the Attic standard.

9. Considered, however, in themselves, the four Dialects
may be divided into two groups, corresponding to the two main
divisions of the Hellenic nation (art. 4). For there is much
truth in Strabo's remark (p. 333), that the ancient Attic was
identical with the Ionic, and the ^ohc with the Doric.

10. The Doric and iEohc Dialects agreed in representing
the Pelasgo-Hellenic language in its first rude state of juxta-
position. And if, on the one hand, the Hellenic element was
more strongly pronounced in its roughness and broadness of ut-
terance, on the other hand, the peculiarities of the Pelasgian,
which were lost in the further development of Hellenism, were
still preserved in the Molic, and to a certain extent in the Doric
also.

11. Although the lonians, as such, contained the Pelasgian
element in greater proportion than the -iEolo-Doric tribes, their
language gives less evidence of the lost Pelasgian idiom than
those of the more northern tribes. The reason of this is plain.
In their case there was no longer juxta-position, but fusion ; and
the irreconcileable peculiarities of the Pelasgian and Hellenic
idioms had been mutually resigned. The lonians, whose ear
did not repudiate a concurrence of vowels, omitted the harsh
consonants of the Pelasgian idiom, and the Athenians carried
this a step further, by contracting into one the syllables which
produced an hiatus.

12. The Attic Greek is the richest and most perfect lan-
guage in the world. It is the only language which has attained
to a clear and copious syntax, without sacrificing its inflexions
and power of composition. It is the language of Sophocles,
Aristophanes, and Plato. It had become the language of He-
rodotus ; and even Homer's Poems, as they have descended to
us, are to a large extent Atticized.

13. Those who learned Attic Greek as a foreign or obsolete
idiom, were said to Atticize {drniu^eiv), and there is a large
class of later writers who are called Atticists {'ArTLfctGrai).
But those foreigners who spoke Greek from the ear, and with-
out any careful observation of the rules of the Attic idiom, and
who consequently mixed up with their Greek many words and
dictions which were of foreign origin, were said to Hellenize
{kXXrjvl^SLv) ; and there is a large class of v^rriters, including the
authors of the New Testament, to whom we give the name of
Hellenists {''EXXrjVLOTal). It is the object of the Greek scholar's
studies to make him not a Hellenist, but an Atticist, in the high-
est sense of the word.

638 APPENDIX.

ORIGIN AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE LETTERS.

1. Mythology attributes to the Phcenician hero, Cadmus, the
introduction into G-reece of an original alphabet of sixteen let-
ters ; and the old grammarians have supposed that these six-
teen were the following : — a, 3, y, S, e, t, k, X, fi, v, o, it, p, a,
T, V (Schol. Dion. Thr. p. 781). There can be little doubt
that the G-reek alphabet is of Semitic origin, and there is every
reason to believe that it originally consisted of four quaternions
of letters : but it is a sound theory, which has been confirmed
by the independent investigations of at least fbur or five differ-
ent scholars, that for i, ic, p, and v in the above list, we must
substitute rj, 6, and the two obsolete characters* F {I3av) and Q
(Kdnna), which are still retained as numerical signs after e and
7T respectively, and that the original arrangement of these six-
teen letters was as follows :

A. BFA. E. FHG. AMN. 2. 0. n4)T.

This order is artificial and systematic, as we shall see, if we
consider the original value of these characters. For A, E, and
O, were originally the representatives of breathings of which A
was the lightest, E the heaviest, and O of intermediate weight :
F was an aspirated labial, H an aspirated guttural, and 0 an
aspirated dental : so that the nine mutes stood thus, each set
being preceded by its appropriate breathing or vowel :

Breathings,

afterwards Labials. Gutturals. Dentals.

vowels.

A B r A Medi«

E F H 6 Aspirates

O n " O T Tenues,

and the liquids A, M, N, 2 stood between the aspiratae and the
tenues, because they probably completed a still shorter Semitic
alphabet of only twelve characters.

2. When F fell out, and H, the double aspirate, was taken
to represent the double e, the first letters added to the above

* They are still found in inscriptions, the (Sav before both consonants
and vowels (Bockh. O. I. No. 11), the KOTnra only before o (id. ibid.
No. 29, 37, 166).

APPENDIX. 639

were v and cp, two representatives of F, and Xy the substitute for
H in its original use. The other additional letters were bor-
rowed, as their names denote, from corresponding letters in the
Hebrew alphabet, and from this was also taken the obsolete
lidv, of which we have spoken above. The Greeks added, for
their own convenience, a double o (called u fieya, and written
6)), and two combinations of I>iyfia or l>dv with IIZ, in one of
which the n preceded, while in the other it followed the sibi-
lant. These combinations were called i'Z and I^afim, and were
represented by the same sign in difterent postures. ^Z preceded
and IlafiTzl followed ~Q. Under the form. 1^-, the liafim was
used to represent the number 900.

3. The lonians in Asia Minor were the first to adopt the
complete alphabet of twenty-four letters, arranged as we now
have it. The Samians have the credit of being the earliest
employers of this extension of the written characters, and it was
from them that the Athenians derived the additional letters,
although they were not used in public monuments until the
Archonship of Euclides, 01. 94, 2. B.C. 403. Hence we read
of rd ypafifiara rd dn' ^vKXeidov dp^ovrog. Of course He-
rodotus, who was an important contrii)utor to the literary inter-
course between Samos and Athens, had brought the improved
alphabet into use among men of education at a much earher
period, and Euripides expressly distinguishes between i] and
£ as vowels in spelling the name Qijoevg {apucl Athe7i. p.
454 c).

4. The earliest extant approximation to anything hke a
handwriting is the inscription on the prize vase brought from
Athens by Mr. Burgon, which cannot be later than 600 b.c.
The only abbreviation observable in this is the omission of £ in
the termination -6ev. The later Greeks used a number of con-
tractions in their MSS., which were adopted in the early edi-
tions, but are universally rejected by modern editors.

640 APPENDIX.

P. 198.

The,ee ships, one Athenian, one of TrcEzen, and one of ^Egina,
had been stationed off Sciathus to give advice of the movements
of the enemy. They fled when the Persians came in sight :
and the Troezenian and JEgmetan were taken. The Athenian
ran ashore at the mouth of the Peneus, and abandoning their
ship, made their way home overland. But what makes this
affair the more interesting, is the well attested fact that the Per-
sians chose out the comehest man among the Troezenians, and
offered him as a sacriiice for victory at the prow of his ship.
A collection of all the instances of human sacrifice among the
more civilized nations of antiquity would foi-m a sad chapter
even in the history of superstition.

ATHENIAN' LOYE FOR HIGH BHITH.— P. 322.

It should be remembered that liigh buth among the Greeks
imphed a heroic or divine origui, thus connecting the individual
with some object of public or private worsliip. Indeed nothing
is more important, and perhaps, at the same time, more difficult,
in the study of history, than to keep constantly in mind the
peculiar manner ui which the rehgious behef of a country affects
its ideas upon eveiy other subject.

SOCRATES.

I TRANSLATE from Constant's great work on Rehgion the fol-
lowing admirable appreciation of Socrates :

" Long before our era poMheism had reached its highest
point of relative perfection ; but relative perfection, like every
thmg which partakes of human weakness, is transient in its na-
tm-e. Polytheism, imperfect in ^Eschylus, perfect m Sophocles,
began to decline at the very moment of its perfect development,
for the gei-ms of its decay are already manifest in Euripides.
The gods had been multiplied to uifinity by personifications and
allegories ; and hence a strange confusion in doctrines, fables and
practice. Such was the state of religion in Greece. Li the
fourth centur}^ the sophists had neglected the method of observa-
tion, and seem to have been so far from suspecting the import-
ance of ethics, that they scarcely mentioned it ; devotmg their
lessons to abstract speculations, remote from practical life. Sec-

APPENDIX. 641

rates founded his precepts upon conscience, upon self-knowledge ;
and thus created the science of morals, which he taught in his
lessons and exemplified by his life. He knew nothing of rhe-
torical forms : using only a simple, laconic, and close logic.
The details of his doctrines are little known ; yet there is no
doubt but what they taught practical morality, founded upon
the inspirations of conscience and the pleasures of virtue; the
existence of a supreme governor of the universe ; and the immor-
tality of the soul. Thus the necessity of unity was felt both in
politics and in religion, and while states were preparing for cen-
tralization, religion was upon the point of being purified and
made one.

LAWS OF DIOCLES.— P. 48Y-497.

Although we know little more of this code than what is
contained in some very unsatisfactory passages of Diodorus, yet
it was evidently well adapted both to the character and the
wants of the Syracusans, lor they continued to hold to it with
undiminished veneration as long as they were allowed to be
governed by laws of their own. Subsequent legislators were
regarded as mere expounders of the law, while the title of law-
giver was reserved for Diodes. Diodorus tells us that it was
severe but discriminating, proportioning the punishment to the
crime, and drawn up with conciseness and precision. It has
been supposed with great apparent probability that Diodes took
for models the laws of Zaleukos, Charondes and Pythagoras.
V. Wachsmuth Hellenische Alterthumskunde, v. i. pp. 741-2,
N^ 85, 2d ed.

THE ART OF WAR IN GREECE.

Upon this interesting subject the reader will do well to con-
sult the twelfth section of Heeren's Politics of Ancient Greece, in
which he will find the leading questions discussed with the
characteristic precision of that admirable writer. Those who
have not that work at hand, should bear in mind that the char-
acter of Grecian warfare must necessarily have partaken largely
of the general characteristics of mountain warfare. If he has
studied his map attentively, he will have seen that there was
very little room in those narrow limits for the movement of
large masses : that a march of a few miles always led to some

642 APPENDIX.

mountain pass or dangerous defile : that there were no strong
and extensive bases of operation Uke those of the Adige and the
Mincio in Lombardy, and consequently few occasions for the
display of strategic skill. The early battles of the Greeks were
desperate encounters of hand-to-hand, displaying judicious tactics
in the arrangement of the troops, but peculiarly fitted to turn to
account the perfect gymnastic training of the men ; a fact which
will explain the superiority of the Spartans during the early and
middle periods of Grecian history. Epaminondas was the first
to discover the great principle of concentrating the weight of
your own army upon the weakest point of your enemy's, in
which the secret of the art consists. The battle ofLeuctra was
the opening of a new era in the art of war, which was soon de-
veloped upon a vast scale by Philip and Alexander.

liorologium of Andronicus Cyrrhestes at Athens. (See p. 585.)

INDEX.

A.

Abdera, 158.
Abrocomas, 423.
Abydus, battle of, 423.
Academy, the, 399, 596.
Acarnania, 6.
Achseans, 12, sq.
Achaean league, 568, sq.
Achaeus, 12.
Achaia, 6, 57.

, a Roman province, 578.

Acharnae, 286.

Achelous, 4, 9.

Achilles, 22.

Achradina, 344.

Acrisius, 18.

Acropolis, Athenian, 382, 392.

Aeusilaus of xArgos, 234.

Adimantus, 200.

Admetus, 248.

Adrastus, 22.

Aeetes, 20

^gae, 523.

^galeos, Mt., Xerxes at, 209.

^geus, 19.

^gina, 7 ; described, 181 ; taken by the
Athenians, 287.

^ginetan scale, 59 ; sculpture, 149.

^ginetans submit to the Spartans, 172.

^gospotami, battle of, 368.

...Egyptus, 15.

.^olians, 13.

^olic migration, 35.

^olus, 12

^schines, 512; Amphictyonic deputy,
518; accuses Demosthenes, 553; re-
tires to Rhodes, 554 ; account of his
life, 591.

^schylus, 178 ; account of, 403, sq.

^symnetes, 8.

uEtolia, 6.

644

HISTORY OF GREECE.

^tolian league, 571.

^tolians reduced, 574.

Agamemnon, 16, 22.

Agathon, 5S7.

Ageladas, 3S7.

Agesilaus becomes king of Sparta, 436 ;
ctiaracter, ib. ; Ms expedition against
tlie Persians, 439 ; attacks Phamabazus.
440 : routs the Persians on the Pacto-
lus, ib. ; his interview -^"ith Pharna-
bazus, 441 ; recalled, 442 : homeward
march. 446 ; offering at Delphi, 447 ;
takes Lechseum. 449 ; invades Bceotia.
464 : attacks Mantinea, 474 ; saves
Sparta. 476. 465 : expedition to Egypt,
486; death, zZ).

Agesipolis. 445 ; death, 459.

Agis, 307. 326, 435.

IT., 570.

Agnon, 269.

Agora, 26.

, Athenian, 398.

Agrigentum, US, 488.

Agyrrhius, 452.

Aimnestus, 224.

Ajax. 22.

Alaric. 396.

Alcaeus. 132.

Alcibiades, character of. 322 ; deceives the
Spartan ambassadors. 324 : at Oljrmpia,
325 : attacks Epidaurus, ib. ; in Sicily.
329 ; accused of mutilating the Henna?.
331 ; arrest and escape of. 335 ; con-
demned, lb. ; goes to Sparta, 336 : ex-
cites a revolt ~of the Chians. 348; dis-
missed by the Spartans. 349 ; flies to
Tissaphernes, 350 ; Intrigues of, 351 ;
proceedings at Samos. 354: arrested by
Tissaphemes. 3o9 ; defeats the Pelopon-
neslans at Cyzicus, 360 ; returns to
Athens. 361 , dismissed from the com-
mand of the Athenian fleet, 363 ; flies to
Pharnabazus. 376 ; murdered, ib.

Alcidas. 300. 304.

Alcmaeon, 68.

Alcm^onidae banished, 93.

Alcman. 130.

Alcmena, 15.

Aleuadae. 507.

Alexander. King of Macedon, 217.

Alexander of Pherae. 460 ; defeated bv
Pelopldas. 462 : subdued. 463

Alexander the Great. 522 ; education. 526 :
accession, ib. ; overawes the Thebans
and Athenians. 527 ; generalissimo
against Persia, ib. ; Interview with
Diogenes. 52S ; expedition against the
Thraclans, &c , ib. ; reduces the The-
bans to obedience, ib. ; demands the
Athenian orators. 529 ; crosses to Asia,
530 ; forces the passage of the Granicus.
531 ; progress through Asia Minor, ib. ;
cuts the Gordlan knot. 542 . dangerous
iUness. 533 . defeats the Persians at
Issus, lb ; march through Phoenicia,
535 : besieges Tyre. 536"; answer to
Parmenio. 537 ; proceeds to Eg>"pt. ib. ;
visits the temple of Ammon. 538 : defeats
Darius irt* the battle of Arbela. 539 ;
enters Babylon, ib. ; seizes Suza. 540 ;
marches to Persepolis, ib. ; pursues

Darius, 541 ; Invades HjTcania, 542 ;
enters Bactria. 543 ; defeats the Scy-
thians, ib. ; marries Roxana. 544 ; kUis
CUtus, 2b. ; plot of the pages against tiis
life, 545 : crosses the Indus, ~ib. ; van-
quishes Porus, 7b. ; marches home-
wards. 546 ; peril at Malli. ib. ; arrives
at the Indian Ocean, 547 ; march through
Gedrosla, ib. ; marries Statira, 548 ;
quells a mutiny at Opls, ib. ; solemnises
the festival of Dionysus at Ecbatana,
549 ; Ills ambitious projects. 550 : death,
ib. ; character, ib. ; estimate of his ex-
ploits, 551 ; funeral, 553 ; portraits and
statues of, 562.

Alexander, son of Alexander the Great,
553, 561.

Alexandria in Arachosia. 543.

Alexandria in Ariorum. 542.

Alexandria ad Caucasum. 543.

Alexandria in Egypt, founded, 537; de-
scription of. 564'; literature at, 600.

Alexandria Eschate, 543.

Alphabet, Ionic, introduced, 379.

Alpheus. 6, 7.

Altis, the, 52.

Ambracian Gulf, 4.

Aminlas, 211.

Ammon, Jove, 536.

Amompharetus, 223.

Amphipolis, 269, 503.

Amphissians, 518.

Amphitryon, 15.

Amphicr},-onic council, its origin and con-
stitution, 49.

Amphictyons. decree of the, at the end of

, the second sacred war, 513.

Amyntas, 457

Anacharsls, 84.

Anacreon, 134.

Anactorium, 125.

Anaxagoras, 136 . charged with impletv,
279 "

Anaxlbius, 432 ; slain, 453.

Anaxlcrates, 262.

Anaximander. 136.

Anaxirnenes. 136.

Andocldes. 334. 590.

Androsthenes. 388.

Anniceres, 490.

Antalcldas, peace of, 454; mission to
Persia, 457.

Antlgonias, Athenian tribe, 562.

Antlgonus, 553, 558 : coalition against,
561 ; assumes the title of king7 562 ;
slain. 563.

Antlgonus Doson. 570.

Antlgonus Gonatas. 566.

Antioch founded bv Seleucus, 563.

Antiochus. 363. 479.

Antiochus Soter. 567.

Antiochus III.. 574.

Antipaier. defeats the Spartans. 553 :
defeated at the Spercheus, 555 . over-
throws the allied Greeks at Crannon,
556 ; demands the Athenian orators,
557 ; declared regent. 556 : death, ib.

Antiphon. 351, 355; executed. 356: char
acter as an orator, 590.

Aniisthenes. 596.

Anytus, 417.

INDEX.

645

Apaluria, festival of, 366.

Apelles, 582.

Apollo Pytliaeus, 58 ; Temnites, 337 ;

Epicurius, temple of, 399.
Apollodorus, 390.
Apollonia, 125.
Appian, 601.
Aracliosia, 543.
Aratus, 569.
Arbela, battle of, 539.
Arcadia, 6, 57.
Arcadian confederation, 474.
Arcadians transfer the presidency of the

Olympic games to the Pisatans, 483.
Arcesilaus, 596.
Archelaus, 501.

Archidamus,' 278,' 284, 285, 287, 288 ; be-
sieges Platsea, 293.

Archilochus, 129.

Architecture, 141, 584.

Archon, 80 ; Athenian, 88 ; eponjTnus
and basileus, 91.

Areopagus, court of, 91 ; reformed by Peri-
cles, 256 ; hm of, 382, 398.

Arginusse, battle of, 365.

Argives and Spartans, struggles between,
78.

Argolis, 7.

Argonauts, 20.

Argos, 7, 13, 15, 57; progress of, 257;
head of a new confederacy, 321.

Ariadne, 19.

Ariaeus, 426.

Ariobarzanes, 540.

Arion, 131, 402.

Aristagoras, 163, sq.

Aristarchus, 600.

Aristides, character of, 183 ; recalled
from exile, 203 ; defeats the Persians,
•212 , organizes the confederacy of Delos,
242 , change in his views ; 245 ; death,
250

Aristippus, 595.

Aristocrates, 76.

Aristodemus of Messenia, 74.

Aristodemus of Sparta, 226.

Aristogeiton (v. Harmodius).

Aristophanes, his politics, 302 ; account
of, 408, sq.

Aristophanes of Byzantium, 600.

Aristomenes of Messenia, 75.

Aristotle, 526 ; account of, 597 ; method
and philosophy, 598.

Arrian, 601.

Arsinoe, 566.

Art, Greek, 30 , 140, sq. ; Athenian, 380,
sq. ; Greek, 579, sq. ; decline of, 585.

Artabazus, retreat of 225

Artaphernes, 164, 173.

Artaxerxes, 249, 420.

Artemisia, 206 ; her prowess, 211.

Artemisium, battle of, 199.

Asia Minor, Greek colonies in, 35.

Asopius, 299

Aspasia, 279.

Assyrian empire, 152.

Astacus, 287.

Asty, the, 384.

Astyochus, 349.

Atheas, 518.

Athena, 20 ; statue of, 395.

Athenian navy, 299.

Athenians, divided into four classes, 97 ;
assist the lonians, 166 ; war with
^gina, 181 ; abandon Athens, 202 ;
reject the Persian alliance, 217 ; consti-
tution more democratic, 245 ; form an
alliance with Argos, 257 ; assist Inarus,
258 ; defeat the ^ginetans, 250 ; con-
quer Bceotia, 261 ; reduce ^gina, ib. ;
lose their power in Bceotia, 263 ; des-
potic power of, 271 ; make peace with
Persia, 262 ; conclude a thirty years'
truce with Sparta, 264 ; subjugate
Samos, 271 ; form an alliance with
Corcyra, 275 ; their allies and resources
in the Peloponnesian Avar, 283 ; their
fleet annoys the Peloponnesus, 287 ;
ravage the Megarid, ih. ; their decree
against the Mytileneans, 302 ; take
Pylus, 307 ; expedition against Bceotia,
315 ; conclude a ti'uce with Sparta, 318 ;
peace of Nicias, 320 ; refuse to evacuate
Pylus, 322 ; treaty with Argos, 324 ;
conquer Melos, 327 ; massacre the in-
habitants, 328; interfere in Sicilian
affairs, ib. ; expedition to Sicily, 329 ;
progress of, 333 ; insult the coasts of
Laconia, 340 ; send a fresh fleet to
Sicily, 341 ; defeated at sea by the Sy-
racusans, 342 ; retreat from Syracuse,
343 ; defeated by the Lacedsemonians off
Eretria, 356 ; gain a naval victory at
Cynossema, 358 ; at Abydus, 359 ; at
Cyzicus, 360 ; regain possession of the
Bosporus, lb. ; totally defeated at ^gos-
potami, 368 ; ally themselves with
Thebes, 444 ; form a league with Cor-
inth and Argos against Sparta, 445 ;
lose the command of the Hellespont,
454 ; head of a new confederacy, 463 ;
declare war against Sparta, ib. ; peace
with Sparta, 468 ; form an alliance with
the Peloponnesian States, 474 ; send an
embassy to Persia, 479 ; support Alex-
ander of Pherse, 480 ; their desire to
seize Corinth, 481 ; reviving maritime
power of, 482 ; deceived by Philip, 504 ;
coahtion against, 505 ; send an embassy
to him, 512 ; court Philip, 513 ; send a
fleet to relieve Byzantium, 517 ; their
alarm at the approach of Philip, 519 ;
prostrated by the battle of Chaeronea,
520 ; their piratical expedition to Oropus,
577 , condemned in 500 talents by the
Romans, ib.

Athens, its origin, 15, 19 ; early consti-
tution of, 90 ; taken by the Persians,
205 ; second occupation of, by the Per-
sians, 218 ; rebuUding of, 244 ; long
walls of, 259 ; incipient decline of,
263 ; crowded state of, during the Pe-
loponnesian war, 286 ; plague at, 288 ;
dismay at, 347 ; oligarchy established
at, 353 ; invested by the Peloponne-
sians, 371 ; famine at, ib. ; surrender
of, 372 ; Spartan garrison at, 374 ;
democracy restored at, 379 ; description
of the city, 382, sq. ; origin of its name,
383 ; rebuilt, 384 ; walls, ib. ; harbours,
'ib. ; streets, &c., 385; population, ib. ;

646

HISTORY OF GREECE.

long walls rebuilt, 447 ; capnired by 1
Demetrius, 565 i

Atbos, Mount, canal at, 1S7. |

Attaginus, 226.

AtticT tribes, four, 89 ; increased to ten,
108.

Attica, 5 ; early liistory of, 88 ; three fac-
tions in, 95.

B.

Babylon, 153 ; taken by Cyrus, 158 ; sub-
mits to Alexander, 539.

Babylonians, the, 153 ; Aristophanes"
comedy of, 302.

Bacchiadae, oligarchy of the, 3S3.

Bacchyhdes, 233.

Bad, the, 85.

Barbarian, meaning of the term, 48.

Barca, 124.

Bards, ancient, 30.

BardyUs, 502.

Basileus, what, 26.

Belus, temple of, 539.

Bessus. 541 ; put to death, 543.

Bias, 135.

Bion, 600.

Boar's grave, battle at the, 76.

Bceotarchs. restored, 461.

Bceotia, description of, 5. I

Boeotians, immigration of the, 32 ; their '
confederacy restored, 466.

Boges, 243. '

Bosporus, Athenian toU at the, 360. i

BouU, 26. \

Brasidas, 30S ; his expedition into Thrace, j
317 ; death, 319 ; honours paid to his
memory-, 320.

Brennus, 567.

Bribery among the Greeks, 199.

Br%-as, 327.

Bucephala, founded by Alexander. 546.

Byzantines, erect a statue in honour of
Athens, 51S.

Byzantium, 125 ; taken by the Athenians.
240 ; second capture of 272 : third cap-
ture of, 361 : besieged by Philip, 516 ;
reUeved by the Athenians", 518.

Cadmea, or Theban citadel, seized by the
Spartans, 45S ; recovered, 462.

Cadmus. 16.

Cadmus of Miletus, 234.

Calamis, 3S7.

CaUias, peace of, 469.

Callias of Chalcis, 517.

Callicrates, 576.

CaUicratidas, 363.

CaUimachus. 600.

Callippus, 494.

Callirrhoe, fountain of 104.

Callistratus. 463.

Callixenus, 366.

Cambunian mountains, 2.

Cambyses, 158; conquers Egypt, \b\: :
death, ib.

Canachus. 387.

Carduchi, 429.

Cameades, 596.

Caryatides, 397,

Carthaginians invade Sicily, 215, 488.

Caspian gates, 541.

Cassander, 559 ; establishes an oligarchy
at Athens, 560 , takes Pydna, ib. ; kills
Roxana and her son, 561.

Casting, art of, 148.

Catana, surprised bv the Athenians, 334.

Cathaei, 546.

Caucones, 14.

Cecropidae, 3S3.

Cecrops, 15.

Celts invade Macedonia, 567.

CephaUenia, 7, 287.

Cephissus, the, 382.

Ceramicus, the, 398.

Ceryces, the, 351.

Chabrias, 451. 463 ; defeats the Lace-
daemonian fleet at Naxos, 465 ; slain,
505.

Chaereas, 354.

Chaerephon, 417.

Chaerilus, 402.

Chaeronea, first battle of, 263 ; second
battle. 520.

Chalcedon, 361.

Chalvbes. the. 430.

Chares, 451. 505, 517.

Chares (sculptor), 585.

Charicles, 340.

Charidemus. 509.

Cliarilaus, 61.77.

Chariots of -war, 30.

Charon of Lampsacus, 234.

Charon of Thebes, 460.

Chians, revolt of the, 348.

Chileos. 219.

ChHo, 135.

Chionides, 407.

Chios, attacked by the Athenians, 505.

Chirisophus, 431.

Chremonidean -war, 56S.

Chronology, Grecian, 38.

Chr\-selephantine statuary, 395.

Cimon of Cleonae, 150.

Cimon, son of MHtiades, 242 ; his cha-
racter, 252 : assists the Lacedaemo-
nians, 255 ; banished, 257 : his sen-
tence revoked. 261 ; expedition to Cyprus
and death, 262 ; his patronage of art,
391.

Cinadon, conspiracy of, 437.

Cirrhaean plain, 51, 505.

Cithaeron. Mount, 5.

Cities, independent sovereignty of, 54.

Clearchus, 420. 425.

Clearidas, 322.

Cleippides, 29S.

Cleobulus, 135.

Cleombrotus, 462 . assists the Phocians,
466 ; invades Bceotia. 470 ; slain, 471.

Cleomenes, 106, 111, sq. 182.

Cleomenic war, 571.

Cleon, 286 ; character of, 301 ; his vio-
lence, 310 ; his expedition against
Sphacteria, 311 ; to Thrace, 319 ; flight
and death, ib.

Cleopatra, Philip's wife, 522.

Cleopatra, Philip's daughter, marries
Alexander of Epirus, 523.

Cleophon, 360.

INDEX.

647

Cleruchi, 112, 2(58.

Clisthenes of Sicyon, 83.

Clisthenes, 107 ; his reforms, 108 ; their

effects, 113.
Clitus saves Alexander's life, 531 ; killed

by Alexander, 544.
Cnemus, 291.
Cnidus, battle of, 442.
Codrus, death of, 88.
Colchians, the, 431.

Colonies, Greek, 115, sq. ; relation to the
mother country, ib. ; how founded,
116 ; mostly democratic, ib. ; in Asia
Minor, 117; in Sicily, 118; in Italy,
120 ; in Gaul and Spain, 123 ; in Africa,
124; in the Ionian Sea, ib. ; in Mace-
donia and Thrace, 125 ; progress of,
228.

Comedy, old Attic, 408 ; new, 588.

Conon, supercedes Alcibiades, 363 ; de-
feated by Callicratidas, 364 ; accepts
the command of the Persian fleet, 439 ;
occupies Caunus, 441 ; proceeds to
Babylon, 442 ; defeats the Spartan fleet
at Cnidus, ib. ; reduces the Spartan
colonies, 447 ; takes Cythera, ib. ; re-
builds the long walls of Athens, 448 ;
seized by Tiribazus, 451.

Copais, lake, 5.

Corax, 5.

CorcjTa, 7, 124 ; troubles in, 304 ; mas-
sacre at, 313 ; defended by an Athenian
fleet, 467.

Corcyraeans, quarrel with Corinth, 273 ;
send an embassy to Athens, 274.

Corinna, 231.

Corinth, 57 ; despots of, 83 ; battle of,
445 ; massacre at, 449 ; congress at,
521 ; another congress at, 527 ; destroy-
ed by Mummius, 578.

Corinthian gulf, 5.

Corinthian order, 145 ; war, 445.

Corinthians assist the Epidamnians, 274 ;
ally themselves with Argos, 449 ; con-
clude a peace with Thebes, 481.

Coronea, battle of, 446.

Corupedion, battle of, 566.

Cottyus, 519.

Cotys, 576.

Cranai, 383.

Crannon, battle of, 556.

Crantor, 596.

Crater us, 546.

Crates, 596.

Cratinus, 408.

Crete, 7, 38.

Creusis, 470.

Crimesus, battle of, 497.

Crissa, 50.

Critias, 372 ; seizes Salamis and Eleusis,
377 ; slain, 378.

Crito, 418.

Critolaus, 578.

Croesus, 150, 154 ; fall of, 157.

Croton, 120.

Cryptia, 64.

Cumag, 118.

Cunaxa, battle of, 424.

Cyclades, 7.

Cyclic poets, 40.

Cyclopean walls, 142.

Cyllene, Mount, 6.

Cylon, conspiracy of, 92.

Cynics, the, 596.

Cynosarges, the, 596.

Cynoscephalae, battle of, 482.

Cynuria, 78.

Cj-pselus, 83.

Cyrenaic sect, 595.

Cyrene, 124.

Cyrus, empire of, 155; captures Sardis,

156 ; takes Babylon, 158 ; death, ib.
CjTus the younger, arrives on the coast,

362 ; his expedition against his brother

Artaxerxes, 420 ; march, 422, sq. ; slain,

425.
Cythera, 7.
Cyzicus, 117, 359; recovered by the

Athenians, 360.

D.

Daedalus, 148.

Damocles, story of, 490.

Danae, 15.

Danai, 15.

Danaus, 15, 18.

Darius, 159 ; his administration, 161 ;
Thracian expedition of, ib. ; extorts the
submission of the Macedonians, 162 ;
death, 186.

Darius Codomanus, defeated by Alexander
at Issus, 533 ; overthrown by Alexander
at Arbela, 539 ; murdered, 543.

Datis, 173.

Decarchies, Spartan, 370, 437.

Decelea, 340.

Delium, Athenian expedition against, 315 ;
battle of, 316.

Delos, confederacy of, 241 ; tribute, 269 ;
synod removed to Athejis, 270 ; lustra-
tion of, 307.

Delphi, temple of, 50; oracle, 54; taken
by the Phocians, 506 , oracle of concern-
ing Philip, 523.

Demades, 557.

Demaratiis, 182.

Demes, Attic, 108.

Demetrias, Athenian tribe, 562.

Demetrius of Phalerus, 560 ; character of,
561 ; retires to Thebes, 562.

Demetrius Poliorcetes, 561 ; besieges
Salamis, 562 ; besieges Rhodes, ib. ;
takes Athens, 565 ; king of Macedon,
ib. ; death, 566.

Demetrius of Pharos, 572.

Demiurgi, 20.

Democracy, 80 ; Athenian, progress of,
301.

Demosthenes (general), 307, 311.

Demosthenes (orator), account of, 508;
Philippics, ib. ; first, 509 ; Olynthiacs,
510 ; embassy, 512 ; second Philippic,

515 ; oration on the Peace, ib. ; mission
into Peloponnesus, ib. ; third Philippic,

516 ; oration on the Chersonese, ib. ;
presented with a golden crown, 517 ;
goes envoy to Thebes, 519 ; fights at
Chaeronea, 520 ; his conduct after
PhUip's death, 526 ; proposes religious
honours for Philip's assassin, ib. ; his
opinion of Alexander, 527 ; exertions

648

HISTORY OF GEEECE.

to rouse Greece, ib. ; embassy to Alex-
ander, ib. ; accused by ^scMnes —
speech on the Crown, 554 ; condemned
of corruption, 555 ; recalled from exile,
556 ; demanded by Antipater, 557 ;
escapes to Calaurea, ib. ; death, ib ;
character as an orator, 592.

Dercyllidas, 438, 447.

Diacria, 95.

Diaeus, 577.

Diasia, 93.

Dicasteries, 256.

Dinarchus, 593.

Diodes, 487.

Diodorus Siculus, 601.

Diodotus, 303.

Diogenes, his interview with Alexander,
527.

Dion, 489 ; patriotic projects of, 491 ;
exiled, 492 ; takes Syracuse, 493 ; as-
sassinated, 494.

Dion Cassius, 601.

Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Sy-
racuse, 488, sq. ; death and character,
490.

Dionysius the younger, 490 ; expelled by
Dion, 493 ; retires to Corinth, 496.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 601.

Dionysus, theatre of, at Athens, 397.

Diopithes, 516.

Dithyramb, invention of the, 132; the
source of tragedy, 402.

Dodona, oracle of, 14.

Dorcis, 241.

Dorians, 12, 13 ; in Peloponnesus, 32 ;
migrations of the, 37 ; three tribes of, 62.

Doric Hexapolis, 37 ; order, 144.

Doris, 5.

Dorus, 12.

Draco, laws of, 92.

E.

Ecclesia, the, 109.

Education, Spartan, 66 ; Athenian, 413.

Egestaeans, the, deceive theAthenians, 329.

Egypt, its influence on Greece, 15.

Eion, Athenian colony at, 253.

Eisphora, the, 463.

Elea, founded, 158.

Eleans, 34 ; attack the Arcadians at
Olympia, 483.

Eleusinians, condemned to death by the
3000 at Athens, 378.

Eleutheria, festival of, 227.

Elis, 7, 57 ; reduced by the Spartans, 435.

Embassy of the three philosophers to
Rome, 577.

Embroidery, 30.

Ennea Hodoi, 253.

Epaminondas, 460; named Bceotarch,
461 ; his character, 464 ; embassy to
Sparta, 468; military genius of; defeats
the Spartans at Leuctra, 471 ; invades
Laconia, 475 ; establishes the Arcadian
contederation, and restores the Messe-
nians, 476 ; again invades Peloponnesus,
478 ; saves the Theban army, 480 ; res-
cues Pelopidas, ib. ; naval expedition of,
482 ; last invasion of Peloponnesus, 484 ;
death of, 486.

Epariti, 476.

Epeans, 34.

Ephesus, 117.

Ephetae, 92.

EphiaUes, 195.

Ephialtes (the friend of Pericles), 256.

Ephors, 64 ; power of the, 65.

Epic poetry, 40.

Epicharmus, 401.

Epicnemidian Locrians, 5.

Epicurean sect, 596.

Epicurus, 565, 590.

Epidamnus, 125, 273.

Epidaurus, 7.

Epigoni, 22.

Epimenides, 94.

Epipolae, 337.

Epirus, 4.

Epitadas, 311.

Epyaxa, 422.

Equals, Spartan, 438.

Erectheum, 268.

Eretria, capture of, 174.

Eteocles, 22.

Euaephnus, 73.

Euboea, 7 ; revolt from Athens, 264 ;
second revolt of, 356.

Euboic scale, 59.

Euclides, archon, 380,

Euclides of Megara, 595.

Euclides of Alexandria, 600.

Eudamidas, 458.

Eumenes, 553.

Eumenes, King of Pergamus, 576.

Eumenides of ^schylus, 256.

Eumenides, cave of the, 398.

Eumolpidae, 335, 351.

EupatridcB, 20; nature of their govern-
ment, 91.

Euphaes, 73.

Euphranor, 581.

Euphrates, surveyed by order of Alex-
ander, 550.

Eupolis, 408.

Eupompus, 582.

Euripides, account of, 406 ; character as a
poet, 407.

Euripides the younger, 587.

Eurybiades, 193.

Eurydice, 560.

Eurotas, 7.

Eurymedon, battle of the, 252.

Eur)'medon, 307, 313 ; banished, 328.

Eurystheus, 18.

Evagoras, 439.

F.

Farnesian bull, 586.

Fathers, Greek, 603.

Few, the, 266.

' Five Thousand,' the, 353, 355.

Flaminius, T. Q., 575.

' Four Hundred,' Athenian Senate or

Council of, 98 ; enlarged to five hundred,

109 ; their judicial power abrogated,

256.
' Four Hundred,' conspiracy of the, 353 ;

put down, 356.
Franchise, Athenian, restricted, 380.
Freemen, 27.

INDEX.

649

a

Galatia, 567,

Galen, 602.

Gargaphia, fountain of, 220.

Gaugamela, battle of (v, Arbela),

Gelon of Syracuse, 192, 215.

Generals, 10 Athenian condemned, 367.

Geomon, 20, 80, 89.

Geranean mountains, 5.

Gerusia, Spartan, 65.

Good, the, 85.

Gordian knot, the, 542.

Gorgias, 328, 414, 590.

Government, in the heroic age, 25.

Granicus, battle of the, 531.

Graphe paranomon, repealed, 353.

Greece, form of, 2 ; physical features of,
7, sq. ; climate, 9, sq. ; products, ib. ;
reduced to a Roman province, 578.
Greek language, 13, 48 ; history, early,
48.

Greeks, character of the, 8 ; causes which
united them, 48 ; disunion of, on the
approach of Xerxes, 191 ; celebrate
the battle of Salamis, 214 ; expedition
of the Ten Thousand, 422 ; retreat of,
426, sqq. ; arrive at the Euxine, 430 ; at
Byzantium, 432.

Gyges, 153.

Gylippus, arrives in Sicily, 339 ; captures
the fort of Labdalum, ib.

H.

Hamilcar, 215.

Hannibal, 572.

Harmodius and Aristogilon, conspiracy of,
105.

Harmosts, Spartan, 370, 437.

Harpagus, 158.

Harpalus, 554.

Hecatasus, 165, 234.

Hegias, 387.

Helen, 22.

Heliffia, 110.

Helicon, 5.

Hellanicus, 234.

Hellanodicae, 51.

Hellas, 2.

HeUen, 12.

Hellenes, 2.

HellenotamisB, 242.

Hellespont, bridge over the, 187.

Helots, origin of, 34 ; condition, 63 ; re-
volt of, 254 ; massacre of, 314.

Hephaestion, 546 ; marries Drypetis, 548 ;
death, 549.

Heraclidae, return of the, 32.

Heraclitus, 136.

Hercules, 18.

HermaB, mutilated, 330.

Hermione, 7.

Hermippus, 279.

Hermocrates, 328, 487.

Hermolaus, 545.

Herodotus, 235 ; account of his work, 236,
sq. ; at Thurii, 269.

Heroes, 17.

Heroic age, 18 ; manners of, 27, sq.

Hesiod, 127.

Hetaerae, 279.

Hicetas, 494, 496.

Hiero of Syracuse, 231, 232.

Hieromnemon, 49.

Hipparchus, 104 ; assassinated, 105.

Hipparinus, 494,

Hippias, 104 ; expelled from Athens, 106,

Hippocrates, 315.

Hippodamus of Miletus, 384,

Histiaeus of Miletus, 162 ; crucified, 168.

History, rise of, 233.

Homer, 39 ; his identity, 41 ; date, ib. *

Homeric poems, their value, 24 ; preserva-
tion of, 42 ; arranged by Pisastratus, 43 ;
poetical unity of, 46.

Horologium, the, 585.

Hyperbolus, murdered, 351.

Hyperides, 555, 593.

Hyphasis, the, 546.

Iambic verse, 129.

Ibycus, 233.

Ictinus, 263, 394.

Ilissus, 382.

Ilium, or Troy, 23.

Inaros, revolt of, 358.

Ion, 12.

Ionia, subjugated by the Persians, 170.

lonians, 12, 13 ; four tribes of, 89 ; revolt
of the, 165 ; defection from Sparta, 241.

Ionic migration, 36.

Ionic order, 145.

lophon, 587.

Iphitus, 51.

Iphicrates, tactics of, 450 ; successes of,
541 ; recalled, ib. ; defeats the Lacedae-
monians near Abydus, 453; indicted, 505.

Ipsus, battle of, 563.

Ira, fortress of, 76.

Isaeus, 591.

Isagoras, 107, 111.

Ismenias, 479, 480.

Isocrates, 591.

Issus, battle of, 533.

Isthmian games, 50, 51, 53.

Ithaca, 7.

Ithome, becomes subject to Sparta, 74 ;
Mount, 476.

J.

Jason, 20.

Jason of Pherffi, 472 ; assassinated, 473.

Jerusalem, Alexander's reported visit to,

537.
Jocasta, 21.
Josephus, 601.
Jove, temple of, at Olympia, 399.

K.

Kings, Grecian, 25.

Knights, Athenian, 97.

Knights of Aristophanes, extract from, 409.

Lacedaemonians (v. Sparta).
Lacedaemonius, 275.

2F

650

HISTORY OF GREECE.

Lachares, 565.

Laconia, 7 ; reduced by the Spartans, 71 ;
northern frontier of, 77.

Laconizers, what, 257.

Lade, battle of, 168.

Laevinus, M. Val., 572.

Laius, 21.

Lamachus, 329; advises an attack on
Syracuse, 333 ; slain, 338.

Lamian war, 556.

Lampsacus, 367.

Laocoon, 586.

Larissa, 429.

Lasus of Hermione, 230.

Laurium, 9 ; silver mines at, 183.

Legends, heroic, their value, 24.

Leleges, 14.

Leonidas, 194 ; his death, 196.

Leonnatus, 553.

Leontiades, 458.

Leontines, 328.

Leotychides, 182, 227 ; treachery of, 254.

Leosthenes, 555.

Lesbos, confiscation of, 303; revolt of,
348.

Lesche, at Delphi, 390.

Leucas, 125.

Leuctra, battle of, 471.

Lichas, 349.

Literature, Greek, history of, 126, 229,
400, 587 ; revival of in the West, 603.

Locrians, 5 ; Epizephyrian, 121.

Locris, 6.

Long walls, Athenian, 384 ; rebuilt, 448.

Lucian, 602.

Lycabettus, 382.

Lycambes, 129.

Lyceum, 399, 597.

Lycians, destruction of the, 158.

Lycomedes, king, 20.

Lycomenes of Mantinea, 474, 477 ; defeats
the Spartans, 478, 480.

Lycon, 417.

Lycophron, 84,

Lycortas, 575.

Lycurgus (legislator), 60.

Lycurgus (orator), 593.

Lydian monarchy, 153.

Lygdamis, 103, 235.

Lyric poetry, 128 ; occasions of, 129 ; de-
velopment of, 229.

Lysander, appointed Navarchus, 362 ;
Epistoleus, 367 ; intrusted by Cyrus
with his satrapy, ib. ; his proceedings
after the victory of uEgospotami, 370 ;
blockades Piraeus, ib. ; takes possession
of Athens, 372 ; establishes the Thirty
Tyrants, 373 ; triumph, ib. ; honours,
377 ; re-enters Athens, 378 ; his ambi-
tious schemes, 436 ; despatched to the
Hellespont, 440 ; expedition into Bceotia,
444 ; slain, ib.

Lycias, 269, 591 .

Lysicles, 521.

Lysicrates, choragic monument of, 584.

Lysimachus, 553, 566 ; slain, 567.

Lysippus, 582.

M.

Macedonia, description of, 500.

Macedonian empire, partition of, 5j3 ;

overthrow, 576.
Macedonians, their origin, 501.
Machanidas, 573.
Macrones, the, 431.
Magi, 153.
Magna Graecia, 120 ; causes of the decline

of its cities, 123.
Magon, 496.
Malian Gulf, 4.
Malii, the, 546.
Mantinea, 57 ; battle of, 326 ; taken by the

Spartans, 385 ; rebuilt, 474 ; battle of,

485 ; third battle of, 573.
Mantineans, invoke the aid of Sparta

against the Thebans, 484.
Marathon, battle of, 176.
Mardians subdued by Alexander, 542.
Mardontes, 227. '
Mardonius, 171 ; adroit flattery of, 212 ;

negotiations with the Athenians, 217 ;

marches against Athens, 218 ; retreats,

219; death, 224.
Masistius, 220.
Massagetae, 158.
Massalia, 123.
Mausoleum, the, 580, 584.
Mausolus, 505.
Mazaeus, 540.
Medea, 21.
Medes, the, 152.
Media, wall of, 427.
Medon, first Athenian archon, 88.
Megabazus, 162.
Megabyzus, 258.
Megacles, 83, 93, 101, 103.
Megalopolis founded, 476 ; battle of, 553.
Megara, 57 ; revolutions of, 85 ; long walls

at, 257 ; revolts from Athens, 264 ;

complains of Athens, 277 ; Athenian

expedition against, 314.
Megaric sect, 595.
Megaris, 5.
Melcart, 539.
Melesander, 292.
Meletus, 417.
Melos, 327.
Menalcidas, 577.
Menander, 588.
Mende, 318.
Menelaus, 22.
Menon, 428.
Messene, 58.
Messene founded, 476 ; taken by L) cortas,

575.
Messenia, 7.
Messenian war, first, 73 ; second, 75 ,

third, 254.
Messenians conquered by the Spartans,

74 ; subjugated, 77.
Mespila, 429.
Methone, 507.
Metellus, 578.
Meton, 330.

Miletus, 117; fall of, 169; revoll of, 348.
Milo the Crotoniate, 121.
Miltiades, 174; accusation and death of,

180.
Mindarus, 358.
Minos, 18, 20.
Minotaur, 19.

IXDEX.

661

Minyans, 38.
Mnaseas, 511.
Mnasippus, 467.
Morea, 6.
Moschus, 600.
Mosyiiaeci, 432.

Muinmius, 578 ; his ignorance of art, ib.
Munychia, 384.
Museum, 382.
Mycale, battle of, 227.
Mycenffi, 13, 16; ruins of, 29, 141.
Myron, 389.
Myronides, 259.

Mytilene, naval engagement at, 364.
Mytileneans, revolt of the, 298 ; embassy
to Sparta, 299 ; capitulate, 300.

Nauclides, 281.

Naucrary, 90.

Naupactus, 33 ; taken by the Athenians,
261.

Navarchia, Spartan, 358.

Naxos, Spartan expedition against, 164 ;
revolt of, 252 ; battle of, 465.

Neapolis, 337.

Nearchus, voyage of, 547.

Nemean games, 51, 53.

Neodamodes, 64.

Nicaea, founded by Alexander, 546.

Nicias, 310 ; reduces Cythera, 314 ; con-
cludes peace w^ith Sparta, 320 ; appoint-
ed commander in Sicily, 329 ; his dilatory
proceedings there, 335 ; desponding
situation of, 340 ; indecision, 341 ; sur-
render, 344 ; death, 345 ; character, ib.

Nicostratus, 304.

Nike Apteros, temple of, 391.

Nimroud, 429.

Nineveh, 429.

Nisaeus, 494.

NobiUor, M. Fulv., 574.

Nobles, 27, 80.

o.

Oceanus, 30.

Odeum, 267, 399.

CEdipus, 21.

(Enophyta, battle of, 261.

CEta, Mount, 4.

Oligarchy, 80.

Olympia, 7 ; temple of, plundered by the
Arcadians, 484.

Olympiad, first, 12.

Olympian Jove, 14.

Olympias, 522 ; takes refuge with Alexan-
der in Epirus, 522 ; w^hether concerned
in Philip's assassination, 524 ; puts
Eurydice to death, 560 ; murdered, ib.

Olympic games, 51.

Olympus, 4.

Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes, 510.

Olynthian confederacy dissolved, 457 ; its
extent, 510.

Olynthus, 457 ; taken by the Spartans,
459.

Onatas, 387.

Onomarchus, 507.

Opuntian Locrians, 5.

Oracles, 54.

Orators, Athenian, demanded by Alex-
ander, 529 ; ten Attic, Alexandrian
canon of, 590.

Oratory, Greek, rise and progress of, 589.

Orchomenos, 326, 466, 473.

Orders of architecture, 144.

Oropus, 481, 577.

Orthagoras, 82.

Ortygia, 336.

Ossa, 4.

Ostracism, introduced by Clisthenes, IrfO.

Othryades, 78.

Otbrys, Mount, 4.

Oxyartes, 544.

Ozolian mountains, 5.

Paches, 300, 304.

Pactolus, the, 154.

Paeonians, 502.

PaBstum, 120.

Painting, origin and progress of, 150 ;
development of, 389 ; Sicyonian school
of, 582.

Pamisus, river, 7.

Pamphilus, 562.

Panathenaea, 19.

Pancratium, 52.

Pangaeus, Mount, 253, 504.

Pan-Ionic festival, 36.

Parabasis, comic, 409.

Parali, 95.

Paris, 22.

Parmenio, 537; put to death by Alex-
der, 543.

Parnassus, Mount, 5.

Parnes, Mount, 5.

Parnon, Mount, 7.

Paropamisus, 543.

Parrhasius, 391.

Partheniae, 123.

Parthenon, 267, 394.

Parysatis, queen, 427, 441.

Pasargadae, 541.

Paulus, L. ^m., 576.

Pausanias, king of Sparta, vanity and
treason of, 240; recall and impeach-
ment, 247 ; conviction and death, 248.

Pausanias (second), 378 ; expedition into
Boeotia, 444 ; condemned to death, 583.

Pausanias assassinates Philip, 523.

Pausanias (historian), 602.

Pedieis, 95.

Peers, Spartan, 438.

Pelasgians, 14.

Pelasgicon, the, 28G.

Pelion, 4.

Pelopidas, character of, 460 ; gains a
victory at Tegyra, 466 ; subdues Alex-
ander of Pherae, 478 ; imprisoned' by
Alexander, 480 ; defeats Alexander,
482; slain, 483.

Peloponnesian confederacy, meeting of,

277 ; decides for war against Athens,

278 ; war, commencement of, 283 ; in-
vasion of Attica, 285 ; Thucydides'
character of the war, 305.

Peloponnesians, attempt to surprise Pi-

652

HISTORY OF GREECR

Peloponnesus, 6.

Pelops, 16.

Peneus, 4.

Penj-ab, the, 545.

Pentacoslomedimni, 97.

Pentathlum, 52.

Perdiccas, 276.

Perdiccas (Alexander's general), 552 ;
marches against Ptolemy, 558 ; assas-
sinated, lb.

Periander, 83 ; his cruelty, 84 ; abilities
«nd power, ib. ; and Anon, 131.

Pericles, character of, 255 ; innovations
of, 256 ; his administration, 257 ; re-
duces Euboea, 264 ; plans for adorning
Athens, 267 ; his banishment demanded
by the Lacedaemonians, 279 ; pleads for
Aspasia, ib. ; persuades a war, 2S] ;
funeral oration by, 26S ; accused of pec-
ulation, 289 ; death and character, 290.

Pericles, age of, character of art in, 386.

Perinthus, siege of, 516.

Periceci, 62.

Peripatetics, 596.

Persepolis, taken and burnt by Alexan-
der, 541.

Perseus, 18.

Perseus, 575 ; defeated by the Romans, 576.

Persian Gates, 540.

Persians, 155 ; their cruelties towards
the Ionic Greeks, 169 \ invade Greece,
171 ; demand earth and water from
the Grecian States, 172 ; second inva-
sion of Greece, 173 ; land at Marathon,
174; third invasion of Greece, 188;
their number under Xerxes, 189 ; de-
struction of their fleet by a storm, 198 ;
their progress, 203 ; attack Delphi, 204 ;
take Athens, ib. ; retreat of, 214 ; their
fleet reassembles at Samos, 216.

Phoedo, Plato's, 418.

Phalanx, Macedonian, 503.

Phalaris of Agrigentimfi, 119.

Phalerum, 384.

Pharnabazus assists the Lacedaemonians,
360 ; magnanimity of, 442.

Phayllus, 507, 511.

Pherecydes of Sjtos, 234.

Phidias, 267 ; accused of peculation, 2S0 ;
his style, 388 ; his statue of the Olym-
pian Jove, 399.

Phidon, 58.

Phigalian marbles, 399.

Philemon, 588.

Philip of Macedon, carried to Thebes as a
hostage, 478 ; education of, 501 ; cha-
racter, 502 ; defeats the Illyrians, 503 ;
assumes the crown, ib. ; takes Amphi-
poUs and Pydna, 504 ; takes part in
the sacred war, 507 ; loses an eye, ib. ;
reduces Thessaly, 508 ; expedition into
Thrace, ib. ; takes Oljmthus, 511 ; oc-
cupies Delphi, 513; overruns IlhTia,
515 ; second expedition into Thrace,
516; manifesto to the Athenians, 517 ;
compelled to evacuate the Chersonese,
518 ; expedition into Scjthia, ib. ;
elected general in the war against Am-
phissa, 519 ; seizes Elatea, ib. ; defeats
the Thebans and Athenians at Chaero-
nea, 520 ; his conduct after the battle,

521 ; clemency towards Athens, j*. ;
appointed generalissimo against Persia,

522 ; chastises the Spartans, ib. ; family
feuds, lb. ; omens ot his deatli, 523 ;
assassinated, tb. , character, 524.

Philip IV., 565.

Philip v., 571 ; assists the Achaeans, 572 ;
forms an alliance with Hannibal, ib.;
defeated by the Romans, 574.

Phihp Arrhidaeus, 553.

Philippi founded, 504.

Philippics of Demosthenes, 508 ; first,
509 ; second, 515 ; third, 516.

Philocrates, 452.

Philomelus, 506 ; slain, 507.

Philopoemen, 573 ; takes Sparta, 575 ;
taken and put to death, ib.

Philosophy, Greek, origin of, 136 ; Ionic
school of, ib._; Eleatic school, 137 ;
Pythagorean school, ib. ; various
schools, 596.

Phocaeans, 158.

Phocians, 505 ; defeated by the Thebans,
507 ; reduced by Philip, 513.

Phocion, 465 • character of, 510 ; his
expedition to Euboea, 516 ; to Byzan-
tium, 517 ; his rebuke of Demosthenes,
526 ; refuses Alexander's presents, 229 ;
accusation and death, 559.

Phocis, 5.

Phcebidas, 465.

Phoenicians, 16.

Phormio, victories of, 297.

Phoros, the, 242.

Phratriffi, 90.

Phrj-ne, 581.

Phrj-nichus, 351, 355.

Phrynichus (dramatist), his Fall of Mile-
tus, 169 ; account of, 402.

PhyUidas, 460.

Phylo-basileus, 90.

Pinacotheca, 393.

Pindar, 231 ; his style, 233 ; his house
spared by Alexander, 529.

Pindus, Mount, 4.

PirjEUs fortified, 245, 268; re-fortified,
447 ; surprised by Teleutias, 453.

Pirithous, 20.

Pisa, 7.

Pisander, 442.

Pisistratus, usurpation of, 101 ; his strata-
gem, 103 ; death and character of, 104.

Pissuthnes, 271.

Piltacus, 135.

Plague at Athens, 288.

Plataea, battle of, 221 ; surprised, 2
besieged by the Peloponnesians, 2!.
surrenders, 295 ; destroyed, ib. ; .
stored by the Lacedaemonians, 4C-
again destroyed by the Thebans, 467.

Plataeans join' the Athenians, 176; ma:5-
sacre of the, 295.

Plato, visits Sicily, 489 ; sold as a slave.
490 ; second visit to Sicily, 491 ; life
of, 593 ; philosophy, 594.

Pleistoanax, 264.

Plutarch, 601.

Pnyx, the, 382. 398.

Pcecile Stoa, the, 392, 599.

Poetr}% Greek, 40.

Polemarch, 91.

INDEX.

653

Polemon, 596.

Polus of Agrigentum, 414.

Polybius, 577, 601.

Polybus, 2L

Polychares, 73.

Polycletus, 388.

Polycrates ol" Samos, 160.

Polygnotus, 389.

Polynices, 22.

Polysperchon, 558 ; expedition to PelO'

ponnesus, 560.
Porus, 545.

Potidaea, 276, 292, 457, 504.
Pratinas, 402.
Praxias, 388.

Praxitas defeats the Corinthians, 449.
Probuli, 347, 352.
Prodicus, 590.
Prodicus of Ceos, 414.
Prose composition, origin of, 233.
PropylsBa, 268, 393.
Protagoras of Abdera, 414, 590.
Prytaneum, 99.
Prytanies, 109.
Prytanis, 80.

Psammetichus of Corinth, 85.
Psyttaleia, 209.

Ptolemies, patronize learning, 600.
Ptolemy, 558 ; defeated at Salamis, 562.
Ptolemy Ceraunus, 566, 567.
Ptolemy Philadelphus, 566.
Pydna, 560 ; battle of, 576.
Pylagorae, 49.
Pylus, 307.

Pyrrhus, 565 ; king of Macedonia, 566.
Pythagoras, 121, 137.
Pythagorean clubs suppressed, 139.
Pythia, 54.
Pythian games, 51.
Pythodorus, 328.
Pythonicus, 331.

R

Rhapsodists, 42.

Rhegium, 121.

Rhetra of Lycurgus, 61.

Rhodes, 7 ; siege of, 562 ; colossus at, 585.

Rhoecus, 148.

Romans, direct their attention towards
Greece, 573 ; declare war against Philip
v., 574 ; proclaim the freedom of Greece,
ib. ; declare war against Perseus, 576 ,
spoliation of Greek works by, 586.

Royalty, abolished in Greece, 79 ; cause
of its abolition, 80.

Roxana, married by Alexander, 544 ; mur-
dered, 561.

Sacred Band, Theban. 463.

Sacred war, first, 51 ; second, 505 , bar-
barity of, 507 ; progress of, 511 ; termi-
nation, 513 ; results, 514.

Sages, the seven, 134.

Saliethus, 300, 301.

Salamis, 7 ; acquired by the Athenians,
95 ; battle of. 209.

Salamis (in C/prus), battle of, 562.

Samos, revo^ of. 271 ; subdued, ib ; its
importance to Athens, 348 ; revolutions
at, 351; subdued by Lysander, 373.

Sappho, 133.

Sardis, 153 ; burnt, 166.

Saronic gulf, 5.

Scarphea, battle of, 578.

Scione, 318.

Scopas, 220.

Scopas (sculptor), 580.

Scyros, reduction of, 242.

Scythini, the, 430.

Sedition, Solon's law respecting, 99.

Seisactheia, the, 96.

Seleucus, 558 ; founds Antioch, 563 ; suc-
ceeds to the greater part of the Macedo-
nian empire, 567 ; assassinated, ib.

Selinuntine sculptures, 149.

S^llasia, battle of, 571.

Selymbra, 125.

Sestos, reduced by the Athenians, 228.

Seuthes, 433.

Sicilian expedition, 332; termination of, 344,

Sicily, dissensions in, 328.

Sicyon, 7 ; despots in, 82.

Silver mines, 9.

Simonides of Amorgos, 130.

Simonides of Ceos, 230.

Sinope, 117.

Sisygambis, 534.

Sitalces, 287, 292, 297.

Slaves, 27.

Smerdis, 159.

Smilis, 148.

Smyrna, 36.

Social war, 504; ill effects of the, 505;
second, 572.

Socrates, at Delium, 316; his opinion of
the Sicilian expedition, 330 ; opposes
the condemnation of the ten generals,
366 ; refuses to obey the commands of
the Thirty, 374 ; summoned before them,
375; sketchof his life, 415; his teaching
and method, 416 ; how he differed from
theSophists,i6.; wisdom of, 417; unpopu-
larity and indictment of, ib. ; condemned,
lb. ; refuses to escape, 418 ; death, ib.

Sogdiana, fortress of, taken, 544.

Solhum, 287.

Solon, 94 ; legislation of, 96 ; supposed
interview with Crcesus, 100 ; laws of,
brought down into the Agora, 256.

Sophists, prohibited from teaching, 375 ,
description of the, 413.

Sophocles, at Samos, 272 , account of, 405 ;
character as a poet, 406.

Sparta, 13, 57 ; landed property in, 69 ,
power of, 78 ; head of the Grecian States,
172 ; earthquake at, 253 ; allies of in the
Peloponnesian war, 283 ; introduction
of gold and silver at, 437 ; league against,
445 ; congress at, 467 ; rapid fall of, 474 ;
entered by Epaminondas, 485 ; taken by
Antigonus Doson, 571 ; taken by Philo-
pcemen, 575.

Spartan constitution, 62 ; tribes, ib. ; ed-
ucation, 66 ; women, 68 ; money, 70 ;
fleet totally defeated at Cyzicus, 360,
mora defeated by Iphicrates, 450.

Spartans, make war on Arcadia, 77 ;
alone retain their kings, 79 ; overthrow
the despots. 82 ; send an embassy to Cy-
rus, 157 ; conduct of, at Thermopylae,
195 , selfish conduct of, 202 ; their apa-

654

HISTORY OF GREECE.

thy, 218 ; dismiss the Athenians, 255 :
oppose the Athenians in Bceona, 260;
require the Athenians to withdraw the
decree against Megara, 250 ; invade At-
tica, 2S5~ reject the advances of Alcibi-
ades, 323 ; send an embassy to Athens,
lb. ; invade Argos, 325 ; force the Ar-
gives to an alliance. 32T ; establish them-
selves at Decelea, 340 ; invade Elis, 435 ;
duration of their supremacy, ib. ; assist
the Phocians against the Thebans. 444 .
defeated at Hairanus, ib. ; lose their col-
onies, 447 : proclaim the independence
of the Boeotian cities, 456 ; garrison Or-
chomenus and Thespiae, ib. ; assist
AmjTitas against the Olj-nthians, 457 ;
height of their power, 459 ; expelled
from Bceotia, 466 ; attack CorcjTa, 467 ,
solicit the aid of the Athenians, 477 ; de-
feat the Arcadians. 47S ; send an embassy
to Persia. 479 ; excluded from the Am'-
phictyonic council, 513 ; attempt to
throw oflf the Macedonian yoke, 553 ;
their decline and degradation, 569 ; call
In the Romans, 578.

Speusippus. 596.

Sphacteria, blockaded, 309 ; captured, 312.

Sphodrias, 462.

Sporades. 7.

Statira, 534, 54S; murdered by Roxana, 553.

Statuarv", 30 ; progress of, 148 : schools
of, 149, 3S7, 579.

Stesichorus, 132.

Sthenelaidas, 278.

Stoics, 596.

Strabo, 601.

Strategi, Athenian, 110.

Stratonice, 565.

Sunium, fortified, 347.

Susa, treasures at, 540.

Susarion, 402.

Sybans, its luxury, 120; destroved, 121.

Sybarites, 269.

Sybota, naval battle off, 275.

Syennesis, 422.

tiyntaxis, the, 463.

Syracusans, their vigorous defence, 336.

Syracuse, 118: description of, 336; naval
battle at, 340 ; engagement in the Great
Harbour of, 342 ; constitution of, 487.

Syssitia, 68, 438.

" Table Companions," the, 425.

Taenartun, 7.

Tanagra, battle of, 260.

Taochi. the. 430.

Tarentum, 123.

Taygetus. Mount, 7.

Tearless battle, the, 478.

Tegea. 57 ; reduced by the Spartans, 78.

Teleclus, 73.

Teleutias, 452, 453.

Temenus. 58.

Tempe. 4 ; pass of. 192.

Temples, Greek, description of, 143 ; of
Diana at Ephesus, 146 ; of Juno at Sa-
mos, 147 : of Delphi, ib.; of the Ol.vm-
pian Jove. ib. : at Paestum, ib. ; at Se-
linus, lb. , in .Egina, ib.

expedition and retreat

" Ten Thousand,
of the, 419, sqq.

•• Ten Thousand.'* the Arcadian, 476.

Teos. revolt of. 348.

Terillus, 215.

Terpander, 128.

Tetralogies, 403.

Thais, 541.

Thales of Miletus. 136.

Thasos, reduced. 253.

Theagenes of Megara, S5.

Thebans. surprise Plataea, 281 ; expel king
Agis from Aulis, 440 ; invade Phocis,
444 : form an alliance with Athens, iZ>. ;
forced into Lacedsemonian alliance, 459 ;
rise of their ascendency, 473 ; defeated
by Alexander of Pherae, 480: fit out a fleet,
482 ; their proceedings at Tegea, 484 ;
ally themselves with the Athenians
against Philip, 519 ; humbled by Philip,
521 ; rise against the Macedonians, 528.

Thebes, Seven against, 22.

Thebes, 16; reduced by Pausanias, 227; lib-
erated from the Spartans, 461 : declared
head of Greece by the Persians, 479 ; de-
stroyed. 529 ; restored by Cassander, 560.

Themistocles proposes a fleet, 182 ; his
character. 183 ; his advice to fight at
Salamis, 206 ; his stratagem to bring
on an engagement, 207 ; his message to
Xerxes, "213 ; his rapacity, ib. ; re-
warded by the Spartans. 214 ; his views,
243, sq. ; goes ambassador to Sparla,
244 ; corruption of. 246 ; ostracised, ib. ;
flight, 248 ; reception in Persia, 249 ;
death, ib. ; tomb, 250.

Theocritus, 600.

Theodorus of Samos, 148.

Theognis, 85.

Theopompus, 74.

Theramenes, 355, 371, 373 ; his death. 375.

Thermopylae. 4 : pass of, 193 ; battle of. 195.

Theron of Asrri^entum, 215.

Thespis, 229", 402.

Theseum, the, 392.

Theseus, 18, 19, 88 ; bones of brotight to
Athens, 242.

Thessalians, 32.

Thessaly, 4 , submits to Xerxes, 192.

Thesmothetae, 91.

Thessalus, 335.

Thetes, 27, 97, 245.

Thimbron, 433, 438 ; defeat and death, 452.

Thirty years' truce, 264.

Thirty Tyrants at Athens, 373 ; pro-
scription of the, 374 ; defeated by
Thrasybulus, 377 ; deposed by the
Spartans. 379.

Thrasvbulus of Miletus, 84.

Thrasybulus, 354 ; takes Phyle, 377 ;
seizes Piraeus, 378 ; defeats the Thirty,
lb. ; defeated by Pausanias, 379 ;
marches into Athens, ib. ; commands an
Athenian fleet, 452; restores the Athenian
power in the Hellespont, ib. ; slain, ib.

ThrasvUus, 354.

Thras>-melidas, 308.

Thucydides (states.), 265; ostracised, 267.

Thucydides (the historian), in Thrace,
318'; banished, ib. ; account of. 410 : his
hi.5tor\-. 4 1 1

INDEX.

665

Thurii, 236, 269.

Thyrea, reduced, 314.

Tigranes, 227.

Timocrates, 443.

Timogenidas, 226.

Timolaus, 445.

Timoleon, character of, 494 ; expedition
to Sicily, 495 ; defeats the Cartha-
ginians, 497 ; becomes a Syracusan
citizen, 498.

Timotheus, 463 ; his success on the west-
ern coasts of Thrace, 465 ; attacks Za-
cynthus, 466, successful naval expedition
of, 482 ; indicted and condemned, 505.

Tiribazus, 429,451.

Tiryns, remains of, 29, 141.

Tissaphernes, 348 ; 359, 420, 428 ; attacks
the Ionian cities, 438; beheaded, 441.

Tithraustes, 441, 443.

Tolmides, 261, 263.

Torone, 318.

Tragedy, Greek, origin of, 402.

Trapezus, 431.

"Treasury" of Atreus, 142.

Triparadisus, treaty of, 558.

Trilogies, 403.

Triphylian cities, 474, 479.

Trittys, 90.

Troezen, 7.

Trojan expedition, 22.

Troy captured, 24.

Tyche, 337.

Tyrant, value of the term, 81.

Tyre, besieged by Alexander, 536.

Tyrtaeus, 75, 130.

u.

Ulysses, 22.
Uxians, the, 540.

Venus de' Medicis, 586.

w.

Wolf, Homeric theory of, 44
Writing, use of, 44.

X.

Xanthian marbles, 149.

Xanthippus, 180 ; recovers the Thrdciaii
Chersonese, 228.

Xenocrates, 596.

Xenophanes, 137.

Xenophon, account of, 412; his works,
ib. ; accompanies Cyrus, 422 ; his
dream, 428 ; saluted General of the Ten
Thousand, ib. ; returns to Athens, 433 ;
joins Agesilaus, 446.

Xerxes, character of, 186 ; subdues Egypt,
lb. ; chastises the Hellespont, 187 ;
marches towards Greece, 188 ; reviews
his troops, ib. ; crosses the Hellespont,
189 ; number of his host, ib. ; takes
Athens, 209 ; his alarm and retreat, 212.

Xuthus, 12.

Zacynthus, 7.

Zaleucus, laws of, 121 ; suicide, 12S.

Zea, 384.

Zeno, 598.

ZeugitfB, 97.

Zeus Eleutheri&s, 226.

Zeuxis, 390.

Zoroaster, 153.

Calliope, the Muse of Epic Poetr3 ,
THE END.

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